What is the religious balance in the Kingdom? The local jewish community has been mentioned quite a bit, but I'm unclear of that is becuase it is big, or just rebellious?
A Class on the Sons of Ephraim
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Oh wow I thought this AAR had died ,but I was wrong the last updates were very good and I eagerly await the next. I might have mentioned this before ,but it is nice to see an AAR of a Kingdom you very rarely see mentioned at all in other stories on the site.
Tommy4ever & JackTheRipper21 - Thank you for the kind words! Don't worry I haven't stopped, I just hit a brick wall of other commitments over winter I wasn't expecting. I'm back into working on the updates.
As for the choice of country, I had originally been grappling with the little Merchant Duchy that Couldn't (Amalfi in southern Italy) and trying to make it survive more than three years. This utterly failed and it was only then that I stumbled upon this tiny Orthodox Kingdom surrounded by religious enemies - and I had never heard of it before. So I gave it a go, expecting to fail... and the story grew in the telling, I guess. I do like to pick regions that don't get a lot of attention - I certainly didn't want to tell a story about the French or the Polish for example. More experienced writers than me have already been all over those regions, whereas I haven't read enough AAR's here to notice the Alans had a kingdom at all.
Alfredan - Delivered!
Of the Religious Groups within the Alanian Kingdom:
The Alanian Kingdom had its roots in the importation of Greek Orthodoxy to a key region for Caucasus trade. Likely it was created at the encouragement of Byzantine or Georgian interests, but over time it flourished into it's own religious centre. With the massive success of the Ephraimid family and the subsequent subjugation of vast numbers of Pagan, Jewish and Muslim peoples, religion became an important tool to ensure stability under the crown. The Patriarch was invited to sent missionaries across the plains, and vast tracks were granted to the church - partly to ensure their (and thus Roman) continued support of the current dynasty but mainly to educate the subjugated Alans of the one true God. Mixed with other authoritative measures, the growth of Greek Orthodoxy was hand in hand with the unification of Alanian culture and the stability that it brought. If your fellow vassals and your king all believe vehemently in God, then that is one more difference that wont be causing civil strife. However this was not a blanket process and there were several notable pockets of resistance, primarily in those who aspired to different cultural identities and were thus regarded as the conquered rather than the liberated. Paganism lingered on the frontiers of the Alanian Realm but the lack of tolerance for it's practitioners (increasing as time went on) meant that they were never in great enough numbers to influence the state. It wasn't until the end of the Kingdom that paganism made attempts to return, but even political ruin and military occupation failed to reduce the Orthodox faith in the region.
Perhaps most importantly and notably, the Jews of former Khazaria were present in some form or another for the entire span of the Alanian Kingdom. After their conquest, they were treated with varying degrees of scorn and persecution depending on the ruler and the strength of the Church in the realm. Some, like Pulad, gave the church a loose leash to burn heretics and convert the wicked. Gradually, Judaism had steadily declined in all areas short of the Ryn Desert and Itaz itself - the bastion of Jewish money lending and trading. Caspian Sea trading provided a potentially cheap means of transporting goods past the Caucasus mountains, avoiding the tariffs of Derbent and the Gates, and whilst it wasn't rich compared to other trading routes in the world, it was enough to allow Itaz to prosper. The port town is increasingly described as a city, a Jewish Majority area and a rallying point for a growing middle class. In this concoction we have religious prosecution, political prosecution and (given the huge garrison and governance by appointed court members) civic suppression... which can cause nothing short of a hotbed of resentment and explosive tensions. So... why is this allowed to happen? The Alans would have found it relatively easy to ride in and massacre the locals and then replace them with Orthodox Kipchaks. However, a dirty secret of the early Ephraimid dynasty is that like many other medieval states, they borrowed heavily to cover costs. Raising an army to fight the Rus? You'll need to pay the tribes compensation for the lost manpower during spring and autumn. Taxes are decidedly inefficient since all of those folks who are supposed to pay are both earning within communal groups and moving around constantly. This system does improve alongside growth of sedentary populations through 1130's to 1205, but to an insufficient extent. The system of tributes and tithes was archaic and inconsistent at best, Ephraim decides, and it would have been near impossible for the Kingdom to flourish had it not been floated by those rich Jews in Itil. Not that they were appreciated for their service, of course. It seems that half the time a king would quietly pay his dues and ask the church to slow down their beatings on the Judaic community, and the other half simply wiped their debts clean with an army putting down a revolt in Itil as the excuse. During Saros's reign, the Jews of Itil began to flourish greatly... only to have their city finally burnt to the ground and their people decimated later on. Despite initial support by the greatest Ephraimid, the community never really recovered, and the port declined in importance over the latter half of the 12th Century. During the 13th it was destroyed again by the Mongols and survived as a small Alanian town until the advent of the Industrial Era. It retained a significant Jewish quarter until their eventual emancipation.
The Muslim holdouts had a much smaller impact on Alanian history. They were focussed in the south east, around Derbent and Shirvan (as well as subsequent regional gains), but were given a much greater amount of leniency due to the importance of their cities for trade. The easiest caravan route from Persia to Rus, the road through the region got a huge amount of trade, and when the cities were conquered the Alanian King decided to put some court members in charge and leave it at that. Whether he intended to or not, this kept the mercantile hierarchy intact and thus kept the revenue flowing in undisturbed. This continuing arrangement kept the Muslim populations of those areas safe from the Church even as Islamic parties mercilessly raided Humraj and Kartili on a regular basis. It wasn't until the later Century of Decline (1205 - 1309) that they became truly persecuted, with the north/south trade route being replaced and hugely overshadowed by the east/west, and the desperation of the successor states to expand Greek Orthodoxy. Don't worry, I'm sure we'll cover that in a little more detail after our second class is finished.
As for the choice of country, I had originally been grappling with the little Merchant Duchy that Couldn't (Amalfi in southern Italy) and trying to make it survive more than three years. This utterly failed and it was only then that I stumbled upon this tiny Orthodox Kingdom surrounded by religious enemies - and I had never heard of it before. So I gave it a go, expecting to fail... and the story grew in the telling, I guess. I do like to pick regions that don't get a lot of attention - I certainly didn't want to tell a story about the French or the Polish for example. More experienced writers than me have already been all over those regions, whereas I haven't read enough AAR's here to notice the Alans had a kingdom at all.
Alfredan - Delivered!
Of the Religious Groups within the Alanian Kingdom:
The Alanian Kingdom had its roots in the importation of Greek Orthodoxy to a key region for Caucasus trade. Likely it was created at the encouragement of Byzantine or Georgian interests, but over time it flourished into it's own religious centre. With the massive success of the Ephraimid family and the subsequent subjugation of vast numbers of Pagan, Jewish and Muslim peoples, religion became an important tool to ensure stability under the crown. The Patriarch was invited to sent missionaries across the plains, and vast tracks were granted to the church - partly to ensure their (and thus Roman) continued support of the current dynasty but mainly to educate the subjugated Alans of the one true God. Mixed with other authoritative measures, the growth of Greek Orthodoxy was hand in hand with the unification of Alanian culture and the stability that it brought. If your fellow vassals and your king all believe vehemently in God, then that is one more difference that wont be causing civil strife. However this was not a blanket process and there were several notable pockets of resistance, primarily in those who aspired to different cultural identities and were thus regarded as the conquered rather than the liberated. Paganism lingered on the frontiers of the Alanian Realm but the lack of tolerance for it's practitioners (increasing as time went on) meant that they were never in great enough numbers to influence the state. It wasn't until the end of the Kingdom that paganism made attempts to return, but even political ruin and military occupation failed to reduce the Orthodox faith in the region.
Perhaps most importantly and notably, the Jews of former Khazaria were present in some form or another for the entire span of the Alanian Kingdom. After their conquest, they were treated with varying degrees of scorn and persecution depending on the ruler and the strength of the Church in the realm. Some, like Pulad, gave the church a loose leash to burn heretics and convert the wicked. Gradually, Judaism had steadily declined in all areas short of the Ryn Desert and Itaz itself - the bastion of Jewish money lending and trading. Caspian Sea trading provided a potentially cheap means of transporting goods past the Caucasus mountains, avoiding the tariffs of Derbent and the Gates, and whilst it wasn't rich compared to other trading routes in the world, it was enough to allow Itaz to prosper. The port town is increasingly described as a city, a Jewish Majority area and a rallying point for a growing middle class. In this concoction we have religious prosecution, political prosecution and (given the huge garrison and governance by appointed court members) civic suppression... which can cause nothing short of a hotbed of resentment and explosive tensions. So... why is this allowed to happen? The Alans would have found it relatively easy to ride in and massacre the locals and then replace them with Orthodox Kipchaks. However, a dirty secret of the early Ephraimid dynasty is that like many other medieval states, they borrowed heavily to cover costs. Raising an army to fight the Rus? You'll need to pay the tribes compensation for the lost manpower during spring and autumn. Taxes are decidedly inefficient since all of those folks who are supposed to pay are both earning within communal groups and moving around constantly. This system does improve alongside growth of sedentary populations through 1130's to 1205, but to an insufficient extent. The system of tributes and tithes was archaic and inconsistent at best, Ephraim decides, and it would have been near impossible for the Kingdom to flourish had it not been floated by those rich Jews in Itil. Not that they were appreciated for their service, of course. It seems that half the time a king would quietly pay his dues and ask the church to slow down their beatings on the Judaic community, and the other half simply wiped their debts clean with an army putting down a revolt in Itil as the excuse. During Saros's reign, the Jews of Itil began to flourish greatly... only to have their city finally burnt to the ground and their people decimated later on. Despite initial support by the greatest Ephraimid, the community never really recovered, and the port declined in importance over the latter half of the 12th Century. During the 13th it was destroyed again by the Mongols and survived as a small Alanian town until the advent of the Industrial Era. It retained a significant Jewish quarter until their eventual emancipation.
The Muslim holdouts had a much smaller impact on Alanian history. They were focussed in the south east, around Derbent and Shirvan (as well as subsequent regional gains), but were given a much greater amount of leniency due to the importance of their cities for trade. The easiest caravan route from Persia to Rus, the road through the region got a huge amount of trade, and when the cities were conquered the Alanian King decided to put some court members in charge and leave it at that. Whether he intended to or not, this kept the mercantile hierarchy intact and thus kept the revenue flowing in undisturbed. This continuing arrangement kept the Muslim populations of those areas safe from the Church even as Islamic parties mercilessly raided Humraj and Kartili on a regular basis. It wasn't until the later Century of Decline (1205 - 1309) that they became truly persecuted, with the north/south trade route being replaced and hugely overshadowed by the east/west, and the desperation of the successor states to expand Greek Orthodoxy. Don't worry, I'm sure we'll cover that in a little more detail after our second class is finished.
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I`m personally not sure if Alan paganism was a sort of proto-Zoroastrian construction (Saltovo-Mayaki sites have distinct fire temples, though chronologically somewhat late), or shared with the Circassians (Nart epics being the only real link I can think of), or influenced by Turcic sky-worship. Ibn Rustah mentions something about `Idols` but nothing concrete. In any case it coexisted with royal Orthodoxy a long time, but I have a supicion that constant dilution of the state homogeny had a lot to do with it. Historical Alan kings had to deal with Turcic settlers and Caucasian neighbours, and that became especially acute with the arrival of the Cumans. They could be persuaded to settle and fight for the Alans, but they were slow to convert (until mid-to-late 13th c. when one starts getting consistent Christian names used by the Khans and nobles, and 14th c. has prayer-books as well, though that`s in Rus and Hungary, respectively).
There are I think still some mountain-jew communities in the Caucasus, and there may have been `Khazars` in Tmutarakan as late as the reign of Oleg Sviatoslavich, but there`s also a lot of pseudohistory on the subject so it`s hard to say. I do agree with the role you describe though, it makes total sense that this is how the community would survive, as bankers and intermediaries with the Muslim world.
There are I think still some mountain-jew communities in the Caucasus, and there may have been `Khazars` in Tmutarakan as late as the reign of Oleg Sviatoslavich, but there`s also a lot of pseudohistory on the subject so it`s hard to say. I do agree with the role you describe though, it makes total sense that this is how the community would survive, as bankers and intermediaries with the Muslim world.
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Aspar Ephraimid
(1118 - 1123)
(1118 - 1123)
Good morning class. As you know, your exams are just around the corner and it seems we ran out of time in order to complete our course this semester. Very frustrating, but I have had this happen a few times before! Not to say that I always spend too much time talk... *ahem*. Here is what we are going to do. This last lesson will be spent answering your questions about the exams, whilst I shall post over the next week the last lectures in your course folder thing online. They are only transcripts, unfortunately, so you'll all lose out on hearing my beautiful voice. Ah well. Now, lets start the recap...
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Aspar Ephraimid Part 2
Durgulel vs Safrak
Hello! If you are reading this, then all is well with the internet box technology thing. Against all known laws of the universe, I successfully used a computer on the first try! So no, no-one will read this. I can say whatever I want! [CONTENT REMOVED BY ADMINISTRATOR. REASON: Redundancy and derogatory remarks.]Durgulel vs Safrak
From early 1121, the situation between the Royalist and Ossetian factions of court was becoming increasingly violent. The two young Ossetian brothers took their places on opposing sides of the void and their family feud only made matters worse. Durgulel was a violent character, described as well built and hot headed, barely held on a leash by the Royalists and the Church for much of the year. There is an account of an incident in March during which he led a small raiding party to slaughter Ossetian owned cattle, strenuously denying it later but fooling no-one. Interestingly most sources agree that he was not ambitious for himself, unlike his brothers. Safrak however was much more suited to court life. With a measure of cunning and a bucket of ambition, he was the very model of a stereotypical advisor - the sort that would whisper lies and deceit into the ears of his lord for even the smallest of rewards. He had grown up with Askhadar, who was raised in Court to learn how to lead, and the two were very close friends - a fact that many were quick to abuse with slander. This connection meant that Safrak was let into the close confidence of those men who truely ruled the Kingdom, and made him a direct target of his brothers ire.
In case you had forgotten the region.
Relations simmered through the year until, in October 1121, Durgulel made his move. After meeting with the Prince Bishop of Azak, they began to relentlessly kill known Ossetian allies in the vicinity. The incident was largely kept low key by the Prince Bishop, who didn't want to show his hand too quickly, but Durgulel took no precautions and soon enough news reached Maghas. Naturally, the Ossetians were furious and began to make preparations for a full invasion of the Bishopric. Safrak and Askhadar however were more interested in this new opportunity to kill Durgulel cleanly, and made motions that Safrak was to lead the army west. Safrak had the support of their leader, Askhadar, but on the other hand he was barely a man at all, and so they sent a very important old Ossetian to lead the army with him. Who? Beler Ossetia, a name that we will be hearing a lot more from, and that frankly some of you should know already. The Saros cartoon downplays Belers role in favour of a Hamlet-esque visit from Pulad (if you haven't seen it, it is as stupid as it sounds), but nonetheless. The two lead an army west, and they are met by the young Prince Bishop and Durgulel. Now we have a situation where an old, experienced general is fighting on friendly territory against two kids who have never fought before in their lives. Beler called for a meeting of the generals before the battle started... and Durgulel quickly found that his ally was all to happy to end hostilities. The Prince Bishop could see, just as well as Beler, how this particular battle was going to end - his head on a Pike. He offered his colleague for peace, and Durgulel duly got the hell out of there. Thus ends the importance of Durgulel Ephraimid, as Ephraim tells us that he fled north into Kipchak lands - realising that he had gone too far. Of course, Ephraim wouldn't let the opportunity to indulge in a coincidence go to waste, and he tells us a short story of a man matching Alanian description arriving in the court of Novgorod offering his service. Interestingly, that man turned out to be an apt Marshall indeed... Though you shouldn't believe a word of it.
We now have, in October 1121, the Ossetians delivering a key blow to the Royalist opposition. They further found their position fortified with the birth of Aspar and Kata's first daughter: Dulanduht (I am sorry students, History is cruel with names sometimes). Interestingly, this is where later Alanian dynasties gained their acceptance of a ruling Queen from, as Ashkadar suggested that the girl be the full Royal Heir in case Aspar should die. Imagine what would happen if one of your brothers got control? Would she be safe? Aspar agreed. Now, the Ossetians controlled the succession, and at what cost? The girl would grow up to marry an Ossetian anyway, he thought, so it's nothing but a victory. From these two successes, the Ossetians felt secure enough to begin to piece apart the Royalist court members who were obviously trying to pull together further resistance. Fate, however, was not kind to their family.
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Smaller but more frequent updates coming up guys! I got this part of the story figured out now. Oh, and do you like that image border? Gotta love gradients.
RGB: I have to say, this illustrates the point that it is impossible to take everything available into account very well. Even the Caucasus plain has so much more going on than I could ever know, I'm glad I did my best to be vague or overarching for the majority of my notes. That said, it's amazing that you know this much off hand, so I'm very relieved that you thought the Jewish population was well presented. There are of course lots of small communities around, but Itil was the only one of any importance - even Ryn Desert only gets mentioned because it was a large area rather than it actually had much influence. A considerable amount of my story goes through the filter of "What we know now" and "What is actually important", rather than what actually went on.
RGB: I have to say, this illustrates the point that it is impossible to take everything available into account very well. Even the Caucasus plain has so much more going on than I could ever know, I'm glad I did my best to be vague or overarching for the majority of my notes. That said, it's amazing that you know this much off hand, so I'm very relieved that you thought the Jewish population was well presented. There are of course lots of small communities around, but Itil was the only one of any importance - even Ryn Desert only gets mentioned because it was a large area rather than it actually had much influence. A considerable amount of my story goes through the filter of "What we know now" and "What is actually important", rather than what actually went on.
I always get extra-annoyed when Bishops start declaring feudal wars on me.
Ossetians refers to the court faction, I suppose - As or Yas or Os were all commonly used demonyms for Alans, though there may actually be a distinction in this universe between Alans and the Yas tribes proper.
Ossetians refers to the court faction, I suppose - As or Yas or Os were all commonly used demonyms for Alans, though there may actually be a distinction in this universe between Alans and the Yas tribes proper.
Aspar Ephraimid
(1118 - 1123)
Aspar Ephraimid Part 3
State of the Kingdom
(1118 - 1123)
Aspar Ephraimid Part 3
State of the Kingdom
For the majority of the rest of his reign, Aspar and Kata enjoy life and living in their home near Kartili. Blissfully unaware, no doubt, of the increasingly volatile political situation that is spreading out from Court into the nation itself. Ephraim mentions that a group of eagle eyed tribal leaders near the Gates of the Alans moved their entire tribes and took over guard duties of the makeshift mountain fortress, trading the mobility of the plain for the security of the hills. Similar stories start appearing throughout this period in particular, with the Assigned Governor of Derbent stockpiling food and doubling his city guard. Why?
The two sides descended during that year into an arms race, of sorts, for allies and mercenaries. The Ossetians as a tribe were from the north of Alania, and many of their soldiers were gathered from those under the auspices of Huddan during this early period. The tribes on the plains around Maghas, however, were royalists through and through albeit very reluctant to act. What prevented this from turning into a North v South conflict was the increasing hostility and resistance by Huddan to the Ossetian dominated court, urging the Ossetians to seek new allies. They carved a chunk of land into the Bishopric of Yergoryk, headed by an Ossetian, to counter the influence of those church lands to the west. Humraj, Derbent and Shirvan were partial to Ossetian interests and had access to mercenary groups from the south, prompting an increasing migration of sell swords to the north - which had the unintended consequences of drawing the attention of Turkish states. But what is most important was the divided attitudes of the Alanian tribes themselves - not divided in North v South, but divided in preparation. Some tribes saw one faction being the inevitable victors, and continued as before. Others decided that this would be an age of blood after all and migrated towards safer areas. Beleya Vezha, Maghas, Samander and Adghe received large numbers of tribes moving closer to the forts in the hope of some nearby protection. The realm had begun it's transformation into what modern historians would call the Feudal Contract - although its very important to note that this is a blanket term rather than a specific one.
*Please note this representation is based on old data assembled by the Russian Scholar Antonina Nikolaevich Egorov, and may not be up to modern academic standards. Furthermore the distinction of Alans from other Kipchak groups is weak at this point in history, so there will be a significant overlap of other groups into Alanian areas and visa versa.
After the events of 1121, the Ossetians prepared an army under Beler Ossetia to march south towards Derbent to pick up mercenary forces for reinforcement. They never got close. News reached him that a Russian army had entered Seversky Donets, under the Prince of Cheringov, and he turned right around.
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RGB: While I mull over the next updates's graphic, I'll try to clear up the Ossetians a bit.
Of the Ossetians:
The Ossetians were a small but important tribe who regularly wandered the Northern areas of the Alanian Kingdom, cutting themselves a swathe of land near the Volga river. The etymology clearly indicates they are an Alanian stock and their name is distinctly mentioned numerous times throughout our available sources, indicating their importance. Remember I mentioned that the Kingdom was developing regional warlords? Well the leaders of Tribe Ossetian were also the regional bullies of the southern bank of the Volga. Very resistant to the Cumans, they appear to have been rebellious at many points in the 11th century. When the Kingdom grew to encompass them, they made the arrogant demand that one of their number be allowed to advise the King in all state affairs from court, and from this demand they established a near continuous presence. Their location near the Jewish lands of Itil and the Ryn Desert meant that Pulad often requested their aid in putting down revolts, and for their service he allowed them to increase their power in court. The soldiers he had on station in Itil whilst building the fort? Ossetians and their subservient tribes. By allowing them to increase in power as his own position collapsed is what gave them the edge when Alexandria and her Marshall tried to keep power.
Of the Ossetians:
The Ossetians were a small but important tribe who regularly wandered the Northern areas of the Alanian Kingdom, cutting themselves a swathe of land near the Volga river. The etymology clearly indicates they are an Alanian stock and their name is distinctly mentioned numerous times throughout our available sources, indicating their importance. Remember I mentioned that the Kingdom was developing regional warlords? Well the leaders of Tribe Ossetian were also the regional bullies of the southern bank of the Volga. Very resistant to the Cumans, they appear to have been rebellious at many points in the 11th century. When the Kingdom grew to encompass them, they made the arrogant demand that one of their number be allowed to advise the King in all state affairs from court, and from this demand they established a near continuous presence. Their location near the Jewish lands of Itil and the Ryn Desert meant that Pulad often requested their aid in putting down revolts, and for their service he allowed them to increase their power in court. The soldiers he had on station in Itil whilst building the fort? Ossetians and their subservient tribes. By allowing them to increase in power as his own position collapsed is what gave them the edge when Alexandria and her Marshall tried to keep power.
Yeah, I see your Alans are having the bad fortune to go into feudal splinterification right at the worst time possible, just like historically. Well, waiting to see what the future holds.
Aspar Ephraimid
(1118 - 1123)
Part 4
3rd Battle of Tmuturakan
The major cities of Alania, and the lands lost during the reign of Aspar.
(1118 - 1123)
Part 4
3rd Battle of Tmuturakan
The major cities of Alania, and the lands lost during the reign of Aspar.
The Prince of Cheringov this time, was continuing the legacy of his father. Under increasing Kipchak pressure, the Rus Prince felt he needed more protection from the volatile situation. How to achieve this? Well the Alanian Kings traditionally were unchallenged if they were militarily successful abroad, so why could that not work here? Doubtless there were other factors but, for the purposes of our story, we shall consider him desperate and raised with an urge to finally beat his father in defeating the Alans. And so, he marches through Cuman lands with around 20,000 men. The road is easy and he is already approaching the Don by the time the court in Maghas hears of his approach. The Ossetians panic and call urgently for Beler to bring his army back from the south and deal with the problem, whilst simultaneously gathering a small army themselves and sending it to the port of Tmuturakan. Why? Whilst the port has no major importance, it was a common thread for the Rus forces to use it as a base of operations, and by taking it they would presumably damage the Rus army in some way.
As Beler rode north, he is caught up by a surprising addition to the campaign - Aspar Ephraimid himself. While the King was happy to sit in Georgia and raise his children during times of peace, he seemed to have gotten enough of a sense of duty that he should be involved during times of war - especially against a foe as potentially deadly as the Rus. The noticeably pregnant Kata, with her daughter and some guards, continued on north to Maghas as the army marched West. While theoretically safe, the wife and heir of the King himself was now in the clutches of whoever found themselves in control of Court... which caught the attention of a certain young Ephraimid who was just entering the political arena. Kuluk Ephraimid. As the port of Tmuturakan fell to the small Alan party and Beler raced west with his cavalry, Kuluk begins to work his political finess behind the scenes and gains the crucial support of the Royalist faction.
Meanwhile, the Rus arrive at Beleya Vezha and begin preparations for a siege - only to be forced to march back south when Tmuturakan. Studying reports of his campaign with the advantage of hindsight, it appears he had hired a small flotilla of greek ships to sail up the Don as far as they could and provide the Rus with periodical supplies. He was clearly his fathers superior when it came to strategy, but with the sudden conquest of the port he was forced to march to it's aid. They reached Azak and plundered the Bishopric of everything that was outside the churches, before continuing on south west - aware of a large Alanian force racing to intercept them. Beler and Aspar were too slow, however, and the Rus retook Tmuturakan bloodily and turned about face to meet the Alans from superior terrain. Normally, it would be prudent procedure to sit tight and let the Rus make mistakes... but Beler ignored this. He pushed his tired forces into a full on assault of the Rus line and was rewarded with a thorough beating and a disorganised retreat. Bemused, the Prince offered the King and his General a punishing treaty and they accepted without hesitation. What he didn't know, of course, was that Humraj had been raised to the ground and thousands of Turks were raiding the southeaster borders - turning a bearable situation into a nightmare for the Alans.
The Prince gained the promise of the entire Alan treasury and free will to take Beleya Vezha, so he leisurely rebuilt his supply lines and and meandered north of the Don as he marched on the white walled fort. And then he was ambushed. He had such an easy time making it through hostile Kipchak territory unharassed, but never wondered why... Beleya Vezha was saved from destruction, as Cheringov burnt. They weren't happy one bit with their supposed protectors in Maghas, but at least they were free.
Aspar Ephraimid
(1118 - 1123)
Part 5
The Abyss
(1118 - 1123)
Part 5
The Abyss
Beler and Aspar reached the ruins of Humraj just as the Persian corsairs prepared to return to their ships and sail home. Many still did, but the Alans gave them a bloody nose before they managed to flee. We now reach Spring 1122, and the army of Aspar and Beler is completely under their control. The Ossetians do not approve of Aspar taking such a commanding role but they simply cannot afford to sabotage Beler by interfering, and so they reluctantly take a back seat and deal with internal issues. While preparing to deal with a revolt in Itil, the Safrak and Askhadar are caught simultaneously ill, an event which draws significant rumours and suspicion. The Ossetians suppress these rumours and their inward focus leads to the usual rabble of middle class funded drunkards that revolted in Itil find themselves in control of their city without any reprisals at all. Not good for Alanian authority.
Meanwhile, Aspar and Beler embark on an ambitious campaign to stem the tide of the Turkish assaults from the south. They face an enemy that is attacking everything from Imereti to Shirvan, and they have but one tired force of cavalry to fight with. But while Beler is most famous as a teacher, he was truly a master of what he taught. He and Aspar drove the Turks from the walls of Shirvan and rebuilt their army with mercenary forces, before sweeping west. They reinforced local garrisons, crushed pockets of resistance and drove deep into the Georgian Tributary region, where the Turks amassed to strike at the Georgian kingdom itself. It is here that Aspar begins to redeem himself, especially in the eyes of Beler and his army, as he negotiates a more formal alliance with the Georgians in order to drive the Turks out of the region. After bloody defeats around Imereti the two forces join up and crush an army led by the opposing Emir himself, forcing him to retreat through the mountains. Having earnt tentative trust from the Georgians, Beler and Aspar spent the rest of the year butchering small raiding groups and fortifying the borders, before racing to Shirvan once more.
You see throughout this year of warfare the Turks had maintained a very traditional strategy of a large force spread out wide to raid. This meant that unless directly engaged, their front consisted of a mass of small groups who looted at will, which made them difficult to engage - or direct. The Alans on the other hand had a single, directly controlled army, which made it difficult to cover a wide area quickly but made their application of force the greatest it could be. During the war, each side had begun to learn tricks from the other, though Beler did not act upon them during the campaign. Instead, during this final battle at Shirvan, the Emir rallied what forces he had in the region who were willing to continue and marched as one block. This meant that of all the battles of the brief war, this one was the deciding blow.
The situation in the South of the realm through 1123.
They drew out in two battle lines, facing each other across the plains between the city and the hills. The Turks were a mix of cavalry and infantry forces, focussing on their infantry - aware that of all the foes that an Islamic army could face, the Alans were one of the few with superior cavalry. The Alanian army was very different from the one that was fielded against the Prince of Cheringov just short of two years before. They had a large cavalry contingent of native Alans sitting in two groups, one for the King and one for Beler, behind the main line. These had once been the entirety of the Alanian military forces, but attrition had made short work of that. Instead, the front line was made up of mercenaries, some of them even Turkish - all of them well paid and well equipped. There is some evidence that a company of deserters, from the disastrous Byzantine defeat at Antioch a few years earlier, were present on the Alanian side. In general, the battle played out in a typical fashion, both sides failing to encircle or flank the other and brawling in the centre of the field.
Of course, I wouldn't be going into such detail if this battle wasn't so important. The Turks made a breach in the main line and started to push outwards, and the Alanian cavalry around Aspar formed ranks in preparation to charge the line. By the time they had charged, a Turkish contingent of Heavy Cavalry had swept around the flank, albeit under heavy fire, and smashed into Aspar's guard as they became engaged with the Turkish foot soldiers. The infantry fell back, but the Heavy Cavalry smashed their way through. Beler, noticing the danger, sounded an all out charge to route the enemy and led his contingent of Alans into the fray. He was too late. The old Ossetian General watched his King dragged from the saddle, and disappear from view.
The general wrote a journal of which a fair amount was preserved, fortunately, and I shall end with his fitting words - as dramatised in a 1980's documentary:
"To see the end of your King is the worst fate a good man may suffer. A great king or a fool, a conqueror or just a boy, a Judas... or a friend, it matters little at the end. The torment even a man as stoic as an executioner would feel is worse than the damnation of the devil himself. I have failed my King, and more than any other I bear the shame. Beyond even this, I have failed those who in serving my King I promised to protect. The Alans have no fit leader that yet lives, and thus as a people we are doomed. Doomed to the Abyss."
I've just got caught up with this. It's very good!
Uh-oh, a King falling in battle in an existential war - that's the kind of situation that can be fatal to a Kingdom (or provide the climate for a real hero to rise)!
Uh-oh, a King falling in battle in an existential war - that's the kind of situation that can be fatal to a Kingdom (or provide the climate for a real hero to rise)!
The Regency of Dulanduht Ephraimid
(1123 - 1126)
Part 1
The Board is Set
(1123 - 1126)
Part 1
The Board is Set
Now at the death of Aspar, his brother Durgulel is off the map, Sagrak is ill and out of Maghas, Kuluk is in court and Saros is in Beleya Vezha. Take a wild guess who takes the initiative? Kuluk, of course. As soon as he hears of his brothers death, he springs into action and evicts the Ossetians from Maghas. Wait, what? How could he manage that? Well the Ossetians were in a state of panic: Safrak and Askhadar had rode north-east in order to raise more troops, Beler had yet to decisively beat the Turks and the treasury wasn't endless. No-one expected Aspar to fall so quickly and decisively as in battle, and only patient Kuluk was in position to act as he did. So Maghas and the tribes around it, who had always been supportive of the Royalists, were in Kuluks hands. There has been some debate as to how much control Kuluk had over the movement, seeing as he was still rather young, but none of the sources hint to any significant background court members capable of manipulating him to their own ends. We must simply accept that Kuluk was probably as politically competent as he seemed to be at first glance.
Once he has control of court, he personally crowns his two year old niece as the new Queen of the Alans and declares himself her Regent. However he felt that he needed another claim to legitimacy, as his hold over power was easily disputable by (for example) Safrak. So, he quietly enters the room of the blind and no doubt very confused Kata, and informs her of her husbands death. I'm sure we would all like to think that he cared for her somewhat, maybe an unrequited love or some such, but this was a cold political play by Kuluk. He wouldn't even have to hide his expression from her as he told her the news, and he wouldn't have thought twice as he married her within the month. Politics my friends, it is a cruel game.
The greatest threat that existed to his regency was, of course, the Ossetians. Despite having lost control of the monarchy and the capital, they had the treasury and a great deal of political clout. In an announcement to the court, he declared the Ossetians traitors, and specifically Safrak and Askhadar as homosexuals and enemies of god. This was a play off the rumours, you understand, and not something that they could defend themselves against. While the church didn't particularly buy it, the tribes around Maghas lapped up his words and began loudly demanding Kuluk hunt them down. I suppose the recent high taxes levied would have given them a bitter memory of the Ossetians for Kuluk to exploit.
In the south east, Beler consolidated his victory against the Turk by routing their surviving forces and capturing the Emir. As news came in of Kuluk's coup d'etat, he decided to secure the southern borders for as long as he could and gave the Turk a generous treaty in exchange for a promise of a 5 year peace. Reluctant to let Safrak and Askhadar regroup with Beler, Kuluk made the fateful decision to create an army from the men who should be working the land, and marched on the Ossetian camp. Routing the army of Safrak without battle and reaching a stalemate against Beler, Kuluk's generals pulled their army back and watched as the two Ossetian groups met at the ruins of Humraj. They agreed to keep their armies separate: Beler would use his good relation with the Georgians to secure an advance through the Gates of Alania directly to Maghas whilst the rest of the Ossetian forces made their way there via the north. As more and more men were levied into the two armies, and mercenaries called for, the land laid unworked, and crops withered.
Huddan the Proud is noted of having a single, major objection to the rise of Kuluk: Queen Durgulel being crowned as the head of the Kingdom. He was the most important and powerful of a vocal group of detractors from her reign and the legitimacy of Kuluk, though the only one to really act upon this disagreement. The issue of the monarchy had gone above petty squabbling amongst the nobles, and was now between only the strongest of political powers. Huddan's objection was more that the heir was female rather than the heir being two years old, opposing the new ideas that Askhadar had thought up only a few years before. In the end, his opinion was left in the dust for the Alanian people, but it is an interesting footnote none the less.
The old order collapsed at the death of King Aspar.
Across the Kingdom, the lack of crown authority and the sudden onset of what seemed to be an imminent Civil War caused local forces to rise for independence. The Prince Bishop of Duna occupied the plundered remains of Azak and waited out the conflict, the Jews of Itil and the Ryn Desert formally began to govern themselves and Huddan the Proud began to expand into the Northern Alanian Plain in an attempt to claim more land. The Kingdom is on the verge of collapse, and all the Alans can do is fight over the remains.
Thanks Serek000! This honestly should have been the end of the kingdom and I was honestly expecting to have it end in two updates time... but hey, I didn't name drop Saros constantly because he had a sexy beard.
Though that is indeed reason enough . . .
It will be interesting to see how he comes through, the situation is indeed dire.
It will be interesting to see how he comes through, the situation is indeed dire.
Oooh, taking farmers off that land for a long campaign. Seem like a good recipe for a regent-cide and torch-and-pitchfork time.
That pressed for manpower?
That pressed for manpower?