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JackTheRipper21 (nice name): Ah yeah, I had forgotten that fact. It's a shame but understandable, I just hope Crusader Kings II attracts a huge crowd of AAR writers and readers like I'm sure this forum used to have. Thanks for the kind words, thanks for reading!

Tufto: Yeah! I managed to get very lucky against the Emirate of Derbent and the Cumans - who at one point in the notes I wrote: "[are] going to kill this AAR before it begins". The region, at least this on this map mod, is actually really kind to the Alans in terms of rich provinces. Once I got that foothold, I got this explosive growth you can see here even whilst trying not to take every opportunity that was thrown in front of me.

Author Note

Okay guys! It's been a little while since the last update. Next one (last of Pulad Ephraimid) will be here in a few minutes, followed by two smaller free content updates discussing different things. You like words... right? Oh, and a note on the graphics. I hope you don't mind, but I'm exploring different options and ideas instead of trying to find a consistent style and stick to it. HOPEFULLY this means that they will improve in quality over the remainder of the story. Anyway, thanks for reading!
 
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Pulad Ephraimid Part III

.... and that is all that I will say about your results. Now you are allowed to send me confused and unhappy emails about why you did poorly on this test you didn't revise for. Alright, we desperately need to finish Pulad this week, so lets begin in earnest.

We left off with King Pulad facing two seperate threats, one north along the river and one south. He splits his force and sends an estimated 4,000 men under the command of a Kuluk Osseita to try to hold the Bulgars in the north, whilst he himself rode south and sent word to call up more men to face the Russ. Although this Ossetian does fail in his task and allows the north to be overrun with Bulgars on their way to the Cuman lands, he does represent an early mention of the Ossetian family which will weisel their way into more power from this point onwards. Content that the north was dealt with as best as possible, Pulad rode hard for the south to meet with the Russian army of Prince Simeon of Cheringov.

The Russians by this point had overrun the base of the Don and, finding much more resistance than expected, had marched round to the Tmutarakan region for resupply. The sources tell us that the port which they were headed, was completely unfortified at this point- Hey! You at the front, Mr too lazy to listen! Answer me this: If an army's only route of retreat is to an unfortified port, and their enemy is pushing for battle, what can they do? ... No, they can't do that, they are not the goddamn Pisan Marine Corps. Ladies and Gentlemen, they can do bugger all but let themselves be dragged into this battle they don't want. The Alans and their King have a reputation for successful conquest, they are fully mounted in familiar terrain, and their enemy has no more defences to fall back upon than some houses and a ditch. So yes, they commit to a battle.


I have some later depictions of the battle which I'll put online after this lecture, but for now we shall make do with words.

Fog fell over the battlefield, and coupled with the reputation of their foe, the Russian soldiers began to falter. The battle is brief but bloody, with sources saying 4,000 Russians fell before the rest began to flee from the relentless charges by the Alanian cavalry. Early on in the retreat the Prince of Cheringov came under the control of Pulad himself and, convinced that his soldiers were fully routed, agreed to terms. The gains: a small fortune, the respect of the Russian Principalities, and the fortified city of Beleya Vazha (once Sarkal), which came under the control Prince Simeon only a decade ago via marriage pacts amongst the Rurikovich dynasty . Not bad if I say so myself. Quickly turning his army north, he managed to force the Bulgars back across of the river in a series of small but decisive battles and negotiated a treaty which would stop assaults on the Cumans in the short term. He returned home in triumph, with chests of gold in tow, to see his stone walls at Maghas almost completed at last - and spent some of his new found wealth building two more forts in the Alanian realm, at Samander and Adghyt.

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Map of the Stone Fortifications in Alania. Beleya Vezha's walls have been there since the 9th Century, whereas the rest are in various states of construction, proving an indicator of the rising sedentary nature of the realm.


This campaign was a great victory for the realm but it also had far reaching and long term ramifications. The devastated region at the mouth of the Don spread refugee monks throughout the realm and began a long process of monastery building outside of those areas explicitly owned by the Patriarch, thus expanding his reach. The political landscape of Russia was somewhat effected in that the Principalities, who had previously had little interest or respect for the nomadic 'Kipchak' peoples to the south, found that at least someone in the region were strong enough to resist their influence. This alarmed some, but the Prince of Ryazan (a clever and creative man) found an interesting opportunity to exploit. I really wish I could talk about this now, but we shall have to leave it for another class. Finally, the Prince of Cheringov was left with a bloody nose and an angry heart. Simeon was young, and held a personal grudge against the Alans which would come back to haunt them in the future.

At home however, there is only one problem for King Pulad. His wife. In summer of 1111, after the crisis had fully subsided, he took a leisurely tour of his realm, overseeing construction, inspecting local forces, and putting down a Jewish revolt. The usual Kingly duties. When he returned in October, he found his treasury completely empty. That's right, empty. Turns out he was too distracted on his new found power and wealth to pay attention to what his scheming wife was up to. Alexandria had been at breaking point already, and the death of one of their sons (natural causes) pushed her over the edge: she pursuaded her mother in law, the sadly by now mad Irina Ephraimid to bribe key members of the court, and allow the treasure to be moved at night to her own estates. Alexandria, boyed up with her own triumph, decided to see what her husbands wrath looked like face to face... which is as horrible an idea as it sounds. He stormed into the great hall - I like to imagine she had grin which fell as soon as she saw his face - and attempted to kill her himself. After a dramatic escape she managed flee on horseback to Irina's personal estates, which seemed to make up a large portion of the North of Alania. Pulad made do with executing those bribed members of the court.

Wow we are running out of time. Okay, so Pulad is extremely angry throughout the Fall, until in the depths of Winter he receives news that the Jews are rebelling again. They seemed to believe that by killing the garrison in Winter, Pulad would wait until summer before trying to retaliate. His mood was such that he set out with a small army as soon as he heard the news, leaving behind his trusted marshall Yasynya and a man named Sangipar Ossetia to run the realm in his absence. Remember those names, they'll be important next week. So he rides to Itil, and decides to be more thorough in his reprisals this time. He settles in and orchestrates a series of executions and terror campaigns throughout the season. Whilst overseeing the start of a proper stone fort in Itil for the garrison (not paid for in gold but built by the locals on threat of execution for refusal), he received a visit from a young maiden from court. She was apparently Russian and had been received by the court during her minority, and was now seeking to return home to find a husband. All the frustration, the great victories and the copious amounts of snow cannot redeem him from his next actions: he took full advantage of her that night.

The implications we immediate and devastating. Whilst taking advantage of camp followers was not unknown, everyone present knew the pure sin of taking advantage of a maiden princess guest. His soldiers were up in arms, the religious leaders sent him furious letters and the Patriarch effectively excommunicated the Kingdom (although this was never an offical Othadox action). Things got even worse when the poor girl was found attempting to take her own life outside the local church in shame, prompting the whole town rioting once more and the soldiers deserting back to their tribes. He put a minor noble in charge of the town and fled home to Maghas. His reputation ruined, he tried to keep his kingdom intact over the next year, despite (according to the one of the last journel entries of Alexandria) courting an Armenian girl during the last few months. I am sorry we are out of time, but the long story short is he was murdered on May 8th, 1113, leaving his minority son Aspar on the throne.

I shall put the story about his death online, and shall proceed with the first of two regencies over Aspar next week. Any quick questions?
 
[Disclaimer: These pieces of antique art are clearly screenshots from Medieval Total War II. I apologise if you were expecting me to actually draw fine art.]

As to the depictions of the Battle of Tmutarakan

The battle of Tmutarakan is the first in a series of conflicts between the Russian principalities and the Kingdom of Alania, and as such it was of great interest to the counter-reformation. One of the perceived threats to the church was the revival of the Orthodox East as a religious and political power, and the return of the Patriarch to the seat of authority. Therefore it was of great interest of Catholic artists to show the weaknesses in the Orthodox histories, such as undermining the "Wonderful relations" of the many nations that supported the church, mainly the old Alanian realm and the Russian Principalities of the time. This first image is a product of that mindset.

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"The Alan and his Enemy" is hung up currently in the Pisan Museum, and certainly illustrates the differences between the two. The foreground shows the two representatives for their people with weapons raised to strike each other, whilst in the background the two sides crash together in a flurry of weapons. The Alan is represented in a very typical depiction of Kipchak dress, complete with the hat, something which is likely... similar to the Alanian styles but unlikely to be representative. He has what looks like a early modern period sabre in his hand and a much more believable quiver on his back. It is unknown to what extent southern equipment and tactics had spread into the Kingdom before the reign of Saros, but it is unlikely that he had a Sabre. The rest of his wear, however, could very well be inaccurate to the degree of centuries.

Facing him, the Russian soldier is a mixture of Early Russian styles, complete with the familiar Danish hand axe. Later on the Kipchak influence on the Principalities removes most of these heavily armoured men from service, which explains why although the main Russian is in armour, most of the rest stand with shield and spear only. Their loose formation, despite being on the defence, also reflects on the views of the day that the people of this time and region (despite already including Danish hand axes) were not advanced enough to understand the concept of a simple Shield Wall.

Finally, those of you who know the Alanian region of the world know that the older lands north of Caucasus are generally not hilly, or covered in forest. I can tell you that the Tmutarakan area is certainly not as... scenic as this. It is a vast and dry plain, saved from being a swamp by being above the river waterline by some feet. In the winter, it is the same but mud ridden or snow ridden. This naturally proves the image is somewhat creative in its reinterpretation. The sources clearly state fog. This is a sunny day. This difference bothers me greatly, class.

23JGH.jpg


"Triumph of the Despised King" is a product of the rise of Nationalistic ideas throughout the 19th century in Europe. Whilst many devoted art to the Pisans, the French, the Polish and the huge Patriotic populations they held, this piece is dedicated the Alanian independence. It depicts the triumph of King Pulad and their rout of the enemy.

The first thing to note is Pulad himself, shown in the foreground slightly off centre, riding towards the viewer. His horse trots slowly over the corpse of an enemy even as the others around him flee at his approach to the front lines. Arm raised to direct his men, he looks very much the model of an early medieval King - a general to his men more than anything else. No crown on his head, no robes of state, he is definitely being used here as a symbol of a King who acted like a man, not a man who claims to be chosen by God. In this idea, his infamy aids his image as just a general rather than as a great king of times gone by. That role is in the hands of Saros. The memory of Pulad is, frankly, rather lucky to be used as a symbol of anything at all considering his actions in life. Nonetheless, whilst viewing this painting of him, one begins to forget how far he fell. One instead remembers how great a leader of men he proved on Tmuturakan, and in Georgia.

Interesting side note, the Russian soldiers depicted here are somewhat confusing. They can be shown as matching both Kievan soldiers of earlier centuries and the Varangian Guard, showing a Byzantine influence on the artists impression. As it was drawn inside an Alanian community in Greece, this makes sense. I have to say, this image is much preferred over the other for me because it includes the fog... although there is a clear hill in the background which should not be there.
 
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[I honestly cannot remember how much of this was event driven and how much was an idea I had at the time. I hope it is worth the separate entry]

As to the Death of Pulad Ephraimid

Pulad Ephraimid had spent his last year in the near finished fort of Maghas, flailing around politically to find a sure footing to reclaim respect and uncontested authority from. One of the many things he tried was to negotiate with the Armenian counts that lived in the far souther edges of the former Georgian lands, to try and claim their support in case the Georgians tried for independence. The negotiations were successful and as a good will gesture, one of the Armenian Counts sent his daughter to Maghas to learn how the court of their King functioned. Evidently he didn't read much news. Or he didn't like his daughter. Nonetheless, the King (probably overcome with stress from his sudden political crisis) and her began a much more low key affair than typical. Alexandria notes that she suspected that the relationship had been going on for months before she discovered it in March 1113. They apparently grew so close that the girl spent most of her evenings sneaking into his quarters through the halls of Maghas, and the guards were quietly asked to ignore her attempts at sneaking.

Alexandria had spent a full decade married to Pulad. She had six of his children, suffered through his relentless affairs for many years, she had been sent the bastard child of Pulad's misdemeanour in Itil and he had gone as far as to try and strike her down for her scheming. And now he was with yet another girl whilst the realm seemed to collapse around him. This would not do. She said as much to Yasynya the Marshall. Yasynya had suffered an injury at Tmuturakan, only to miraculously recover - strengthening his piety tenfold. He had joined with the protests against the King's actions, only to rally beside him when he returned to Maghas. But months had passed. Alexandria states that he had only supported the King because he was the rightful king and necessary for the realms survival. Now things were untangling, and so he allowed Alexandria to convince him that they could rule the realm as regents - with Pulad removed. A few days later Sangipad Ossetia was also brought on board as the political manipulator the Regency needed to stay intact. The court was now ready to act without Pulad. But he was still alive.

And so, May 8th, the Ossetian went to the Armenian girl and paid her richly to "Just keep Pulad asleep tonight. He needs his rest and wont get it willingly." That evening the court readily accepted Yasynya and Alexandria (who had been exiled, remember) as they entered into Maghas keep. Apparently they had been hard at work convincing everyone this was the necessary action, as Pulad never heard a whisper of it. She waited until midnight and snuck into his quarters to find her husband and the Armenian entangled on the bed. Quietly, she walked up beside Pulad and pulled out a small flask. She poured the contents into his ear, and waited until his breathing slowed... to a stop. She then calmly reached down and unsheathed his sword. Walked around his bed. Stood over the girl. Sleeping. Helpless. And stabbed her to death. And kept stabbing; until she finally collapsed onto the pile of bloody flesh exhausted and sobbing (so the dramatic version by Ephraim tells us). No-one in court even looked up as Alexandria walked out of the room, covered in bloody rags, and went to wash. She had her revenge.

An hour later he was "discovered", and declared dead. He died of natural causes. She died a year before, from serious injuries gained by falling off a horse, and was cremated by request. The Armenian's mourned, the people bid farewell to an unpopular but strong leader. No more was spoken of Pulad Ephraimid in the court. If you were to believe the fanciful tales of Ephraim, the sun rose red that first morning of Aspar's Regency.
 
This is amazing, as always. I especially like the professor's ranting about Pisa; I guess they become a major power later?

Also, a sad end for Pulad (and rather Hamlet-esque), but one richly-deserved. Any amount of military victories can't make up for the atrocities that he committed.

Anyway, again, great AAR, and I hope you keep on writing it!
 
SplendidTuesday: Thank you for the kind words! Pisa managed to become pretty powerful in the next century or two, and I decided that they would become a lasting nation in one form or another for the rest of this worlds History. The AI for that nation really excelled itself without any intervention from me. Pulad was led down a pretty dark path by events, and so I gave him a suitable death. In any other game, I would say that Alania would have done better if he had lived longer and achieved more... but for us it's just the beginning of something truly... grand. I'm really happy to keep writing, I'm glad you intend to keep reading!


Author Note

This is the third update in a short while! I apologise for the less interesting graphics this time, but not much was happening anyway. I am posting this now because for the next week or so it's Essay Time! I don't know how much time I'll have, but it will be a wait till December 3rd at the latest. If all goes well on that front, I'll have them all finished by Thursday and then this message will mean nothing, but just warning you. Also! The Prof is talking about the end of "ALST 301 Ephraimid Dynasty, Pre-Saros Period", but this will not be the end of the AAR, merely halfway. Update in a few minutes!
 
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Regents and Interregnums

Good morning caffeine fuelled wrecks! I am sure many of you are hungover after your post-midterm parties, but I will continue to speak in this slightly too loud manner for our entire lecture! I truly hope you tauntingly young reminders of my own university days listen and enjoy my loud and drawn out explanation of events eight centuries old. Hah! All right where were we... Hmm.

Okay. Now the important thing to remember about the last years of Pulad and the Regencies is that they are most importantly the few years that set up the dramatic events which make up the end of our course. The weakening of a Kingdom, the heir in minority, the rise of a certain group of nobles and even the acquisition of Beleya Vezha and the relatively weak family unit of the Ephraimids during this period all contribute to the subsequent troubles.

Now! Enough forshadowing, it does not fit a study of history after all. The joint Regents Alexandria, Yasynya and Sangipan buried Pulad with pomp and ceremony, fixed smiles and no tears. The young Aspar Ephraimid was crowned King very quickly afterwards, and Yasynya the Marshall takes up the role of protector of the realm, gathering his loyal soldiers and ensuring that the tribes and tributaries conform. Alexandria and Sangipar stay in Maghas and begin to co-ordinate policy as best they can, but she is inexperianced and very likely still traumatised, and so leaves Sangipar to run most matters of state. Crucially, he begins to quietly appoint fellow Ossetians to the Court and to important posts within the Kingdom. In such a way, the Regency ruled through 1113 and 1114. Marshall Yasnya defeats a major Islamic raiding party that was headed for Georgia through the most southerly regions of the Kingdom, and is then forced to quickly march north to deal with a large Bulgar assault in the summer of 1114. Likely trying to exploit the lack of firm leadership, the Bulgars pushed hard towards the Ryn Desert region.

By the time the Marshall had arrived, the Jews of the region were willingly joining with the Bulgars against the Kingdom, judging them a far more generous leader. Shortly after fording the river, Yasynya managed to catch and crush the two armies - with only one major set back. He had been struck hard in the chest by a sword blow, and was weakening quickly. He managed to sit straight long enough to negotiate a cease fire with the Bulgars - they would keep what they had taken of the region, the rest would remain under the Alans, as before - and order the public execution of the treasonous Judaist Chieften who rebelled. He then collapsed in his tent and had to be carried carefully back to Maghas. His condition worsened over the coming months, and in the meanwhile it became very clear that the Ossetians were closing ranks around young Aspar, who was only 13 at this point, blocking out both Yasynya and Alexandria. When the Marshall finally died on June 27th, 1115, Alexandria was by his side, her political power at an absolute end. She committed suicide only a few hours later. Sangipar Ossetia was now the only surviving regent, and his tribe effectively ruled over the Kingdom.

RnvyV.jpg

Emblem of the Ossetians

Almost immediately the next military crisis came along. The Prince of Cheringov, unhappy at his previous defeat, decided to make another move towards the Kingdom. This time, he decided to sail for Tmuturakan with his full force, fortify it, and then launch an assault. The Ossetians were apparently unaware of any issue, and certainly were not up to date with the affairs of the old Marshall, which potentially opened the Kingdom up to a tragedy. However, we now face an.... interesting footnote in history that saves the Kingdom from a suprise military invasion. The then Prince Bishop of Azak, a former soldier with no great love of the new Regency, heard firsthand of the reports of massive Russian activity around Tmuturakan, and decided to take matters into his own hands. Whilst the monastic records tell a story almost miraculous, let me simply recount that through some combination of small boats, religious ferver and the element of surprise, his outmatched army managed to burn much of the port and several ships, preventing any serious attempt of invasion. He then, apparently, takes this army and marches straight through Cuman territory to try and invade Cheringov. We don't hear of him again, so he was probably killed en route, but good for him I guess. Certainly good for the Ossetians, who apparently neither know or care about what happened out on the fringes.

I should note there is an alternate, more secular theory that states that the military struggle was a much longer and more drawn out conflict. That the Prince Bishop was neutral at first, as the Russians marched as far east as the recently completed fort of Adghye and were only defeated by a desperately assembled army, pushed back towards Tmutarakan, and THEN defeated by suprise by the Bishop. We can't completely prove that this happened or not, unfortunately, half because of the prevalence of Orthodoxes records and half because the region was disrupted far too much in the early 13th century to allow reliable archaeological efforts. So, pick whichever one you find more believable, just remember only one of them is supported by primary sources.

The Ossetians were never fully cohesive, and they regularly lost leaders who could claim complete authority over the tribe to petty squabbles. For example, Sangipar is assassinated by his younger brother and there is a brief power struggle in 1116. Other than that, it seems like the neighbouring powers were convinced that the country still had the military power to oppose them, and until 1118 nothing of great importance happens in the Kingdom.

For the Obituaries, Borena Ephraimid - the sister of old King Yasynya - died in 1118. She had been watching the country from the sidelines her entire adult life, occasionally stepping in to help the treasury, which is her only noted skill. Similarily, Irina Ephraimid dies relatively soon after in 1120, having fallen from being the most powerful figure in the Kingdom to a mad old woman who has barely any effect on the story at all. What is important for the future however, is that she had significant estates in the north of the country which passed to her son - Huddan the Proud. As his name might suggest he is not a pushover, and his family will cause many problems throughout the 12th century.

fRidi.jpg

In 1118, Aspar Ephrimid comes of age, and we'll take a look at what sort of a King he is. We'll also take our first look at the children of Pulad and follow their paths through this critical period. Unfortunately, that will have to wait for next week. We have only a few more lectures left, but we have now reached he most exciting part of the course for most of you. I hope you enjoy it before your souls are crushed once again by the finals. Any Questions?
 
Just to say this is not dead! Time overtook me and the Finals are just around the corner, so... thank you for being patient! I shall be updating again in little over a week, should all go well. Hope to see you then, and enjoy the Holidays!
 
Thank you, Omen! Comments keep me going :)

My Finals are now done, and I'll celebrate by posting the last few pages of the first... act? Chapter? Half? Lets go with Half. The last few pages one per day, then quickly moving onto the second half in which we will FINALLY talk about Saros. New content coming later tonight :)


Edit: One point about the post below: I had hoped to put in CK portraits to the family tree so that you could visualise people better, but when I looked back on the savegame file, it turns out all of the sons of Pulad look EXACTLY THE SAME. Same nose, same beard, same angry expression. Good lord I laughed.
 
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Aspar Ephraimid Part 1
(1118 - 1121)


Welcome back students! It's a great pleasure to see you all again and... very nice to see.. you all again- anyway, I would like to press on today into our lecture, though at the end these fine teaching assistants are handing out evaluation papers to you all so that you can tell the bigwigs how wonderful I am! Remember not to tell them about my policy of *ahem* giving out A's for good evaluations... Hah? Ha. Mmm.

Hmm well we've reached, in Spring of 1118, the reign of King Aspar Ephraimid at last. The first telling sign about Aspar is that he never technically had a proper coronation, and so no-one really noticed the transition between the regencies and his reign until he was wed in early 1121. 1118 is an artificial date created by later scholars for this exact reason, given it is the time shortly after his 16th birthday that he actually began to attend council sessions. The people in power were exactly the same, a cabal of Ossetians who managed to compete against each other but keep the bulk of power within their own tribal unit - impressive to a point I suppose. They kept tight control of the council, which had flourished into greater power and responsibility with the absence of a powerful King to rule over them. Within this court were several factions, the Ossetians (of course), the Church, and the Royalists. At this point, they resembled loosely bound courtiers with similar interests - the Ossetians held complete control, whilst the others simply plotted behind closed doors. However they proved a framework around which future opposition groups would congregate, which of course is never good for the health of a realm.

Aspar, naturally, was meek. Disfigured by an unfortunate accident in childhood, he was further disadvantaged with the social capabilities of a dead donkey, and everyone who met him knew it. If he hadn't been first born, he would likely have instead been given to a monastery, and if he had been born a few generations later he would have simply been killed to allow his sibling to inherit (An Alanian Tradition). To be fair to him, the young lad was certainly not an idiot and proved that he had some determination and courage... but he was certainly not a man for his era and definitely no Pulad or Yasynya.


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As the meek king sat on his throne, he watched the first piece of land give itself independence. Seversky Donets is the vague modern term given to the lands across the Don that were never officially under control of the Alans, but were subject in practice. You wont see them on many of the maps, simply because they are overall of little consequence beyond signifying to contemporaries that Pulad's Alania had rotted at the core, and was prime for invasion in the future. Everyone in the court realised this loss of prestige and so the Ossetians decided to take steps. They elected a charismatic figure, Ashkhadar Ossetia, to become the kings main advisor and their tool for ensuring completely that the young man does what they tell him. Very soon afterwards, the nobility were being bullied into paying their dues for "Royal Projects" and neighbours being sent notes of warning. They went as far as to create a levy for the royal wedding of the only daughter of Pulad to an Ossetian, and then threw what Ephraim calls "a half hearted and spendthrift effort" into the event. Charming people, no? But it worked. In the first years of Aspars reign the tribe grew exceptionally rich and powerful, and the King proved entirely cowed and powerless before them. He was so subject that they let him ride largely unhindered on an errand to Georgia to oversee the maintenance of Kartili.


The king, riding on his own, got lost - a fact I find hilarious - and ended up in Georgia proper. So, as kings do, he decided to visit his fellow King David the Great of Georgia. Now... whatever ill you have heard about this man, forget it. He had been the King of that region for decades and had managed to survive devastating invasions and Alanian intervention without losing a single shred of authority. This was perhaps the most cohesive period in Georgian history, and it was about to come to a tragic end. David the Great was the last of the Bargrationi main line and the last of his dynasty to be King of Georgia, and when Aspar visited, he was stricken with illness and great pain. The Bargrationi and Ephraimid dynasties were related via a sibling of Yasynya Ephraimid, or so Ephraim himself speculates, which would make Aspar a claimant to the throne. Strange how that turns out, but I can tell you in advance that it will be long after 1126 when that tidbit of information becomes rediscovered by an Ephraimid. Ah, class, stop me from beating around the bush on this, otherwise we'll never finish the course. So David and Aspar are speaking to each other and David's only daughter enters the room, a blind lady named Kata. The scene carries on for a while, but David is distraught that Kata is 26 and no-one wishes her hand in marriage due to her blindness. One suspects that there must have been more disfiguring problems with her if her heritage alone didn't get her a powerful husband, but I digress. Aspar and Kata fall desperately in love, aided by her blindness and his... having fallen in love, and they wed in January of 1121. David the Great passes away a few months later, with his last wish thankfully fulfilled.


The Ossetians take one look at his new wife and accept Aspars decision. A blind foreign woman is hardly going to rock the boat, she wasn't exactly her late mother in law Alexandra. In fact, the Ossetians see this as a wonderful opportunity. They send the happy couple off to Kartili and let them enjoy each others company whilst the tribe ruled the kingdom in their stead. Take all the time you need, Ashkadar said, we can rule in your stead for days. Months. Years. No rush. The Ossetians are happy. The royal couple are happy. Everyone is happy? Not quite, because in these last three years the other two factions have been gifted a powerful figure head. I think now is a good time to introduce you to the rest of the sons of Pulad.


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  • Aspar, of course, is the King.
  • His younger brother, Durgulel, is an angry young man who is as violent as he is pious. He is very much against the Ossetians and has the support of the Church and the Royalists.
  • Safrak is next, and is only just turning 16. He is close friends with several of the Ossetian tribes and dislikes his older brother with the kind of intensity only sibling rivalry can create.
  • Kuluk is a young lad growing up in the court but playing by his own rules. He's shown signs of being charismatic and intelligent, quickly picking up valuable traits for court life. He doesn't seem very interested in the affairs of court until later on, but despises his other brothers in general.
  • Gokhar sadly died as long ago as Pulad's reign, only a child.
  • Saros... well he isn't important right now. Around this time he managed to nearly kill his older brother Kuluk by beating him repeatedly over the head with pottery, and is sent away to Beleya Vezha to avoid further familial infighting. In the confusion, he is largely forgotten.
  • Huddan doesn't even earn the title Ephraimid. I'll let you read through your notes and try to work out which particular rape by Pulad was high profile enough to result in the product being sent to court. Well that might not actually be enough to go on, hah. It was the Russian lady. He does very little at all, to be honest. Our only source on the period, Ephraim, decided that he must have been killed by the Turks.
  • And finally Borena, who was (as I said) married off to an Ossetian and disappears in the events of the next decade. As a royal carrying the child of an Ossetian, she was probably a target for most of her life by enemies of the tribe.
Sadly that is all the time we have for today. Anyone wishing to hedge their bets on what happens next? Haha, good luck. Now it's time for you guys to cough up your good comments, and decide whether I am cruel enough to fail you all out of spite if I get so much as a whif of negativity from these papers! Haha! Hah. Mmm. Next week, things will start to kick off, don't worry! Any questions?
 
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Morrel8 Thank you! Don't worry, I have about 80 years of story left to tell and I'm very excited to be sharing it!

HMAS-Nameless Thanks :)

Omen Excellent question! Let me answer that in a bonus content thing below, because I enjoy writing through problems I never considered at the time.



As to the Diplomatic Situation of Alania:

The Alans had always been in a difficult situation politically. As far as most were concerned, they were indistinguishable from the rest of the Kipchak tribes - those who descended from the vague Sarmatian group. In the Catholic world they may as well have disappeared after their fight with the Goths eight hundred years earlier, and given their status as Orthodox they didn't come into view for the rest of Europe until they were on the peripheral of the 3rd Crusade itself. As for their fellow Orthodox brethren, the Russ either ignored them or considered them a tribe to conquer, the Byzantines were interested but busy fighting the Seljuks (an enemy the Alans could not assist with), and the Georgians were essentially under the boot of the Alans - particularly after the death of David the Great. In this sense, the Georgians could be considered allies... but they were very reluctant at best. They were willing to fight along side the Alans when they were threatened, but were always interested in retaking Imereti and Kartili at the expense of their 'Allies'. The marriage of Kata and Aspar would go a long way to quell this, however, as even the new king of Georgia understood that Kata represented a much greater authority than he did. In fact, some have speculated that if Aspar was stronger and - to be frank - had lived longer, he could have taken the Georgian Throne with relative ease. Barring the obviously hostile relations with the Jews and the Moslem Turks, the only other group that the Alans had friendship with was the Armenians. They had a large collective of semi-independent counties south of the Georgian Tributary Region who Pulad and the Ossetians had been interested in keeping friendly relations with. Interestingly, they were one of the few groups willing to offer Pulad military support if he needed it - which says a lot considering they had little they could realistically spare.

As to marrying off the children of Pulad, they were disinterested with the idea. The Ossetians took the only Ephraimid daughter to grant themselves legitimacy, and the sons were all interested in their own power before marriage. The only exception is the accidental marriage of Kata and Aspar, which would have proven a very beneficial match in a more stable time. Uniting the ancient Bargrationi with the Ephraimids would have been a fantastic victory, no? In a broader sense, it is interesting that the Ephraimids and their successors (notably the Beroites and the Aghbania clan) had very few situations where more than three children were born. They had enough to ensure the continuing succession, but very rarely enough to consider marrying off children in the manner of Western Europe. The few conditions that this did happen, such as the Children of Pulad and the... lets just say children of David Beroites and leave that disturbing story till later, well they ended quite badly. Or thankfully, depending on your point of view.
 
(Thanks, Chalkface!)

If I had to guess, I'd say Durgulel is the one to watch from your description and foreshadowing. I'll see next lesson if I'm right!
 
Author Note: I hate to post without content, but I feel like I should at least mention where I am at so you don't think I just got bored or something horrible like that. Quite the contrary. I had written out the longest update yet for the rest of Aspar's reign, and things move so fast I felt that I should do something animated instead of a dozen separate maps spanning half the page... which is proving frustrating (I've already had a crash which stripped me of two hours of work). I then decided to at least submit an extra segment about what is going on in Russia at the moment, but when you write from scratch at 4am it does not come out as planned. I also forgot that a lot of things to do pop up around Christmas time... I think you can see where this is going. My apologies. Once I have cracked the puzzle I will get as much content to you as I can as quickly as I can - and make sure I have a buffer in place when we move into the second half of the AAR.

Thank you for your patience! Merry Christmas, Happy Solstice or a Festive Saturnalia if you prefer!
 
Happy Saturnalia to you, too.

Excellent handling of an obscure topic, though I would certainly say I am surprised at the lack of attention on Don/Donets Alans, who survived as a settled population under the Khazars and Cumans until at least the late 12th c. I'm also vaguely amused at the in-universe handling of Rus at her absolute height as a somehow incompetent power that fights with Danish Axes (a relatively rare find, archeologically speaking) and doesn't understand shield walls. In the case of this AAR perhaps the reliance on Sarir's records is the historiographical problem. There was no David/Tamar-like involvement with Cumans and Alans (as in, it exists, but it's different in nature), and the Russian Primary Chronicle got burned in some fire that consumed every major city.

Speaking of major cities, Russian princes pretty much held Tmutarakan with soldiers recruited into the Druzhina from the various mountain folk/cis-Caucasian horse peoples. With your powerful Alania, Tmutarakan might not be tenable for Rus-style private armies, and if it is, it would need a powerful personality on the seat.

Anyway, looking forward to an update.
 
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RGB

Thank you! It is interesting and slightly daunting to have a reader who clearly knows so much about the history of the Rus, but I hope I can explain strange changes here:

The Donets Alans are mentioned regularly by Ephraim and Sarir, and were important during the period of Yasynya Ephraimid especially - however they were not as important following this due to their lack of independence. For the Alanian Kingdom, the Donets were split into two groups - those who lived at the mouth of the river and the land surrounding it, and those who lived further north (which we call Seversky Donets). The establishment of religious control over those at the mouth of the Don was the beginning of a period of cultural integration with the rest of the kingdom, pronounced enough that by the death of Aspar they are more defined by their Bishop than their previous nature. The Alans were hardly a unified people after all, and there were much more distinguished groups to be dealt with in the histories. In Seversky Donets, the Alans maintained a loose control of the region which was only broken with their declaration of independence as we covered in our last update. This however did not last, as the rising Kipchak realm absorbed them at some point before 1136. They are distinguished and mentioned in the disparate records available only until the mid 14th Century, by which time they had likely suffered heavily at the hands of the Black Death. We do not hear of them beyond this point.

You are right to question the historical record, RGB. Those pictures are most certainly Catholic Propaganda from a period in which most of Western Europe thought the civilised world ended at Poland and Sweden, and that the Othadox Catholic Church was Christianity for the Tartars. We have records that clearly state this is not true, and modern scholars are well aware of the golden ages of the Rus - aware of the Duchy of Novgorod and the powerhouse that once was Kiev. This is why we get modern stereotypes of the history of the Rus being incompetent Vikings conquered by Mongols. However the Golden Period of the Rus has, by this point in our story, been dead for decades. Kiev itself was destroyed, likely by the Hungarians after an attack in 1087. Those Rus that remained failed to rebuild it's former glory or expand on their own... the region had begun to fall into infighting it seems, and the Kipchak tribes grew greatly from Rus weakness. Finally, at some point before 1118, the Prince of Ryazan had gotten lucky: He became the power behind the infant ruler of the powerful Bulgar tribe. He exploited this, using these Bulgars as a tool to grow his own power with surprising success. In 1123, he exploited the Cumans and encouraged them to destroy the Prince of Cheringov... and that was only the beginning. In ten years, he had used opportunism and the promise of Rus treasures to bring the Kipchak tribes under his control and into Russia itself. The Russian Principalities were fully subjugated by the time of his own death, and his son sat on a throne in Bulgar with the title Tsar of the Rus and Tsar of the Kipchak. Whilst this impromptu kingdom would be swept away by the Mongols, the damage was already done. The Rus had their cities torched and looted by eager tribes, and they were subject to punishing taxation and incessant raids from the south and east. The Primary Record of Kiev had been lost along with many other documents of the period, however we are fortunate that some copies were discovered and translated by archaeologists under the Old City district of Kiev. By the time of the first Mongol Invasion (1224), they had regained enough footing to begin to force their way towards independence once again and exploited the heavily weakened Kipchak tribes who had managed to drive the Mongols away for a short while. Two decades of freedom and the region was once again balkanised... easy prey for the Mongol hordes. This time they found that the only resistance came from the cities, and so the Rus faced another bout of destruction and subjugation. Such was the fate of Russia for another three centuries, and when the Russian people finally began to emerge into independence in the 16th century they were heavily influenced by the tribes who had been their masters. Thus, the perception of them as Tartars, despite their liberation by Catholic action and their history as collection of powerful urban centres. This is a heavily shortened version of events, that extends past our timeline a fair way, so I hope you understand some unclear or anachronistic concepts that may be present.

Finally, Tmuturakan. The city was indeed held by as a Principality, held in place due to it's active support by many Rus Princes to the north. Cheringov was the most notable example, and it was the threat of invoking their armies that prevented the city from falling prone to opportunism by the Alans. The reliance of this grew over time, and the local Princes allowed their army in the city to shrink in favour of their own profits. When the Principality of Cheringov was all but destroyed... well things don't go so well for the port.


I hope that was of interest everyone! I hope it also helps make the delay over the next update less painful.
 
This is my favourite AAR I've read for a long time. Keep on writing please! :)