I find it silly that you're even in these chambers; when you are so utterly unaware of the goings-on in your state concerning your own citizens. Silesia and it's government -the entire thing- is rotten to the very core; and it must be removed.
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I find it silly that you're even in these chambers; when you are so utterly unaware of the goings-on in your state concerning your own citizens. Silesia and it's government -the entire thing- is rotten to the very core; and it must be removed.
Why yes, it does. After all, it is a system that empowers "crackpots", and turns ordinary men into them. DeSanctis was an ordinary man before the War, as was the Little General. Yet the rot of Monarchy infected them.
Tell me, what national pride does Silesia even have from it's fake, artificial monarchy? When it could have very easily have been filled by a Frenchman, or a Dutchman, and was invented purely on the whims of an autocrat instead of being a restored, ancient seat of power; it has nothing to do with the traditions of any sort of Silesian people. It does nothing to empower any kind of Silesian identity, except when it spurs them to murder their neighbours. Much less actually change how the state is run.
It has no place in this Federation. It is, at the very least, "unviable".
-Koçi
As I do not have much care about what government this great Federation is, I might as well suggest an idea.
How about the states become parliamentary republics, whilst the Federation itself becomes a constitutional monarchy? As I stated, I have no care regarding the type of government, so you may disregard this idea.
- Jan Jaromír, Deputy of Croatia
How about the states become parliamentary republics, whilst the Federation itself becomes a constitutional monarchy? As I stated, I have no care regarding the type of government, so you may disregard this idea.
- Jan Jaromír, Deputy of Croatia
The people voted for it, no? I think instead of the federal government forcing things upon States I feel the people in the states should do what they want.
((If your wondering Frydryk couldnt careless about a monarchy he just doesnt like people forcing things on his state.))
Frydryk Augustyniak, Councilor of Silesia
The Federation will force whatever is necessary on your state to ensure stability, and you will, as a surrendering state in a Civil War, accept this eventuality whether it pleases you or not. Otherwise, you may retract your surrender, and the army will occupy Silesia. This is not illegal, but the legitimate rules of war and peace negotiation.
As for the people voting for it? If an incredibly questionable referendum in a series of incredibly questionable referendums proves anything, it is that the average Silesian are apathetic to the idea of Monarchy. If they loved their false Monarchy so, they would have come to the third referendum as if it were their first. The majority of Silesians clearly do not care what method of Government is in Silesia, especially after the constant disruption placed upon the common man. That is indisputable.
I repeat my question: Why does Monarchy matter so much to Silesia? Why does this fake, invented institution deserve to be considered part of Silesian tradition, when it is less than a decade old? It has proved to be an inefficient method of ruling a state, and it is devoid of any sentimental value. It must go.
-Koçi
No; not really. The Silesian elections were the biggest fraud in the history of this Federation; with three referendums rife with corruption having to be conducted; all of which were irregular not to mention that voter opted for a Republic in the first referendum and the sheer volume of spoilt ballots in the last.
The majority voted for it in every referendum, though the third one I agree is questionable since nearly 126,000 votes were destroyed or blank which leads to the thought someone tempered witht hem or that Silesians were frausterated at voting on the same thing 3 times in a row. None the less isnt it our jobs as elected repersentatives of the people to ensure there rights of democracy are allowed? If the average Silesian doesnt want a monarch then another referendum can be made so that people can decide, I cannot speak for the Silesian Council which is governing the state during the interm period until the election finnishes but, I'm certain that if and when people ask for a referendum will be done.
- Frydryk Augustyniak, Councilor of Silesia
So your saying that the Federal Electoral Commision cannot be trusted to do election and referendums, well that is disconcerting.
- Frydryk Augustyniak, Councilor of Silesia
Hm, really? I do not listen to what the rebels do so much, as I stated, I do not care about the government change and such.
Then, I shall go back to Vojvodina and drink a few Serbian beers. Good night.
- Jan Jaromír, Deputy of Croatia
That is where you are wrong. The majority votes in the other referendums were a result of corruption, ballot stuffing and fraud caused by the Silesian government - all of which has been proven in the Court of Law. The third vote, therefore, connotes apathy nonetheless, as regardless of why they were apathetic, they still were. They do not overwhelmingly care if they have a Monarch or not, nor does the wish for a Monarch encompass the entire region. That is the simple truth.
But that is both irrelevant and not something I particularly care about. Silesia revoked it's right to have any say in the management of it's state when it took arms against the Federation, and it surrendered. Silesia has surrendered and has no right to dictate it's own peace terms, and if refuses those given to it then it will be reverted to military supervision until such a time where Silesia is considered able to make it's own decisions wisely - as is perfectly legal. That is all that needs to be discussed on that matter.
As much as it may surprise you, we are not elected as some "voice of the people" or "guardians of democracy" as the Radicals believe we are. We are elected as people whom understand the workings of government to represent our constituent's needs and reflect those needs in responsible policy. We are not here to give the people what they want. We are here to give them what they need. They do not need Kings and State rights policies, they need economic and social liberties that enable them to succeed in life. Every second the Silesian councillors, in their oafishness, refuse to capitulate on this meaningless issue of constitution, and are willing to kill for it, they deny the Silesian people the governance they need. That is the simple truth.
-Koçi
After this victory it is the best possible time to truly make ourselves a land of liberty. I therefore support the Republic Act.
-Pavel Pistora, Deputy for Bohemia
-Pavel Pistora, Deputy for Bohemia
Message from the Silesian Council
Regarding the Silesian Form of Government, the State of Silesia will follow any rule Vienna require of us. If Vienna wisely allow us to decide that matter for ourselves, the next election will be decisive. According to our polls Monarchists and Republicans are enoying about equal support and the election can go either way.
Regarding the Silesian Form of Government, the State of Silesia will follow any rule Vienna require of us. If Vienna wisely allow us to decide that matter for ourselves, the next election will be decisive. According to our polls Monarchists and Republicans are enoying about equal support and the election can go either way.
Only the very first referendum was over turned for fraud, the second and third were not.
- Frydryk Augustyniak, Councilor of Silesia
((Yeah, I just don't know how these things are supposed to go exactly. I don't know how the law works in this place - I'd assume it's a civil code of some kind - and I don't know how trials are held. Sorry to everybody, and particularly to you Syriana. You're making us work for it, even though just being charged with treason -which you have pleaded being guilty of- would likely result in political death, and I appreciate it.
The charge of breaking the Private Militia Act of 1848 is dropped. The proclamation of the Kingdom of Hungary by Vaszary does not mean he relinquished his position as President of the State of Hungary, and though emergency powers were given to him in the absence of a significant portion of the Diet, the Hungarian militia remained under a legitimate state legislature as outlined in said act.
That will have to be proved. The Federal government is free to move its forces throughout the Federation as it pleases, as is its prerogative. These troops would have threatened in no way the integrity of the State of Hungary, in fact defending it against the imperial rebels. Your latter comparison of a man being unable to defend against a mugger is rather inaccurate; our case would be that of a man doing illegal actions -threatening legitimate federal institutions and joining the rebellion- then resisting arrest -the reclamation of Budapest-. When the state executive declared itself in favour of the little general, which I should mention happened before any non-hungarian armed forces entered the state, the army was perfectly within its right to re-establish democracy in the state.
The Federal Police owns its offices as far as I can tell. Being subordinate to the Ministry of Security and Federal Government, their use as a command center was perfectly legal, and even a logistical necessity to coordinate the action of all state militias from one place.))
And both of those proved that Upper Silesia was opposed to a monarchy.
I support the Republic Act. Monarchy has no place in our century. A leader cannot rule without the approval of the people, and monarchies only allow for this provision to be ignored, threatening to throw us into anarchy at every step, as Silesia should have made obvious to everyone in this Federation.
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Do not ignore me. If you are going to refuse to acknowledge anything else I have said, I will assume you are not going to co-operate with the peace process.
This is encouraging to hear. It appears, Augustyniak, that your countrymen disagree on the autonomy of Silesia in this matter.
-Koçi
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I had nothing to say to your other comments, I cannot refute the fact that some crackpots have recked my state it is uncounterable.
Inregareds to the silesian councils message, its my opinion that we should handle our government our selves but, none the less since they have said that we will do waht vienna says on that front, I will leave the subject alone.
- Frydryk Augustyniak, Councilor of Silesia
The days had dragged long, and feet had ached, but after nearly a two weeks of travel, Symon Revenjo crossed the Ottoman Border on horseback into Galicia, his homeland. His leg, though not healed completely, had been patched up enough for him to get shipped out of the Albanian Hospital, and make way for wounded soldiers who had been transported south for better care. For nearly three months, he had silently stared into the newspapers, watching two sides, brother and brother, slaughter each other on the empty fields of battles. Symon had never been one for Radical Royalists, or Radicals either, but he had thought himself lucky to have been wounded when he was, as he saw it as salvation from choosing sides.
Brigadier General, they had called him, in command of 3,500 within the Army of the North, where he had previously served under Kremvera. Indeed, military trials were being called out left and right, and the situation was becoming uneasy. Symon's best friend, Adrean Veraov, a Hungarian officer in the Centre, had been a devout Royalist, but who had sided with the Republicans for the desire of constitutionalism and Republicanism. With the abolition of monarchies soon at hand by the Liberals, and the Hungarians preparing for a massive partition, much of the armies had begun to deface Councillor Popa, who had insulted thousands of Hungarians in the army, so much so that they had already began sending in petitions for his removal.
Symon, though no man of politics, had heard of the original partition plan of Hungary by a local doctor in Albania, and had wondered how the Federal Government had even considered allowing a government official to slander a ethnic group that constituted a major proportion of the Danubian Military.
Signs had rose up saying, Partition Popa! and Poison his Drink!.
By the time Symon arrived at his camp, and had been reassigned his command by the wary Generals who were unsure if they were to keep their own heads, the situation had already decayed. Hungarian Officers were playing, "pin the Popa" throughout the night, while Symon watched carefully, observing the anger. The Following morning, Symon was assigned his new Brigade, marching out on patrol, but even as he ordered for silence, there were those whispering political slanders and cursing behind their breath. Symon observed, and pulled out the trouble makers, delivering fifteen slashes and making it clear that disobedience was not acceptable. Many of the men in his brigade had served with him in the war, and they knew him for a man careless of politics, but disciplinary for actions of war.
But even the strikes could not silence the angry soldiers, the next day, they shouted out jeers at the politicians, smashing and excreting on anything Popa related, until Symon ordered them silenced.
Brigadier General, they had called him, in command of 3,500 within the Army of the North, where he had previously served under Kremvera. Indeed, military trials were being called out left and right, and the situation was becoming uneasy. Symon's best friend, Adrean Veraov, a Hungarian officer in the Centre, had been a devout Royalist, but who had sided with the Republicans for the desire of constitutionalism and Republicanism. With the abolition of monarchies soon at hand by the Liberals, and the Hungarians preparing for a massive partition, much of the armies had begun to deface Councillor Popa, who had insulted thousands of Hungarians in the army, so much so that they had already began sending in petitions for his removal.
Symon, though no man of politics, had heard of the original partition plan of Hungary by a local doctor in Albania, and had wondered how the Federal Government had even considered allowing a government official to slander a ethnic group that constituted a major proportion of the Danubian Military.
Signs had rose up saying, Partition Popa! and Poison his Drink!.
By the time Symon arrived at his camp, and had been reassigned his command by the wary Generals who were unsure if they were to keep their own heads, the situation had already decayed. Hungarian Officers were playing, "pin the Popa" throughout the night, while Symon watched carefully, observing the anger. The Following morning, Symon was assigned his new Brigade, marching out on patrol, but even as he ordered for silence, there were those whispering political slanders and cursing behind their breath. Symon observed, and pulled out the trouble makers, delivering fifteen slashes and making it clear that disobedience was not acceptable. Many of the men in his brigade had served with him in the war, and they knew him for a man careless of politics, but disciplinary for actions of war.
But even the strikes could not silence the angry soldiers, the next day, they shouted out jeers at the politicians, smashing and excreting on anything Popa related, until Symon ordered them silenced.
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((Drop the crap before anybody gets his feelings hurt folks. We don't need this.))
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