A History of New Lombards
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Table of Contents
Introduction
Book 1: The Treason
Part I: Investiture
Part II: Imprisonment
Part III: The Regency Council
Part IV: Realpolitik
Part V: Rise and Fall
Part VI: Divided they Fall
Part VII: Youth and Vigor
Part VIII: Suicide
Introduction
Book 1: The Treason
Part I: Investiture
Part II: Imprisonment
Part III: The Regency Council
Part IV: Realpolitik
Part V: Rise and Fall
Part VI: Divided they Fall
Part VII: Youth and Vigor
Part VIII: Suicide
Last edited:
Introduction
The Idea of the Self is one which prevails through human history. No matter the time, the place or the circumstances, the self exists. In our modern world, under the rather stern gaze of our recent history, the self has become, on a historical stage, entangled with the ideas of Nationalism and Jingoism. We see racism, classicism and other forms of bigotry as the manifestations of what the “self” can do to others. A historical self-awareness has become, in the words of Einstein, the “measles of the human race.” Since the failure of the Wilsonian vision for post-war Europe, the belief in the individual nature of a nation’s image has become vilified. We have replaced National Sovereignty with Unity, and Nationalism with Globalism. In all of this the idea of the “self” in history, be it Nationalism, cultural confirmation or a myriad of other forms, has become code for th evils of modernity in a Freudian sense. We become constrained by the trappings of our modern world, and our Identity is thrust upon his, regardless of the damage done.
In an approach to an individual in history, or a single period or event, the idea of the self can become cliché. The study of Charlemagne the man does little to give us a glimpse into the mind of the Franks. Far more enlightening to the Historian should be the study of how it came to be that men from across the world (as they knew it) could go from being citizens of Rome, to loyal Franks, in a matter of a few hundred years. It would be as if the American people, 200 from now, were to consider themselves Chinese. It is not merely a coincidence that the Holy Roman Empire, styled as it was after the old Empire of Rome, was ruled by the very Germanic peoples who brought old Rome to its knees. The cycle of identity is revolutionary to say the least. The back and forth of identity in history is key to understanding the shape of our modern world, because it is from history that identity descends.
So the question that must now be asked is why? Why approach a topic like the birth of an identity in a time when identities are become passé? Why, when taking this topic, do we look in the midst of a period which has become so stereotypically associated with a lack of identity? History, in the popular sense, paints the middle ages as a homogenous blob. Counts, Dukes, Barons and Kings all become interchangeable. We would be seen as not far wrong if we merely addressed much of Western Europe as “Frankish Europe” and the history of the period as singular. Many have argued that the history of any one point in Europe during this period is really without excessive merit. The lives of petty lords who used their power to play games of politics and war does not make for particular sympathetic history. And, frankly, not that much is known about the average life of the people. But with what we do know, and with the knowledge of the events which occurred (or at least, and in some cases because of, the opinions of those who recorded the events), we can piece together a window into the world itself.
This is not some world of mono-culture, where the easy divide of Catholic and Not, or European and Not, could place you in history. Instead it was one of vast change, a realm and a world where the concepts of the self became more and more stark. While these ideas would not blossom into fruition until well into the modern era, they took root here. The middle ages, and more specifically the period of the 11th through the 15th century, represents the greatest period of self-awareness on a National scale. And while there were no nation-states, especially in the modern sense, there were distinct peoples. A man from Naples may share a religion and a certain shared identity with a man from Saxony, he was hardly the same person. That is what this history will endeavor to show. The New Lombards are a distinct people, forged in the image of their pre-Carolingian ancestors as rebels to the Crown of Rome. While we must rely on the events and people of history to tell our story, it is a story of a People. And these people are the Lombards.
The Idea of the Self is one which prevails through human history. No matter the time, the place or the circumstances, the self exists. In our modern world, under the rather stern gaze of our recent history, the self has become, on a historical stage, entangled with the ideas of Nationalism and Jingoism. We see racism, classicism and other forms of bigotry as the manifestations of what the “self” can do to others. A historical self-awareness has become, in the words of Einstein, the “measles of the human race.” Since the failure of the Wilsonian vision for post-war Europe, the belief in the individual nature of a nation’s image has become vilified. We have replaced National Sovereignty with Unity, and Nationalism with Globalism. In all of this the idea of the “self” in history, be it Nationalism, cultural confirmation or a myriad of other forms, has become code for th evils of modernity in a Freudian sense. We become constrained by the trappings of our modern world, and our Identity is thrust upon his, regardless of the damage done.
In an approach to an individual in history, or a single period or event, the idea of the self can become cliché. The study of Charlemagne the man does little to give us a glimpse into the mind of the Franks. Far more enlightening to the Historian should be the study of how it came to be that men from across the world (as they knew it) could go from being citizens of Rome, to loyal Franks, in a matter of a few hundred years. It would be as if the American people, 200 from now, were to consider themselves Chinese. It is not merely a coincidence that the Holy Roman Empire, styled as it was after the old Empire of Rome, was ruled by the very Germanic peoples who brought old Rome to its knees. The cycle of identity is revolutionary to say the least. The back and forth of identity in history is key to understanding the shape of our modern world, because it is from history that identity descends.
So the question that must now be asked is why? Why approach a topic like the birth of an identity in a time when identities are become passé? Why, when taking this topic, do we look in the midst of a period which has become so stereotypically associated with a lack of identity? History, in the popular sense, paints the middle ages as a homogenous blob. Counts, Dukes, Barons and Kings all become interchangeable. We would be seen as not far wrong if we merely addressed much of Western Europe as “Frankish Europe” and the history of the period as singular. Many have argued that the history of any one point in Europe during this period is really without excessive merit. The lives of petty lords who used their power to play games of politics and war does not make for particular sympathetic history. And, frankly, not that much is known about the average life of the people. But with what we do know, and with the knowledge of the events which occurred (or at least, and in some cases because of, the opinions of those who recorded the events), we can piece together a window into the world itself.
This is not some world of mono-culture, where the easy divide of Catholic and Not, or European and Not, could place you in history. Instead it was one of vast change, a realm and a world where the concepts of the self became more and more stark. While these ideas would not blossom into fruition until well into the modern era, they took root here. The middle ages, and more specifically the period of the 11th through the 15th century, represents the greatest period of self-awareness on a National scale. And while there were no nation-states, especially in the modern sense, there were distinct peoples. A man from Naples may share a religion and a certain shared identity with a man from Saxony, he was hardly the same person. That is what this history will endeavor to show. The New Lombards are a distinct people, forged in the image of their pre-Carolingian ancestors as rebels to the Crown of Rome. While we must rely on the events and people of history to tell our story, it is a story of a People. And these people are the Lombards.
A very interesting introduction, we're coming near to the Germanic invasions in my university classes, needless to say I'm very excited about this!
Subscribed XD
Subscribed XD
Pt. I- Investiture
(Alberto Azzo II Margrave of Lombardy is remembered through history primarily as a man who father children and played the peacemaker. Some describe him as a naive puppet master who tried to play the Pope against the Emperor for his own gain. But more likely he was merely someone who, in his own way, tried to bring some stability to a situation far above his head.)
Margrave Albert Azzo II of Milan, only son of Albert Azzo I, descendant, at least in claim, of Oberto I Obizzo was, by 1067, an old man. Although we no longer have the date of his birth, estimates based on post-contemporary chronicles put the age of the Margrave at 61 at the time of his death. With this in mind, it seems odd that 1067 would be the point of origin for the Gesta Langobardi. The contributions of Albert Azzo II were incalculable to the foundations eventually established by the regency council of 1069, but the Gesta Langobardi seems to disregard them in total. The reasons for this are varied, and likely stem from the same source as the missing years in the Royal Frankish Annals. Writing a heroic epic about your foundations and including a chapter on capitulation and servitude (or civil war in the case of the Royal Frankish Annals) seems a bit contradictory. So, it should not come as a particularly glaring surprise that the chronicles begin in 1067 rather than say, 20 years earlier when Alberto Azzo was in his prime.
Like many chronicles, both of the era and of earlier periods, the Gesta Langobardi begins with the justification for its writing. The usual credits to God and heaven are laid out, as well as not-so-subtle comparisons between the heroes of the work and the author’s own ruler. I will here avoid going in to much detail about the exact meaning behind the words used in the introduction, as their bearing the study of the events within the Grest are limited. It is clear that the prologue establishes the very clear bias of much of the work, but in terms of historically relevant material it is lacking. For those interested in this topic I would suggest reading Martin Hampton’s The Lines of the Lombards, which a more detailed explanation on how this introduction reflects the attitudes of the contemporary Italian rulers. For the sake of this study, we only need to address the end of the first part.
(The Map Above represents, to the best of our knowledge, the political situation at the start of 1067 during the rebellion of Beatrice. It is during this period that the D’Este’s begin their rise, and the Gesta begins. The Red on this map is the lands ruled by the D’Estes. Between Albert Azzo and his sons, the power in Lombardy was relatively solidified. The gray are, primarily, Imperial lands who took no active stake in the conflict between the Emperor and Beatrice. Beatrice and her allies are in blue, while the Imperial vassals who answered the Emperor’s call are in Gold. The Genoans in the south and the Bishop of Trent in the north both applied pressure on the Emperor to claim leadership in the expedition.)
The first mention of the Lombards as an independent people (being distinct from those of the Carolingian age) does not occur until much later in the annals, instead for much of the first part of the Gesta the Lombards are referred to either as “Franks”, as Catholics, or “Northerners”, in reference to the author’s probably location in Central Italy. Or they are referred to by various other names and geographical assignments. In Part 1 we see the “Italian Franks” at the time of the Investiture Crisis in the Holy Roman Empire. During this period the Pope and the King of Germany, Italy and Burgundy, who would rightfully have claim to the title Holy Roman Emperor, were at odds. The disagreement was over the investiture of religious land holders. Margrave Alberto Azzo attempted, in his own way, to act as a mediator. And this is where the Gesta Langobardi picks up.
It is clear from the beginning that author paints the relationship between Henry (Henry IV, also called Heinrich) and Albert Azzo is strained. During the revolt of Beatrice, Marquise of Tuscany and the most powerful woman in Italy, King Henry called upon his southern vassals to lend men and supplies to his war. Beatrice had become both an enemy to the King, and to the Pope (a problem which would eventually lead to the excommunication of her son at the age of 6). The King of Germany saw this as a potential alternative to public submission to Papal Authority. Like Charlemagne himself, Henry would march south and defeat the Italian enemies of the Pope to claim his crown. Henry raised his army and marched south, but the Duke of Swabia, his brother in-law and eventual rival, delayed the King’s progress by weeks. By the time Henry passed beyond the Alps into Northern Italy, he was irate. It is believed that Henry then demanded Albert Azzo house his army and lend men and supplies to the cause. The “Ally of Trent” referred to here is like Henry, Bishop of Trent. The Bishop was a loyal ally to the King, and commanded the combined army of Albert Azzo’s forces and his own levies.
(Henry, Bishop of Trent, was one of the staunchest allies to the King of Germany during the rebellion of Beatrice. Like Albert Azzo, Henry had tried to act as a peace maker between the Pope and the King. Henry had no small amount to gain with an alliance between the two, as both his secular and ecumenical power could grow. However, both sides tried to pull Henry into their camp and the Bishop fled. The revolt of Beatrice was a way back in to the good graces of both King and Pope, and so Henry was more than eager to lead the way. It was likely Henry who pointed to the D’Estes as a base for the assault south.)
This combined army, by some contemporary records, likely numbered around 2,000 men, mostly unskilled and untrained foot levies. However the strength of the army rested in the Margrave’s heavy cavalry. Commanded by his first son Guelph Welf, this heavy cavalry was the hammer of the combined army. The footmen were anchored likely by the Italian Spearmen and led by the Margrave’s marshal, Lattanzio da Ponte, who would come to fame years later in the service of Margrave Fulco. These, combined with the same style of troop from the Bishop of Trent, and led by the Bishop himself by all accounts, formed the core of the army and would likely play the largest role in the battle to come. The army of the Marquise was led by a man later identified as Matteo, whose own force was likely made up mostly of urban militias. In mid May of 1069 the two armies met outside the town of Ghedi and the heart of the Gesta Langobardi begins.
(Alberto Azzo II Margrave of Lombardy is remembered through history primarily as a man who father children and played the peacemaker. Some describe him as a naive puppet master who tried to play the Pope against the Emperor for his own gain. But more likely he was merely someone who, in his own way, tried to bring some stability to a situation far above his head.)
Margrave Albert Azzo II of Milan, only son of Albert Azzo I, descendant, at least in claim, of Oberto I Obizzo was, by 1067, an old man. Although we no longer have the date of his birth, estimates based on post-contemporary chronicles put the age of the Margrave at 61 at the time of his death. With this in mind, it seems odd that 1067 would be the point of origin for the Gesta Langobardi. The contributions of Albert Azzo II were incalculable to the foundations eventually established by the regency council of 1069, but the Gesta Langobardi seems to disregard them in total. The reasons for this are varied, and likely stem from the same source as the missing years in the Royal Frankish Annals. Writing a heroic epic about your foundations and including a chapter on capitulation and servitude (or civil war in the case of the Royal Frankish Annals) seems a bit contradictory. So, it should not come as a particularly glaring surprise that the chronicles begin in 1067 rather than say, 20 years earlier when Alberto Azzo was in his prime.
Like many chronicles, both of the era and of earlier periods, the Gesta Langobardi begins with the justification for its writing. The usual credits to God and heaven are laid out, as well as not-so-subtle comparisons between the heroes of the work and the author’s own ruler. I will here avoid going in to much detail about the exact meaning behind the words used in the introduction, as their bearing the study of the events within the Grest are limited. It is clear that the prologue establishes the very clear bias of much of the work, but in terms of historically relevant material it is lacking. For those interested in this topic I would suggest reading Martin Hampton’s The Lines of the Lombards, which a more detailed explanation on how this introduction reflects the attitudes of the contemporary Italian rulers. For the sake of this study, we only need to address the end of the first part.
(The Map Above represents, to the best of our knowledge, the political situation at the start of 1067 during the rebellion of Beatrice. It is during this period that the D’Este’s begin their rise, and the Gesta begins. The Red on this map is the lands ruled by the D’Estes. Between Albert Azzo and his sons, the power in Lombardy was relatively solidified. The gray are, primarily, Imperial lands who took no active stake in the conflict between the Emperor and Beatrice. Beatrice and her allies are in blue, while the Imperial vassals who answered the Emperor’s call are in Gold. The Genoans in the south and the Bishop of Trent in the north both applied pressure on the Emperor to claim leadership in the expedition.)
The first mention of the Lombards as an independent people (being distinct from those of the Carolingian age) does not occur until much later in the annals, instead for much of the first part of the Gesta the Lombards are referred to either as “Franks”, as Catholics, or “Northerners”, in reference to the author’s probably location in Central Italy. Or they are referred to by various other names and geographical assignments. In Part 1 we see the “Italian Franks” at the time of the Investiture Crisis in the Holy Roman Empire. During this period the Pope and the King of Germany, Italy and Burgundy, who would rightfully have claim to the title Holy Roman Emperor, were at odds. The disagreement was over the investiture of religious land holders. Margrave Alberto Azzo attempted, in his own way, to act as a mediator. And this is where the Gesta Langobardi picks up.
It is clear from the beginning that author paints the relationship between Henry (Henry IV, also called Heinrich) and Albert Azzo is strained. During the revolt of Beatrice, Marquise of Tuscany and the most powerful woman in Italy, King Henry called upon his southern vassals to lend men and supplies to his war. Beatrice had become both an enemy to the King, and to the Pope (a problem which would eventually lead to the excommunication of her son at the age of 6). The King of Germany saw this as a potential alternative to public submission to Papal Authority. Like Charlemagne himself, Henry would march south and defeat the Italian enemies of the Pope to claim his crown. Henry raised his army and marched south, but the Duke of Swabia, his brother in-law and eventual rival, delayed the King’s progress by weeks. By the time Henry passed beyond the Alps into Northern Italy, he was irate. It is believed that Henry then demanded Albert Azzo house his army and lend men and supplies to the cause. The “Ally of Trent” referred to here is like Henry, Bishop of Trent. The Bishop was a loyal ally to the King, and commanded the combined army of Albert Azzo’s forces and his own levies.
(Henry, Bishop of Trent, was one of the staunchest allies to the King of Germany during the rebellion of Beatrice. Like Albert Azzo, Henry had tried to act as a peace maker between the Pope and the King. Henry had no small amount to gain with an alliance between the two, as both his secular and ecumenical power could grow. However, both sides tried to pull Henry into their camp and the Bishop fled. The revolt of Beatrice was a way back in to the good graces of both King and Pope, and so Henry was more than eager to lead the way. It was likely Henry who pointed to the D’Estes as a base for the assault south.)
This combined army, by some contemporary records, likely numbered around 2,000 men, mostly unskilled and untrained foot levies. However the strength of the army rested in the Margrave’s heavy cavalry. Commanded by his first son Guelph Welf, this heavy cavalry was the hammer of the combined army. The footmen were anchored likely by the Italian Spearmen and led by the Margrave’s marshal, Lattanzio da Ponte, who would come to fame years later in the service of Margrave Fulco. These, combined with the same style of troop from the Bishop of Trent, and led by the Bishop himself by all accounts, formed the core of the army and would likely play the largest role in the battle to come. The army of the Marquise was led by a man later identified as Matteo, whose own force was likely made up mostly of urban militias. In mid May of 1069 the two armies met outside the town of Ghedi and the heart of the Gesta Langobardi begins.
Superb start! I can't promise I'll have the time to follow religiously, but I'll read when I can.
This has definitely got my interest as well. I especially like the introduction - sounded almost like it was the intro to a dissertation. 
English Patriot: Glad to have you on board. My knowledge of the fall of Rome is rather limited, as the majority of my studies in medieval history center around the Carolingians and the Crusade. So a lot of what I'll make reference to will be in that period. Prior to that I'll be a loser and use Wikipedia and Gibbon
Enewald: Mostly as a loyal vassal. As a Duke I didn't have much to gain from invading Beatrice, and the constant demands of "Give me your troops" were just a bit irritating. I figured a few months of fighting and Beatrice would be subdued and my armies could return. With little prestige and no shot at orchestrating claims, it felt like the best course of action.
Kuipy & Jestor: Glad to have you on board. I wont be rapid in my updates, but I will try and stay consistent. I have a couple updates due for Footsteps to finish that one off, but really this is the only AAR i've got running right now (Legacy of the North having been put on long-term hiatus due to the death of my laptop).
General_BT: Glad you liked it. My attempt is to be be at least moderately academic in my approach. Though to be fair my introduction was written under heavy influence of Scotch
Enewald: Mostly as a loyal vassal. As a Duke I didn't have much to gain from invading Beatrice, and the constant demands of "Give me your troops" were just a bit irritating. I figured a few months of fighting and Beatrice would be subdued and my armies could return. With little prestige and no shot at orchestrating claims, it felt like the best course of action.
Kuipy & Jestor: Glad to have you on board. I wont be rapid in my updates, but I will try and stay consistent. I have a couple updates due for Footsteps to finish that one off, but really this is the only AAR i've got running right now (Legacy of the North having been put on long-term hiatus due to the death of my laptop).
General_BT: Glad you liked it. My attempt is to be be at least moderately academic in my approach. Though to be fair my introduction was written under heavy influence of Scotch
I hope I would be such an great writer as you are. The text is almost too academic for me to read with my poor english . I'll be following.
. I'll be following.
I am always interested in Lombard AAR's. Though I am a bit disappointed that this isn't one about the real Lombards. Those who never suffered under the Frankish yoke but were free in their southern principalities.
Still a good AAR though.
Still a good AAR though.
Pt. II- Imprisonment.
Discarding the rather long details of the post-battle campaign, including a laundry list of geographical stops and references to petty Barons and Nobles who either cowed before the Bishop and Albert Azzo, or stood up to him in rebellion, this is what we are left with at the end of Part I. It is a rather sharp end to what we have since learned is a far more complex and difficult story. Later studies have given us a more detailed approach to the battle itself. The most in depth approach to this war is Medieval War in Northern Italy by Charles Shuman. In Shuman’s work, he describes the battle as quick and relatively painless for the victorious side. Albert Azzo led his own rear-guard, letting his eldest son Guelph Welf lead the charge into the Marquise’s army. By Shuman’s account, the Margrave’s infantry help up Matteo’s center, before Welf crashed into the line and broke upon the battle. Azzo and the remaining force swept the field and carried the battle into the Marquise’s territory.
(The Wives of Albert Azzo II: Albert Azzo was married three times in his life. His first wife, Kunigunde Welf, died around 1044, leaving one child of note, Guelph Welf. Albert Azzo’s second wife, who died around age 25, likewise had one child, Fulco d’Este. Much more is known about Albert Azzo’s third wife, Uta von Thuringen, who’s children became Princes in the German court. She had two daughters, Fausta and Matilda, and one son Berardo. Uta’s death in 1084 ended her regency of her son Berardo. Berardo became a rather powerful duke later in life, but at the time of his mother’s death he was only 15 years old.)
However it was at this moment that the tides of war, at least in the case of the Margrave of Lombardy, turned. As Albert Azzo returned back to his capital, the Margrave came under fire from raiders, likely under the command of a young Konrad von Geroldseck, a Baron in the service of the Bishop of Cremona. Konrad and his cavalry, lightly armed and armored, came upon the Margrave as his rear guard was heading back towards the relative safety of his own lands. Convinced that Matteo’s arm was shattered, it is likely that Albert Azzo let his guard down. After a brief skirmish, Konrad captured the Margrave and returned him to the Bishop. As both Lattanzio da Ponte and Guelph Welf (so called because he never took his father’s eventual family title “D’Este”) were later mentioned, it is almost certain that they both survived the incident, and only the Margrave, and his personal retainers, were involved in the assault.
The departure of the Margrave sent Lombardy into a state of confusion. Guelph Welf returned the army to its capital, and Lattanzio da Ponte fled to the County of Grisons, who’s titular ruler was the 7 year old Fulco D’Este, designated heir apparent to the Margrave. What emerged at this point is glossed over in the Gesta and was by all reason a rather quick civil war. Welf and his allies found themselves rather quickly overwhelmed. Welf, while a successful military commander, was not particularly well liked. Described as prideful and painfully desirous of power (at least in the Gesta) Welf quickly found himself limited in allies. Meanwhile the young Fulco had a collection of powerful nobles working in his favor. Captained by Benedetto Delfino, cousin to the Count of Capua, the “Regency Council” would become the most powerful force in the political world of the Lombards.
(Guelph Welf was born in 1035 and traced his ancestry back through the line of his mother rather than his father. This fact would have a significant impact on the future development of the Lombard concepts of regal legitimacy. This is not to say the Lombards, especially this early in the period, were a matriarchal society. Like all of Catholic Europe, the male line still ruled. Welf pointed to his grandfather for his heritage. He traced his family back through the Welfs of Swabia and from there declared his legitimate right to power. Welf grew up, by some accounts, in a military fashion, learning the art of war from some of the most notable tutors in Northern Italy. Later writings describe him as a prideful man, eager to cling to power and zealous in defending it. It is clear that something in him led to his rather circuitous life which began and ended in Lombardy.)
Welf had his own allies in the court, but the Regency Council soon found ways to be rid of them. Aldobrandino d’Attala was bribed away from Welf’s side, and brought with him a collection of Barons and petty knights. Cosimo del Carreto was arrested, and his brother Marino exiled. Aleramo, a baron of Grisons, and Filomena von Tschudi, the cousin of a very powerful Baron of St. Giles, backed the young heir to the Margrave as well. These four, Aleramo, Filomena, Benedetto and Lattanzio, made up the “Regency Council” headed by Fulco’s mother Garsende de Maine. This would be the first of many times when a group of powerful nobles, nominally headed by a member of the ruling family, were to impose their will upon the Margrave. This council, as with those in the future, drew their legitimacy from the legitimacy of the young ruler. It is not surprising therefore that they saw Welf as their primary enemy. The eldest son of Albert Azzo, still alive and well in Lombrady was too great a threat. Even, if somehow, Azzo survived his encounter with Konrad von Geroldseck, getting rid of the Welfs was essential to securing control of Lombardy.
Of Guelph Welf, a surprisingly great amount is known. Post-contemporary chronicles and stories tell the adventures of Guelph as a sort of folk hero for the Lombardian country side. Despite the fact that Welf saw himself as much a German as an Italian, he would later become synonymous with the period and a symbol of early Lombardian culture. These same records describe Welf’s travels through Germany. His first stop after fleeing Lombardy was to the Bishopric of Chur. He served for a time in the Bishop’s court and training his armies. From here he traveled north to Thuringia where his half-brother would eventually become Duke. In Thuringia Geulf Welf settled in to life as a noble, giving birth to 7 children, 6 of them male. His eldest daughter would marry the son of a power Irish lord, and his sons would find positions through the courts of Europe. But for the time, Guelph Welf became irrelevant in the court of Lombardy. Meanwhile, news from Germany became dire for the Lombards.
Beatrice, having captured one of Henry’s loyal vassals, offered ransom, and the King of Germany turned the offer down. Suddenly the rebels had a noble with no use. What happened next was the turning point in the history of the Lombard state. Beatrice had Albert Azzo put to death, an act which would shape the psyche of Albert Azzo’s son Fulco. The young Margrave felt betrayed (rightfully) by the German King who had betrayed his feudal duty. Immediately the armies of the young Margrave were called up, with many Barons not learning of Albert Azzo’s death and the exile of Guelph until they arrived in Pavia. Thus assembled, they were convinced by the Regency Council to unite against the Germans. Some dissented and fled as soon as they could (or were captured and imprisoned) but the majority seemed to swear to the Regency Council. The seeds of rebellion were planted.
Discarding the rather long details of the post-battle campaign, including a laundry list of geographical stops and references to petty Barons and Nobles who either cowed before the Bishop and Albert Azzo, or stood up to him in rebellion, this is what we are left with at the end of Part I. It is a rather sharp end to what we have since learned is a far more complex and difficult story. Later studies have given us a more detailed approach to the battle itself. The most in depth approach to this war is Medieval War in Northern Italy by Charles Shuman. In Shuman’s work, he describes the battle as quick and relatively painless for the victorious side. Albert Azzo led his own rear-guard, letting his eldest son Guelph Welf lead the charge into the Marquise’s army. By Shuman’s account, the Margrave’s infantry help up Matteo’s center, before Welf crashed into the line and broke upon the battle. Azzo and the remaining force swept the field and carried the battle into the Marquise’s territory.
(The Wives of Albert Azzo II: Albert Azzo was married three times in his life. His first wife, Kunigunde Welf, died around 1044, leaving one child of note, Guelph Welf. Albert Azzo’s second wife, who died around age 25, likewise had one child, Fulco d’Este. Much more is known about Albert Azzo’s third wife, Uta von Thuringen, who’s children became Princes in the German court. She had two daughters, Fausta and Matilda, and one son Berardo. Uta’s death in 1084 ended her regency of her son Berardo. Berardo became a rather powerful duke later in life, but at the time of his mother’s death he was only 15 years old.)
However it was at this moment that the tides of war, at least in the case of the Margrave of Lombardy, turned. As Albert Azzo returned back to his capital, the Margrave came under fire from raiders, likely under the command of a young Konrad von Geroldseck, a Baron in the service of the Bishop of Cremona. Konrad and his cavalry, lightly armed and armored, came upon the Margrave as his rear guard was heading back towards the relative safety of his own lands. Convinced that Matteo’s arm was shattered, it is likely that Albert Azzo let his guard down. After a brief skirmish, Konrad captured the Margrave and returned him to the Bishop. As both Lattanzio da Ponte and Guelph Welf (so called because he never took his father’s eventual family title “D’Este”) were later mentioned, it is almost certain that they both survived the incident, and only the Margrave, and his personal retainers, were involved in the assault.
The departure of the Margrave sent Lombardy into a state of confusion. Guelph Welf returned the army to its capital, and Lattanzio da Ponte fled to the County of Grisons, who’s titular ruler was the 7 year old Fulco D’Este, designated heir apparent to the Margrave. What emerged at this point is glossed over in the Gesta and was by all reason a rather quick civil war. Welf and his allies found themselves rather quickly overwhelmed. Welf, while a successful military commander, was not particularly well liked. Described as prideful and painfully desirous of power (at least in the Gesta) Welf quickly found himself limited in allies. Meanwhile the young Fulco had a collection of powerful nobles working in his favor. Captained by Benedetto Delfino, cousin to the Count of Capua, the “Regency Council” would become the most powerful force in the political world of the Lombards.
(Guelph Welf was born in 1035 and traced his ancestry back through the line of his mother rather than his father. This fact would have a significant impact on the future development of the Lombard concepts of regal legitimacy. This is not to say the Lombards, especially this early in the period, were a matriarchal society. Like all of Catholic Europe, the male line still ruled. Welf pointed to his grandfather for his heritage. He traced his family back through the Welfs of Swabia and from there declared his legitimate right to power. Welf grew up, by some accounts, in a military fashion, learning the art of war from some of the most notable tutors in Northern Italy. Later writings describe him as a prideful man, eager to cling to power and zealous in defending it. It is clear that something in him led to his rather circuitous life which began and ended in Lombardy.)
Welf had his own allies in the court, but the Regency Council soon found ways to be rid of them. Aldobrandino d’Attala was bribed away from Welf’s side, and brought with him a collection of Barons and petty knights. Cosimo del Carreto was arrested, and his brother Marino exiled. Aleramo, a baron of Grisons, and Filomena von Tschudi, the cousin of a very powerful Baron of St. Giles, backed the young heir to the Margrave as well. These four, Aleramo, Filomena, Benedetto and Lattanzio, made up the “Regency Council” headed by Fulco’s mother Garsende de Maine. This would be the first of many times when a group of powerful nobles, nominally headed by a member of the ruling family, were to impose their will upon the Margrave. This council, as with those in the future, drew their legitimacy from the legitimacy of the young ruler. It is not surprising therefore that they saw Welf as their primary enemy. The eldest son of Albert Azzo, still alive and well in Lombrady was too great a threat. Even, if somehow, Azzo survived his encounter with Konrad von Geroldseck, getting rid of the Welfs was essential to securing control of Lombardy.
Of Guelph Welf, a surprisingly great amount is known. Post-contemporary chronicles and stories tell the adventures of Guelph as a sort of folk hero for the Lombardian country side. Despite the fact that Welf saw himself as much a German as an Italian, he would later become synonymous with the period and a symbol of early Lombardian culture. These same records describe Welf’s travels through Germany. His first stop after fleeing Lombardy was to the Bishopric of Chur. He served for a time in the Bishop’s court and training his armies. From here he traveled north to Thuringia where his half-brother would eventually become Duke. In Thuringia Geulf Welf settled in to life as a noble, giving birth to 7 children, 6 of them male. His eldest daughter would marry the son of a power Irish lord, and his sons would find positions through the courts of Europe. But for the time, Guelph Welf became irrelevant in the court of Lombardy. Meanwhile, news from Germany became dire for the Lombards.
Beatrice, having captured one of Henry’s loyal vassals, offered ransom, and the King of Germany turned the offer down. Suddenly the rebels had a noble with no use. What happened next was the turning point in the history of the Lombard state. Beatrice had Albert Azzo put to death, an act which would shape the psyche of Albert Azzo’s son Fulco. The young Margrave felt betrayed (rightfully) by the German King who had betrayed his feudal duty. Immediately the armies of the young Margrave were called up, with many Barons not learning of Albert Azzo’s death and the exile of Guelph until they arrived in Pavia. Thus assembled, they were convinced by the Regency Council to unite against the Germans. Some dissented and fled as soon as they could (or were captured and imprisoned) but the majority seemed to swear to the Regency Council. The seeds of rebellion were planted.
Uh-oh, the seeds of rebellion never bode well for a nation... :wacko:
Nice work, sir!
Nice work, sir!
A very early rebellion!
Btw, are you trying to lombardize italy, or let it just become italian?
Btw, are you trying to lombardize italy, or let it just become italian?
Huh, interesting... So Fulco is now the Duke/ruler? Well his mother and council at least.
Auray: Glad I can keep you intersted. Hopefully I wont get too full of myself and start getting us all confused. Don't worry though, if you miss something it may just be because I was being purposefully vague... or I just missed it myself and got us all lost
demokratickid: Consider yourself counted. And the seeds of rebellion are what you need to grow into the roots of the nation. Besides, I wasn't the one who went and got my Duke kidnapped.
Veldmaarschalk: Bah, I love that Frankish yoke. one of the best Yokes out there frankly.
Enewald: Playing it by ear really. Although I will admit, Lombardizing sounds painful.
Teep: Thanks. In the next update I'll go into depth about the rebellion, and the rather interesting side effects of the death of my 60ish year old Italian duke.
timetogetaway: Yep, Fulco I, the first of numerous child-rulers.
demokratickid: Consider yourself counted. And the seeds of rebellion are what you need to grow into the roots of the nation. Besides, I wasn't the one who went and got my Duke kidnapped.
Veldmaarschalk: Bah, I love that Frankish yoke. one of the best Yokes out there frankly.
Enewald: Playing it by ear really. Although I will admit, Lombardizing sounds painful.
Teep: Thanks. In the next update I'll go into depth about the rebellion, and the rather interesting side effects of the death of my 60ish year old Italian duke.
timetogetaway: Yep, Fulco I, the first of numerous child-rulers.