Chapter 294: The Volksfuhrer and the Neta
"While it greatly benefited me, I did not appreciate returning to power upon the death of a man as beloved and as honored as Hindenburg. I preferred to regain my office legitimately, through merit and not birth. There were some things I regretted about my first term in the Chancellery. I made sure I would not repeat those mistakes. But I never lost sight of my goals, of what my family had desired for years. If anything, I merely slowed things down, to make them less apparent and abrupt, to ease the transition into the new order."
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Volksfuhrer Markos Angelos,
Memoirs of an Angeloi, published 1945
"In this hour I was responsible for the fate of the Indian people, and thereby I became the supreme judge of the Indian people. I gave the order to shoot the ringleaders in this treason, and I further gave the order to cauterize down to the raw flesh the ulcers of this poisoning of the wells in our domestic life. Let the nation know that its existence—which depends on its internal order and security—cannot be threatened with impunity by anyone! And let it be known for all time to come that if anyone raises his hand to strike the Raj, then certain death is his lot."
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Neta Chandra Gupta
Less than a week after Hindenburg's death, Markos Angelos had already begun increasing his own power, as many had feared. However, this time he was more careful in doing so. He sent right-wing legislation to the Kaiser's desk and asked him to approve of them. Each piece of legislation was in perfect compliance with the Augustinian Code through the use of legal loopholes and some reinterpretation of a few clauses, which meant that Angelos was not breaking any laws. Otto reluctantly passed each bill to placate the increasingly powerful Angeloi. Dozens of senators flocked to the Angeloi's banners in the Diet, so many that the Angeloi gained an outright majority in the Diet starting in early April, the first time any ideological faction had done so since 1848. Angelos also gave himself the honorary title of "Volksfuhrer," or People's Leader, to show that he represented the interests of the Roman people.
Tsarist Russia hosted a World's Fair in April, the first since the start of the war. Sadly, not many countries attended the fair, as they were either equalist, fascist, or busy with internal conflicts.
Gupta held another Hyderabad rally in March, at which Bose announced his intention to retire later on in the year and designate Gupta as his successor to the presidency, thus combining the head of state and the head of government into a single role.
Noregr's athletes received their 1932 Olympics medals in April. They were two years overdue, but at least the IOC remembered to deliver them. Other countries weren't so lucky.
On the 8th of April, Angelos proposed a large bill aimed at "containing the equalist menace" within the Reich. This bill would ban all socialist trade unions, thus preventing the Soviets from using them to infiltrate and radicalize the Roman working class (all other trade unions would remain legal). Instead of going directly to the Kaiser to get the bill's approval, he presented it to the Diet first for debate. Predictably, all non-fascist senators were outraged, especially when Angelos declared that any citizen who supported anything remotely socialist or equalist was a threat to the Reich, a traitor, and a Soviet spy. Refusing to support the passing of this bill, all of the socialist, equalist, and Schweinfurt senators immediately resigned, causing the complete collapse of the opposition factions. They played right into Angelos's hands. He had expected them to do this, and since they had done so in a legal way, he couldn't be called out for effectively purging the opposition. With the liberals and conservatives still weak and divided, he had complete control over the Diet. After a national poll inexplicably concluded that approximately half of all Roman citizens, particularly those of German descent, supported the bill, Otto reluctantly signed the bill into law.
Over the next few months, Angelos forced two more bills through the government. In May, he had Otto sign the "Promotion of Traditional Values" Act. As a way to immunize Roman society to Soviet infiltration, the bill gave Angelos the power to dictate school curriculum to the Bureau of Education. Such school curriculum now promoted traditional Christian and German values, as "politically correct multiculturalism" and its tolerance of local customs had weakened and divided the Reich. A common curriculum across the empire would promote one language and one god, increasing national unity and strength. In addition, every morning all students were now required to pledge their loyalty to the Roman state, the Kaiser, and the Volksfuhrer, with "special education courses" designed by pro-Angeloi administrators aiming to reinforce this loyalty. The law also promoted "traditional gender values." The women's rights movement was condemned as "inflammatory, divisive, socialist, and traitorous." All women's rights organizations were banned, forced to adopt pro-Angeloi platforms and accept Angeloi oversight, or were forced underground. Angelos called on the women of the Reich to "take their proper places in the kitchen," support his efforts to restore traditional values, and reject equalist thought at every opportunity. Homosexuality remained banned, and the punishments for being found guilty of it were increased significantly. Heretical Christian sects remained banned, and the rights of religious minorities were slightly restricted.
Otto protested this law as breaking several parts of the Augustinian Code, but Angelos countered that he was only reinterpreting the Code in a different way and using loopholes, meaning that the law was perfectly legal. In addition, a majority of citizens, especially women, supported this law. Otto had no choice but to approve of it.
In June, Angelos announced a law that would secularize large amounts of Church property and increase taxes on Church property, with all proceeds going to the working class citizens. He argued that while this law was partially inspired by some equalist practices, it was necessary to seize some Church properties in order to counter the Great Depression. In addition, it didn't seem fair for millions of hard-working working class citizens to struggle to make a living while several thousand priests lived in luxury. This time, not only Otto protested the law, but Ecumenical Patriarch Joseph I himself denounced Angelos. Stopping short of outright excommunication, Joseph I condemned Angelos for disrespecting the sanctity of the Church and taking its money, implying he had become the equalists he sought to destroy. But nothing stopped Angelos from getting the law passed. When the new tax rates failed to raise enough money to meet Angelos's expectations, he ordered the priesthood to pay up. Some priests reluctantly did so, while others refused, forcing him to send in the Athanatoi and the Inquisition. Using a clause and loophole in the Augustinian Code, he called out all of the priests who resisted him as "heretics," thus keeping his law perfectly legal. Even more senators were pressured into joining the Angeloi factions, boosting the fascists' control over the Diet to well over 70%.
In July, Gupta held another Hyderabad rally. Prophet Hardrada, the capital of the Commune of Old Vinland, fell on the 21st, and the "rogue" equalist regime surrendered to the Union of Vinland. All Old Vinlandic leaders were executed or sent off to gulags in the Arctic.
At the end of the month, the IOC "awarded" the 1932 Olympics to Tsarist Russia, which rejected the offer.
On August 8, with a sizeable power base built up in both the population and the government, Angelos enacted his master plan to end the equalist threat to the Reich. As his previous anti-equalist laws had "been insufficient," he had Otto decree that all trade unions be abolished, all "equalist influence" on the press to be expunged, and all socialists serving in the government to be purged immediately. Socialists and suspected Soviet sympathizers were banned from all jobs. The press was placed under Angeloi control. All traces of equalism were to be purged from Roman society.
Thousands of citizens, socialist and non-socialist alike, promptly lost their jobs. Dozens of newspapers were shut down and replaced with pro-Angeloi publications. All trade unions were abolished, removing many of the workers' protections and benefits. The few socialist senators who remained in the Diet were fired immediately. All soldiers suspected of harboring socialist tendencies were dishonorably discharged. Citizens rioted in the streets, denouncing this latest violation of the Augustinian Code, only to meet pro-Angeloi citizens who had formed mobs in defense of fascism. Riots ensued in the major cities, and hundreds died before the government calmed everybody down. Otto's opinion no longer mattered, as the Angeloi had total control over the Diet, having purged all senators not affiliated with them.
Creek's stock market crashed in August, followed by the CSA's several days later. The Great Depression struck India again, boosting the appeal of fascism just as Subhas Chandra Bose officially retired from politics, handing over the presidency to Gupta and accepting his old job as field marshal of the Indian army. Gupta was now both president and peshwa of India, and he planned to merge both offices into one soon.
At the end of September, Angelos asked Otto to pass a law setting up a trustee system in the sub-province of Peloponnese-Morea, where prison inmates with a record of good behavior were given the right to police their fellow inmates, thus making the prison system more efficient and less expensive. While Otto said that such a system would quickly devolve into anarchy and go against the Augustinian Code's promise of rehabilitation for all criminals while also promoting fascist hierarchies within the prisons, Angelos argued that the prison system was too expensive to maintain at the current levels and told him that this was only a temporary law. It would only be implemented in Peloponnese-Morea, and if it didn't work out Otto could always repeal the law, as he was allowed to do.
In the months after he was appointed president by Bose, Chandra Gupta dispensed with the need for the Sansad Bhawan as a legislative body and eliminated all rival political parties in India, so that by the fall of 1934 the country had effectively become a one-party state under his direction and control. Gupta did not exercise absolute power, however, despite his swift consolidation of political authority. As chancellor, Gupta did not command the army, which remained under the formal leadership of Bose, although Bose promised to support all of Gupta's actions. While many officers were impressed by Gupta's promises of an expanded army, a return to conscription, and a more aggressive foreign policy, the army continued to guard its traditions of independence during the early years of the Rasa regime.
To a lesser extent, the
Dawon, a Rasa paramilitary organisation, remained somewhat autonomous within the party. The Dawon evolved out of the remnants of the Muktkor movement of the post-Weltkrieg years. The
Muktkor were nationalistic organisations primarily composed of disaffected, disenchanted, and angry Indian combat veterans founded by the government in January 1919 to deal with the threat of an equalist revolution when it appeared that there was a lack of loyal troops. A very large number of the
Muktkor believed that the Indian Revolution had betrayed them when India was alleged to be on the verge of victory in 1918. Hence, the
Muktkor were in opposition to the new Indian Republic, which was born as a result of the Revolution, and whose founders were contemptuously called "Samarkand criminals". During the 1920s and 1930s, the Dawon functioned as a private militia used by Gupta to intimidate rivals and disrupt the meetings of competing political parties, especially those of the Social Democrats and the Equalists. Also known as the "brownshirts" or "stormtroopers", the Dawon became notorious for their street battles with the equalists. The violent confrontations between the two contributed to the destabilization of India's inter-war experiment with democracy. In June 1932, one of the worst months of political violence, there were more than 400 street battles, resulting in 82 deaths.
Gupta's appointment as president and chancellor, followed by the suppression of all political parties except the Rasas, did not end the violence of the stormtroopers. Deprived of equalist party meetings to disrupt, the stormtroopers would sometimes run riot in the streets after a night of drinking. They would attack passers-by, and then attack the police who were called to stop them. Complaints of "overbearing and loutish" behavior by stormtroopers became common by the middle of 1933. The Foreign Office even complained of instances where brownshirts manhandled foreign diplomats.
Gupta's move would be to strengthen his position with the army by moving against its nemesis, the Dawon. On July 6, 1934, at a gathering of high-ranking Rasa officials, Gupta declared the success of the Rasa brown revolution. Now that the RSS had seized the reins of power in India, he said, it was time to consolidate its control. Gupta told the gathered officials, "The stream of revolution has been undammed, but it must be channeled into the secure bed of evolution."
Gupta's speech signalled his intention to rein in the Dawon, whose ranks had grown rapidly in the early 1930s. This would not prove to be simple, however, as the Dawon made up a large part of Rasism's most devoted followers. The Dawon traced its dramatic rise in numbers in part to the onset of the Great Depression, when many Indian citizens lost both their jobs and their faith in traditional institutions. While Rasism was not exclusively – or even primarily – a working class phenomenon, the Dawon fulfilled the yearning of many unemployed workers for class solidarity and nationalist fervour. Many stormtroopers believed in the socialist promise of National Socialism and expected the Rasa regime to take more radical economic action, such as breaking up the vast landed estates of the aristocracy. When the Rasa regime did not take such steps, those who had expected an economic as well as a political revolution were disillusioned.
At about 04:30 on October 3, 1934, Gupta and his entourage flew into Kolkata. From the airport they drove to the Bengal Interior Ministry, where they assembled the leaders of an Dawon rampage that had taken place in city streets the night before. Enraged, Gupta tore the epaulets off the shirt of the chief of the Kolkata police for failing to keep order in the city on the previous night. Gupta shouted at him that he would be shot (the chief of police was executed later that day). As the stormtroopers were hustled off to prison, Gupta assembled a large group of Gurapu and regular police, and departed for a hotel in a nearby city, where the Dawon leadership was staying.
With Gupta's arrival in the city between 06:00 and 07:00, the Dawon leadership, still in bed, were taken by surprise. Gurapu men stormed the hotel and gupta personally placed all high-ranking Dawon leaders under arrest.
Although Gupta presented no evidence of a plot by the Dawon to overthrow the regime, he nevertheless denounced the leadership of the Dawon. Arriving back at party headquarters in Kolkata, Gupta addressed the assembled crowd. Consumed with rage, Gupta denounced "the worst treachery in world history". Gupta told the crowd that "undisciplined and disobedient characters and asocial or diseased elements" would be annihilated. The crowd, which included party members and many former Dawon members fortunate enough to escape arrest, shouted its approval, a few even volunteering to shoot the "traitors".
The regime did not limit itself to a purge of the Dawon. Having earlier imprisoned or exiled prominent Social Democrats and Equalists, Gupta used the occasion to move against conservatives he considered unreliable. This included his Vice-Chancellor and those in his immediate circle. In Delhi, on Kunwar's personal orders, an armed Gurapu unit stormed the Vice-Chancellery. Gurapu officers attached to the unit shot the Vice-Chancellor's secretary without bothering to arrest him first. The Gurapu arrested and later executed the Vice-Chancellor's close associate; they disposed of his body by dumping it in a ditch. The Gestapo also murdered a prominent Hindu priest and politician who was associated with the Vice-Chancellor. The Vice-Chancellor himself was unceremoniously arrested at the Vice-Chancellery, despite his insistent protests that he could not be arrested in his position as Vice-Chancellor. Although Gupta ordered him released days later, the man no longer dared to criticise the regime and was sent off to Peshawar as an Indian ambassador to Paksthana.
Gupta and Kunwar unleashed the Gurapu against old enemies as well. Others killed included a former Rasa leader who had angered Gutpa by resigning from the party in 1932, and the former Bengali state commissioner who crushed the Curry Restaurant Putsch in 1923. The latter man's fate was especially gruesome. His body was found in a wood outside Kolkata; he had been hacked to death, apparently with pickaxes. The murdered included at least one accidental victim, a music critic of a Kolkata newspaper who shared a last name with a political dissident.
Several leaders of the disbanded Hindu Center Party were also murdered in the purge. The HCP had generally been aligned with the Social Democrats and Brahman priesthood during the rise of Rasism, being critical of Rasa ideology, but voting nonetheless for the Enabling Act of 1933.
The leader of the Dawon was held briefly at a Kolkata prison while Gupta considered his future. In the end, Gupta decided that he had to die. Two Gurapu visited him in his cell and handed him a pistol loaded with a single bullet. They told him he had ten minutes to kill himself or they would do it for him. The Dawon leader demurred, telling them, "If I am to be killed, let Chandra do it himself." Having heard nothing in the allotted time, they returned to the man's cell ten minutes later to find him standing, with his bare chest puffed out in a gesture of defiance. Gupta, who happened to be visiting the prison at that time, then shot him point-blank three times, killing him.
As the purge claimed the lives of so many prominent Indians, it could hardly be kept secret. At first, its architects seemed split on how to handle the event. Kunwar instructed police stations to burn "all documents concerning the action of the past two days". Meanwhile, Shekha tried to prevent newspapers from publishing lists of the dead, but at the same time used a radio address to describe how Gupta had narrowly prevented the Dawon from overthrowing the government and throwing the country into turmoil.
Concerned with presenting the massacre as legally sanctioned, Gupta had the cabinet approve a measure the next day that declared, "The measures taken on October 3 to suppress treasonous assaults are legal as acts of self-defense by the Raj."
Almost unanimously, the army applauded the Night of the Long Kukris, even though two generals were among the victims. Bose sent a telegram expressing his "profoundly felt gratitude" and congratulated Gupta for "nipping treason in the bud". Gupta had eliminated the last of the opposition to his rule, and he now ruled with absolute power. The last remnants of democracy were swept away in emergency decrees over the next few days, finishing India's transformation into a fascist dictatorship. Gupta even announced that the official name of India was to be changed to "Indian Raj," and the national flag was to be changed to the Rasa Party flag. The offices of president and peshwa were to be merged into a single office, that of "neta," or Leader.
Purandaradasa was horrified by the purge. He said, "What would people have said if I had done such a thing?" Hearing of the murder of one of his former pre-war chancellors and his wife, he also commented, "We have ceased to live under the rule of law and everyone must be prepared for the possibility that the Rasas will push their way in and put them up against the wall!"
The chaos of the purge caused Abyssinia's, Noregr's, and the UBS's stock markets to crash.
When the Diet convened in January of 1935, Otto decided that Angelos had crossed the line. He demanded that Angelos stop trampling on the Augustinian Code, repeal the laws he passed, and restore some diversity to the Diet. This time, the Habsburg, Doukai, Komnenoi, Palaiologoi, Estrid, Schweinfurt, Ottoman, Fatimid, and Ben Aharon dynatoi sided with him against the Angeloi, who had the support of the Duke of Saxony Franz Ferdinand von Hohenzollern-Maximilian. Angelos was forced to negotiate, as refusing the Kaiser's demands would cause a civil war with the population so polarized between him and Otto. While the Diet was reshuffled and several dozen non-fascist senators were brought in (reducing the Angeloi factions to a plurality), Negotiations were tense and didn't go anywhere for over a week, causing Tsarist Russia's stock markets to crash. When Angelos finally agreed to a compromise, in which the legislation would remain but be made compliant with the Augustinian Code and Angelos would not pass anymore right-wing legislation, the citizens were relieved. They had become so polarized over the issue that they had almost torn the Reich apart. Luckily outright civil war was averted, though at the price of Suomi's and Mali's stock markets crashing again.
Meanwhile, the UPM established a national banking system.
While the compromise managed to avert all-out civil war, many citizens, particularly the socialists, didn't approve of it. Trade unions remained banned, and the press remained censored. Thousands of citizens affected by the anti-equalist measures remained jobless. With the compromise not helping them out, they became desperate. They were thus easily radicalized by NKVD agents, and the Soviet Commune gave them weapons and intelligence. On the 13th of February, they were ready to depose both Angelos and Otto and restore the rights and respect of the working class by force. Thousands of Soviet-trained equalists throughout the Reich rose up in a well-coordinated rebellion, quickly seizing control of major industrial cities and defeating local garrisons. "Death to the Angeloi! Death to the Kaiser!" rang throughout the streets. Red flags bearing the hammer and sickle were raised over government buildings, and mobs hunted down capitalists, priests, and nobility and torn them to shreds. While only a few thousand rebelled on the 13th, rebel propaganda (written with Soviet help) threatened more uprisings if the government continued to resist.
The Kaiser and the Chancellor, realizing the new threat they had in common, agreed to temporarily put aside their differences to crush the rebels. Otto ordered the legions mobilized, and Angelos called on the people to resist the Soviet takeover.
The world revolution had reached the Roman heartland.
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Given that most Republicans are quite left wing, I'd imagine that they'd prefer an Emperor to a Fascist.
Really? I didn't know that. I did hear somewhere that many hardline monarchists are right-wing or conservative though.