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Power to the People - A Sardinia-Piedmont Interactive AAR

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New blood

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Name: Giovanni Calicoborgi
Born: 1842, Treviso, Austrian Empire
Class: Demagogue

Background: Born as a second son and fourth child of prospering trader in cloth, Giovanni was influenced by his anti-Austrian and anticlerical father from young age. Family wealth enabled him to attend university abroad and he chosen to study Economy at University of London. News about the 1964 revolution reached him in France when he was returning home and he decided to join the Roman Revolution. But before he managed to reach Italy, situation changed dramatically and Giovanni enlisted with the Redshirts.

After the Revolution, he decided to stay in the Italy, observing confused society, he himself confused after fighting for the King although hating aristocracy, writing to various newspapers about plight of the workers and war veterans, although coming from wealthy background, getting people rallied for the cause of national unity, although he wasn't born in the Kingdom. Giovanni traveled from town to town mainly in the northern part of the Kingdom, but his travel started to orbit around Florence where he managed to found some patrons.
 
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(So, Hi everyone. I have decided to try another interactive AAR here after I have much fun with FoE, but I had to drop out early. I don't know if anything is missing on my character. Or if I am allowed to vote in this cycle or do another actions)
 
Vote of no confidence: NO confidence
Popular Interests Act: YES
Arts sponsorship bill: Abstain
The Establishment of Proper National Function: YES
Pride and Joy Bill: NO
1869 Suffrage Bill: YES
Civilization Act: NO

[Demagogue]
[No Bonus]
 
1869 Suffrage Bill: No

(Industrialist)
(Bonus - Trading in cloth +25%)
 
((Tally - probably the last tally, as the vote closes in a little more than 10 minutes.))

Aristocrats: [7]

No Confidence Vote: 0/5/1 [0, 35, 7]
Popular Interests Act: 0/3/3 [0, 21, 21]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 6/0/0 [42, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 4/2/0 [28, 14, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 2/1/3 [14, 7, 21]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 2/3/1 [14, 21, 7]
Civilization Act: 2/2/2 [14, 14, 14]


Marschalk: [9]

No Confidence Vote: 0/1/0 [0, 9, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/1/0 [0, 9, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/0/0 [9, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 0/1/0 [0, 9, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 1/0/0 [9, 0, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 9, 0]
Civilization Act: 1/0/0 [9, 0, 0]

Industrialists: [4]

No Confidence Vote: 0/1/0 [0, 4, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/2/0 [0, 8, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/0/1 [4, 0, 4]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 1/1/0 [4, 4, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 1/0/1 [4, 0, 4]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/1/1 [0, 4, 4]
Civilization Act: 1/0/1 [4, 0, 4]

I PMC: [5]

No Confidence Vote: 0/1/0 [0, 5, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/1/0 [0, 5, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/0/0 [5, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 5]
Pride and Joy Bill: 1/0/0 [5, 0, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 1/1/0 [5, 5, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/1/0 [0, 5, 0]

mrlifess: [15]

No Confidence Vote: 1/0/0 [15, 0, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/1/0 [0, 15, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/0/0 [15, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 1/0/0 [15, 0, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 15, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 15, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/1/0 [0, 15, 0]

Militarists: [9]

No Confidence Vote: 0/5/2 [0, 45, 18]
Popular Interests Act: 2/3/2 [18, 27, 18]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/1/5 [9, 9, 45]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 3/1/3 [27, 9, 27]
Pride and Joy Bill: 1/1/5 [9, 9, 45]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 2/3/2 [18, 27, 18]
Civilization Act: 4/2/1 [36, 18, 9]

Riccardo93: [13]

No Confidence Vote: 0/1/0 [0, 13, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]
Civilization Act: 0/0/1 [0, 0, 13]

Andre Massena: [11]

No Confidence Vote: 0/1/0 [0, 11, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/1/0 [0, 11, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 11, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 1/0/0 [11, 0, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 11, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/1/0 [0, 11, 0]
Civilization Act: 1/0/0 [11, 0, 0]

Labor Leaders: [2]

No Confidence Vote: 1/1/0 [2, 2, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 2/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 2/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 2/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 2/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 2/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/2/0 [0, 4, 0]

Antigov Demagogues: [13]

No Confidence Vote: 0/4/0 [0, 52, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 3/0/1 [39, 0, 13]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 2/0/2 [26, 0, 26]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 3/1/0 [39, 13, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/3/1 [0, 39, 13]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 4/0/0 [52, 0, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/4/0 [0, 52, 0]

Progov Demagogues: [1]

No Confidence Vote: 0/2/0 [0, 2, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 2/0/0 [2, 0, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 1/1/0 [1, 1, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 0/1/1 [0, 1, 1]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/1/1 [0, 1, 1]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 1/1/0 [1, 1, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/2/0 [0, 2, 0]

Bonus: [0]

No Confidence Vote: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
Pride and Joy Bill: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/0/0 [0, 0, 0]

Politicians: [1]

No Confidence Vote: 1/3/0 [1, 3, 0]
Popular Interests Act: 3/1/0 [3, 1, 0]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 3/0/1 [3, 0, 1]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 3/0/1 [3, 0, 1]
Pride and Joy Bill: 1/2/1 [1, 2, 1]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 4/0/0 [4, 0, 0]
Civilization Act: 0/1/3 [0, 1, 3]

Totals:
No Confidence Vote: 3/25/3 [20, 235, 25] [7.8%]
Popular Interests Act: 12/13/7 [86, 107, 65] [44.6%]
Arts Sponsorship Bill: 19/3/10 [153, 21, 98] [87.9%]
Establishment of Proper National Function: 18/7/7 [170, 50, 52] [77.3%]
Pride and Joy Bill: 9/10/13 [51, 101, 108] [33.6%]
1869 Suffrage Bill: 16/12/5 [137, 93, 42] [59.6%]
Civilization Act: 9/15/8 [74, 122, 56] [37.8%]
 
The 1869 General Strike​
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The Italian labor movement had decline somewhat since its heyday in the 40s; the memorable 1843 General Strike had been highly successful, while the gains that were sought in the 1846 General Strike had been hastily rolled back. Since then, the labor movement had been essentially dormant, with no additional general strikes or even regular strikes to speak of. Unions remained technically illegal in Italy through laws inherited from Sardinia-Piedmont; they would remain so in Italy as the Italian parliament would reject an act to legalize trade unions in 1869. Nevertheless, about half of Italy's industrial workforce (unsurprisingly, mostly the workers in former Sardinia-Piedmont) was unionized. Successive administrations had refused to break up the unions, partially for fear of riling up the general public and and partially, in the case of numerous conservative governments, to spite the industrialists.

By the 1860s, an entire generation of workers had come of age without having ever marched out on strike at all, much less in a general strike. However, the socialist movement had breathed new life into the unions. Growing labor unrest, sparked by postwar economic downturn, would quickly change that. A large and growing portion of the Italian population favored the enactment of a minimum wage, and the Minimum Wage Movement - which counted about a fifth of the nation's population in its ranks - was growing every day. In 1869, Sardinia-Piedmont's labor leaders met to discuss the issue and voted unanimously to declare a general strike. On June 5th, all of the nation's trade unions would stop work and take to the streets to demand a national minimum wage. As many as four million people were believed to have taken to the streets of the nation's various cities. In Turin, Florence, and Naples, not a store could be found open, every factory and industrial center in the nation closed, and the chants of the protesting workers were heard on every streetcorner.

The Italian Parliament, following in the tradition of the past decisive Sardinia-Piedmontese response to general strikes, immediately folded and hastily passed a minimum wage law, to the general applause of CDR deputies. Supporters of the ruling PD - many of whom were classical liberals - would be considerable less enthusiastic at the prospects.

For many of the PD's constituents, the general strike would be the last straw. They began to write to their MPs en masse, demanding an end to the Alighieri government, which was publicly viewed as corrupt and inefficient, having bungled its reformist agenda and failed to resolve the Roman Question. The next day, before many of the letters had even reached the Parliament, PD deputies began to discuss a no confidence vote against the Alighieri government. When he was informed by the party whips that he would lose the vote (and badly at that), Alighieri resigned. The parliament passed the no confidence vote anyway, formally dismissing his government and calling new elections.

This posed a problem, however, because the parliament had shortly before the general strike passed the 1869 Suffrage Act, which officially established universal suffrage and extended the vote to all adult male Italians over the age of 30. However, the bureaucracy protested, claiming that it would take at least six months to update the voter rolls and prepare polling stations and so on, while the Statuto Albertino mandated that elections could be held no more than three months after the dissolution of parliament. Some urged the King to delay promulgation of the law, others declared that elections would have to be delayed to accommodate the law. Ultimately, it was decided that the Suffrage Act should have precedence, and the date of the elections were fixed for the 1st of January, 1870. In the mean time, MPs would return to their constituencies and prepare as best they could for a change to a universal electorate and proportional representation, while the King would appoint a technocratic interim cabinet.


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Player Actions Needed:
And we're now back into the declarations period. Regionalism is no longer a thing (what with the proportional representation), but I imagine you still have new leaders to elect and what not. This declaration period will end in four days, at 7 PM PST on 2/27 (3 AM GMT on 2/28). In the mean time, there will be an update to cover the six month gap.
 
((Private - IPP))
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Even though the late, great Lord D. Mirabel had defaulted the leadership to me after his death. I realize that much has changed in these two years, so I will open a new declaration period to the party's leadership.

Sample Declaration: I Declare my nomination for Party Leader/Deputy Party Leader.

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

I declare my nomination for Party Leader.


- Rodrigo Santo Salvitici
 
ThunderHawk3 said:
The 1869 General Strike​
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This posed a problem, however, because the parliament had shortly before the general strike passed the 1869 Suffrage Act, which officially established universal suffrage and extended the vote to all adult male Italians over the age of 30.
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((
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The people have the vote! The CDR has proven itself and is ready to make a case to the Italian people about the good we could do as the leading party in the next parliament.
 
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[font= "Garamond"]Il Partito Papale
The Papal Party

Pope-pius-ix-02.jpg

His Holiness Pius IX, Bishop of Rome, Vicar of Jesus Christ, Successor of the Prince of the Apostles, Supreme Pontiff of the Universal Church, Patriarch of the West, Primate of Italy, Archbishop and Metropolitan of the Roman Province, Sovereign of the States of the Church, Servant of the servants of God​
[/font]
[font= "Garamond"]
A Statement of Beliefs

First elucidated by Don Julius Mirabel, founder of the Party​
It may be useful here to outline the Party's ideals and her stance towards democracy. While our best known position, and indeed our raison d'être, may be the preservation of the temporal rights of the Holy See over the States of the Church and the Donations of Pepin we reject the appellation of 'liberal' or 'conservative'. In truth Il Partito Papale is as conservative as the Church demands and as liberal as the Church permits. While supporting monarchism as the most perfect form of government, the party keeps in mind the words of Pius VII's Christmas homily to the Cisalpine Republic as a Cardinal:

"Christian virtue makes men good democrats.... and do not believe that the Catholic religion is against democracy."

Indeed, the Party does not oppose republicanism or even democracy in principle. Rather, what Il Partito Papale most stridently opposes is a revolutionary mindset, birthed from the tenets of the French Revolution which dethrone authority as it is properly given, from God, and is distinguished by a sickly and malnourished spiritual state which manifests it's diseased nature in prominent anticlericalism.

A person cannot be termed a revolutionary for preferring, in view of concrete and local reasons, that his country be a democracy instead of an aristocracy or a monarchy, provided the rights of legitimate authority be respected. But, he can be termed a revolutionary if, led by the Revolution’s egalitarian spirit, he hates monarchy or aristocracy in principle and classifies them as essentially unjust or inhuman. It is these deluded men whom Il Partito opposes utmost, not those whom for whatever misguided reason advocate for a republic.

Now there are such things which, of course, must be opposed by a Christian and Catholic conscience, such as the already enshrined horrors of a free and unregulated press, or the proposed travesty of tolerating non-Christian religions or heretical sects such as Protestantism. In his encyclical Mirari Vos the Holy Father Gregory XVI -- whose pontificate older Italians may well recall -- stridently opposed both, condemning "that absurd and erroneous proposition which claims that liberty of conscience must be maintained for everyone." Similarly and in as strong a fashion he rightfully condemned "that harmful and never sufficiently denounced freedom to publish any writings whatever and disseminate them to the people, which some dare to demand and promote with so great a clamor."

It is the foremost duty of the state to safeguard the people and provide for their welfare. This cannot conceivably be done without the most strident measures being taken to ensure that the Catholic and Apostolic faith and her truths are not merely 'respected'. It should be obvious that since profession of a religion is necessary an ordered society, that religion must be professed which alone is true. This, Roman Catholicism, can be recognized without difficulty, especially in Catholic nations, because the marks of truth are, as it were, engraven upon it. The Catholic faith, therefore, the state must preserve and protect, if they would provide -- as they should -- for the greater welfare of the nation.

Let it never be said that Il Partito Papale does not work for the people of Italy. We do. But far from the base and worldly foundations of the Radicals, or even Labour or the Democrats, the highest good of the Italian nation is here taken into account: doing the will of God, and attaining to the Beatific Vision.[/font]
Click to expand...

[font= "Garamond"]A selection of honourable gentlemen of the Party is henceforth listed, but membership is by no means limited to...

D. Stefano Bonaretti, Count of Nice ((AndreMassena))

D. Marcantonio Borghese, Prince Borghese of Sulmona and of Rossano ((Noco19))

D. Ottaviano Sforza S.T.D., Count of Trecate e Galliate and Baron of Mirabel ((Ab Ovo))[/font]
 
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I also declare my intent to run for leadership of the Paritio Democratico. I still believe in its core values and ideals, despite the disappointment and disaster of Signor Allighieri's tenure.

- Cristiano Renzo
 
((Private - CDR))

Brothers, we look upon a government that has burned and collapsed. Our coalition sought peace, change, and prosperity, but the past years have been disastrous, a sad excuse for our nation. We hoped, dreamed, and as many dreams conclude, we're forced to wake up, screaming. My dream is a new coalition, one that will succeed in our goal of promoting freedom and unity in Italy, the farmers, the workers, the wealthy, the poor. Our nation has many faces, but they should all be drawn together, tied, and unified in firm brotherhood and unity, however, the road to utopia is a long one, and the chNges we must make are gradual.

((I am running for the CDR leadership.

Interventionism/Protectionism/Pluralism/Pro-Military/Full Citizenship))
 
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Extracted from A History of the Italian Nation, translated into English in 1950:


"Born of the devastating Romanist and Absolutist rebellions of 1864, the Conservative movement distanced itself immediately from its Traditionalist predecessor in that it belonged firmly to an age where it was taken largely for granted that the state's role within society should be as limited as possible. Gradually, governments across Europe in the 19th century were forced by circumstances to interfere in the lives of its citizenry, yet the general belief that a government should ideally be a facilitator to better and help oneself prevailed. By the middle of the century, in many great cities across the Continent, this is exactly what local authorities had begun to do. Within Italy, the loudest and most prominent exponent of this gospel of civic improvement was the Conservative leader Cato Uleri.

Having been unceremoniously ejected from his constituency in Albenga at the elections of 1867, Uleri successfully sought the position of Mayor of Turin as a platform from which he might promulgate the Conservative ideal. The Revolutions of 1864, which had swept away the 'old-gang' from a great many communes previously governed by council lord intent only on exercising prudent economy. Turin, having existed under over a decade of Traditionalist rule, was one such commune. The Moderates of Turin put Uleri in power, and he soon demonstrated what a man of great energy might do to transform a city even as unsanitary as the Piedmontese capital into one fit for human occupation.



'[O]ur city remains in a state of great neglect [Uleri told the inhabitants of Turin], further compounded by the devastation wrought by the so-called revolutions of three years ago. We may have weathered those detestable days of wanton upheaval, yet their malignant legacy survives in every slum dwelling, beaten track and inadequate convenience to remain untreated by sympathetic hands.'​



In 1869, just before his resignation as Mayor in order to contest the general election of that year, he was able to write that:



'I may sing my 'Nunc dimittis'. I have left this city this city parked, paved, assized, marketed, gas-and-watered and improved – all as the result of nearly three years' active work.'​



Uleri had presided over the largest slum-clearance initiative in Turin hitherto attempted. The city became famous as a shining example of what was termed 'gas-and-water Toryism'1, since these utilities had come to be managed by the City Council, with profits from them funding further works of improvement. This fame was exactly what Uleri had intended.

Uleri had been influenced in his work by the example of Paris, redeveloped in the 1850s and '60s by Baron Haussmann, and was contemporaneous with the work of Joseph Chamberlain in Birmingham in the 1870s. That Paris was thought an appropriate model to which to aspire hints at the great levels of civic pride felt by the rulers of Italy's cities in the later 19th century.[...]


1: 'Tory' being a nickname for the Conservative party derived from their Italian name, I Conservatori."
 
((Private - Coalizione Democratica Rossa))
I declare that I shall once more be running for leadership of the Coalizione Democratica Rossa. Though we've had many tragic losses these past years, my friends, we've advanced in other ways. We have brought suffrage to the poor, whose vote shall weight just as heavily as the rich man's vote. We have brought a minimum wage to all Italians, to ensure that no man shall work himself to the bone only to be greeted by an empty pocket. Even the Coalizione Democratica Rossa has grown, and we have been reunited in the face of the approaching new elections. Today my friends, I declare that CDR shall go forth in strength. We shall aim for the stars, and we shall never lay down our flags. Even as Radicals across the Kingdom threaten our monarchy and church, the CDR shall stand tall against these threats. Even as rich industrialists continue to make gains off of the poor man's work, the CDR shall remain their voice. We must go forward, my brothers, yet we must do so cautiously. Whatever you believe, my brothers, we are united today. In our support for the working man. For the clergyman. For the Kingdom. As we believe in the stability of our realm, and the need for gradual, cautious reform, I urge you to once again voice your support for myself as your party leader. Today we hold our flags high, and we march! Viva Italia!

- Signor Federico Claudio Leone
Party Leader of Coalizione Democratica Rossa
((Interventionism/Protectionism/Pluralism/Anti-Military/Full Citizenship))
 
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