Origins of Modernity 1: The Old World
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Europe
The late 13th century and early 14th century constituted a serious crisis on world history. The collapse of the Mongol Empire, which had held most of Eurasia together, was part of that crisis, and so too was the Black Plague of 1303, which despite lasting for only a single year still killed tens of millions of people in that one year. The reasons why it occurred when and how it did are complex and debatable, but its consequences are not: 'The Plague killed an estimated 50% of all people in Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa during its rampage, more than the Mongols did in decades, hastening the decline of feudalism in the Reich.'
The Plague is the result of a bacillus, a disease-producing bacterium, which as a recent study found originated in the Tibet-Qinghai region and exploded outward in four strains spread by the Mongols into China and then the rest of Asia. Regardless of how it was transmitted to Europe in 1303, the conditions were set for it to spread rapidly and virulently. First, rats established themselves in Roman towns and countrysides, which were overpopulated from dramatic population growth since 1000. In addition, the climate worsened, with crop yields downs and the length of winters up. Circumstances were ripe in Europe for some kind of disease; if not the Plague, it would likely be something else from another time and place, but the final act of the Reich's Thirteenth Century Crisis could not be avoided. That it was the plague was likely due to Mongol military actions near Taurica.
With the Roman conquest of the Crimea in the eleventh century, Europeans developed a regional trading network linked by the activities of Lombard merchants, particularly those of Genoa and Pisa. Still, the plague might not have spread to Europe if it had not been for another factor. The port of Caffa, in Taurica, was one of the western termini for caravan trade with China and an eastern terminus for trade to the rest of the Roman provinces carried on by Greek merchants, who arrived in Caffa in January of 1303, around the same time a Mongol army was spotted in the area attempting to capture a rebel-occupied city. Rats from the Mongols made their way to the Greek merchants, who went home and took the plague with them. When they arrived a few weeks later in Varna, the plague was let loose on all of Europe. It raged across Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa, where a ship of infected corpses arrived in Alexandria a few months after outbreak in Taurica. From there it spread along the farming communities up the Nile and on to Cairo, along the way depopulating Aegyptus's rural areas and crippling its irrigation systems. Within the year it had spread all the way to Scandinavia and then that winter on to Moscow before killing its hosts and burning itself out.
The population of Europe plummeted from 80 to 60 million in just one year, while in China, the plague coupled with the Ming revolution in 1356 saw the population tumble from 120 million in 1200 to 60 million in 1400. Plague ravaged the Mediterranean world too as well as every single Roman province except Britannia, Caledonia, and Hibernia. The only major city to escape was Constantinople. The devastation was so thorough that most of the reliable records on the plague detailed Germania, Gallia, and Carpathia. Although few records exist to confirm it, the plague probably devastated the Roman Middle East, the steppes, and India as well.
The death toll was high, and it etched a powerful memory in the minds of the living. But despite the horror of corpses piled high in village land carted off for burial, or set afire on rafts pushed out to sea as in Scandinavia, those living a hundred years later in 1400 had more and better land and other resources than their ancestors, even if the tempo of trade among the various regions of the global trade networks had slowed considerably and more limited plague outbreaks periodically recurred for the next few centuries. The story of the fourteenth-century Black Plague thus not only illustrates the impact of epidemic disease on human populations and hte course of world history; it also demonstrates the very eraly connectedness of world regions. Not only did commodities, people, and ideas ride the trade routes; disease did too.
China
'We have traversed more than one hundred thousand li of immense waterspaces and have beheld in the ocean huge waves like mountains rising sky high, and we have set eyes on barbarian regions far away hidden in a blue transparency of light vapors, while our sails, loftily unfurled like clouds day and night, continued their course [as rapidly as] a star, traversing those savage waves as if we were trading a public thoroughfare...'
-Zheng He's words on a tablet set up in Changle, Fujian Province, 1432
Alarm spread quickly through the island of Socotra. Across the sea, out to the horizon, strange storm clouds appeared on the horizon. Fishermen hastily dragged their outriggers to safety on the dry land, while the larger merchant vessels attempted to turn and brace the oncoming storm. As the clouds gathered, it suddenly became clear that they were not clouds at all but sails—sails piled upon sails, too numerous to count, on giant nine-mast ships with large serpent’s eyes painted on the bows. Each ship was the size of many houses, and there were dozens of them, a city of ships, all moving rapidly across the ocean toward Socotra. When they came near, the colored flags on the masts blocked the sun, and the loud pounding and beating of drums on board shook heaven and earth. A crowd gathered at the harbor, and the local patrician was summoned. Work ceased altogether. What was this menacing power, and what did it want?
The fleet moored just off the shore. From the belly of the big ships came small rowboats and men in lavish silk robes. Among the faces were some the patrician recognized. These men he knew. They were the Reich’s ambassadors, whom he had been charged with dispatching months ago to establish diplomatic relations with Asian nations. Now emissaries of the dragon throne were returning them home, and they brought wondrous things to trade. But had so many men and so many ships come in peace, or had they come to make Socotra and its people subjects of the Son of Heaven?
The year was 1422.
Historians agree that the voyages of Kristoff Eimerich across the Atlantic in the 1470s and of Wolfram Ferdinand around Africa’s Cape of Good Hope into the Indian Ocean in the 1460s constitute important developments in the emergence of the modern world. They were. But the debate is on
how important they were. Did they usher in a new era? Did they change much at all? Some think it is important to place those voyages of discovery in a broader global context of the real structure of wealth and power in the world around 1500. From that perspective, the Indian Ocean can be seen as the most important crossroad for global exchanges of goods, ideas, and culture, with China, India, and Rome meeting there as the major players, and Persia and Abyssinia as peripheral, marginal players trying desperately to gain access to the sources of wealth generated in Asia. But first, let’s take a look at China.
When the founding emperor of China’s Ming dynasty, the peasant general Zhu Yuanzhang who liberated parts of China from Mongol domination, died in 1398, succeeding him to the throne was not one of his sons but rather his eldest son’s eldest son. This did not go over well with his fourth son, the Prince of Yan, Zhu Di, a talented and experienced military commander, who waited just a year and a half before rebelling in 1399 and after a three-year civil war usurped the throne from his nephew. Zhu Di defeated his nephew’s armies and captured Nanjing, but not without some ambiguity, for rumors abounded that the former Jianwen Emperor had managed to escape his palace’s destruction in a fire. Zhu Di meanwhile declared himself the Yongle Emperor and sought to expand China’s power and influence in all directions. He campaigned in the north against the Mongols, trying to push the hated Yuan “emperors” back into the steppe so far that they could never again threaten China; in this respect he failed, as the Yuan Dynasty would survive until the sixteenth century in some weakened form. He sent embassies far into Central Asia to secure the acknowledgement by those rulers of China’s hegemony. He also increased his empire’s ties with the Tran Dynasty of Vietnam, a Chinese dynasty which was nominally allied with him against the Mongols, with both emperors treating each other as equals using the concept of “northern and southern emperors.” And in one of the greatest adventures in world history, he launched massive maritime expeditions into the Indian Ocean.
In the autumn of 1405, the largest fleet of ships the world had ever seen—or would see for a long time—began assembling in the mouth of the Yangtze River. Over three hundred ships manned by twenty-seven thousand sailors waited for the reliable winter monsoon winds to begin blowing from the northwest to take them south toward Indonesia and then west through the Strait of Melaka into the Indian Ocean, where they had set Calicut, a major trading city on India’s west coast, as their destination. Under the command of the eunuch Muslim admiral Zheng He, this fleet had four goals. First, it was to hunt down the Jianwen Emperor, who was rumored to have escaped; some said he had become a monk, while others claimed he had fled overseas. Second, the outward-looking and expansionist Yongle wanted to “show the flag” of China to the world and impress all foreigners, proving that China was the wealthiest and most powerful civilization in the world. Third, it was to encourage overseas trade, which had collapsed along with the Mongol Empire, as well as find allies that would help them defeat the Mongols. Fourth, he wanted to track down the thousands of lost Chinese who had fled overseas on Song ships or on land into the wastes of Siberia with the Jin. Now that the Chinese were in control of their homeland again, he wanted to bring them home.
In this regard, Yongle was like the rulers of the Tang, Song, and even the Yuan dynasties, who had mostly encouraged overseas trade, well aware of the wealth that could be gained from it. However, his father and nephew were more conservative and inward-looking, preferring to focus on agriculture instead. When Zhu Di took the throne, then, it was just his luck that China was experiencing some economic difficulties. The paper money system had collapsed with the Mongol Empire, and the large amounts of paper money printed to fix that problem only caused inflation and loss of confidence in the currency, forcing Yongle to abandon paper money (it would be reinstituted in the 18th century). Suffice it to say that the collapse of the Mongol Empire led to the severing of overland trade routes linking east and west, Rome and China, and a recognition by the emperor that an aggressive foreign policy might bring some rewards to China, defeating the Mongols and exploring opportunities in the Indian Ocean.
To prepare for these voyages, China had undergone a “frenzy of shipbuilding.” In the three years from 1404 to 1407, over sixteen hundred ships were constructed. The largest ships had nine masts and were about 400 feet long by 160 feet wide. Other ships carried horses, supplies, goods for trade, water tankers, and marines, in case anything went wrong; some ships were fully-equipped warships armed with cannons and even missiles, just as Roman ships of the time were armed with Greek fire. So much wood was used to build the ships that much of the southeast coast was deforested, and timbers had to be floated down a thousand kilometers along the Yangtze to reach the Nanjing shipyards, forcing the city itself to find alternative methods of fuel, such as coal.
Altogether, seven two-year voyages were mounted by the Chinese between 1405 and 1433. During that period, Chinese ships sailed as far as Aegyptus, into the Persian Gulf, all around the Indian Ocean and even mapping out the Cape of Good Hope (Zheng He’s successors would eventually round it and map out the coast of continental Europe decades later), and throughout the Spice Islands of Southeast Asia, where Zheng He helped set up the first Chinese overseas colonies as part of the Scramble for Indonesia. They navigated their huge ships through unknown waters and into unfamiliar harbors, traded and fought with local rulers, collected curiosities such as rare gems and even a giraffe, and in a few instances intervened in local affairs to install pro-Chinese rulers.
On the fourth voyage, which was planned for the Roman and Persian ports in Arabia and the Persian Gulf, the admiral took onboard Ma Huan, another Muslim and one who spoke Arabic, by then a rarity after Islam collapsed under the weight of multiple Christian and Zoroastrian crusades in the twelfth century. For the fourth voyage, which apparently had the express aim of establishing diplomatic relations with the Islamic world (China assumed that Islam was still alive in some degree, though they knew hard times had fallen on it) or whoever replaced it, Zheng He brought his own translator. Indeed, in 1420 the fleet made landfall in Socotra, a Roman outpost in the Indian Ocean, where formal diplomatic relations were established between the Reich and the Ming, and ambassadors from Rome and India returned to Nanjing with the fleet. On the seventh voyage in 1431, Zheng He sailed up the Red Sea and contacted the King of Aegyptus, who working with the kings of Israel-Arabia allowed him to call at the port of Jeddah, a few days’ walk from Mecca, where Zheng He made the pilgrimage.
By 1444, it appeared that a powerful Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean was secure, opening a sea route linking the eastern and western parts of Eurasia with trade circuits in India and Africa, and placing much of the oceangoing trade in at least the Indian Ocean and Asia under Chinese eyes if not control. Yongle’s successors continued to build on Zheng He’s legacy, even as the Mongol threat waned and was ultimately eliminated, followed by the Manchu threat. Zheng He died in 1433 and was buried in an elaborate tomb in Nanjing, and it became customary for subsequent Ming and Tran explorers and then just admirals, once there was no further need for actual explorers, to make pilgrimages to the tomb, where they prayed and offered incense to Zheng He’s spirit asking for success at sea and a safe journey home. In fact, contrary to what many predicted, the destruction of the Yuan and Manchu empires didn’t end any motivations for outward expansion but rather fueled it more as resources were diverted to colonizing as much land as possible to bring civilization and Confucius to the savages and thus eliminate the barbarian menace once and for all; not even the rediscovery of the Jin and Song dynasties in exile slowed down Chinese colonial enthusiasm and aspirations of a global empire to reinforce the Ming’s position as the center of the world. It was in this spirit that the Spice Islands were divided up into Ming, Tran, Indian, and Roman spheres of influence. From 1444 onward, the Chinese state focused on the seas, paid attention to how a colonial system could free up land for non-agricultural endeavors and feed a growing population, and saw its main enemy as its colonial rivals in India and, to a certain extent, their Tran allies. Maintenance and expansion of the imperial fleets became of greater importance to Ming emperors than rebuilding and lengthening of the Great Wall, which fell apart and was eventually rendered obsolete by Chinese colonization efforts and anti-Yuan military expansion in Siberia giving the Ming land on the other side of the Great Wall; parts of the wall remain today as tourist attractions. The abandonment of a land-based system, though, did not mean that Chinese overland trade along the Silk Road ended as well; rather, on the contrary, the Silk Road remained an important lifeline and crossroads of trade well into the nineteenth century.
India
The Mongols’ trade routes along the Silk Road had not been the only trade routes. Where the collapse of the Mongol Empire and the outbreak of the Plague may have been part of a wider continuation of the Thirteenth Century Crisis that affected much of Eurasia, such a crisis was not seen in the Indian Ocean. Indeed, the Indian Ocean had been, and would remain, not just a crucially important link in the global trading system, but a source of great wealth and access to luxuries, spices, and manufactured goods to any and all who could get their merchants, goods or ships to the major trading cities on the Indian Ocean. The Chinese thus had not been wrong in seeing the importance of the Indian Ocean and wanting to send their ships there.
In fact, the Chinese excursion was but one episode in a longer history of the Indian Ocean, starting in about 650 with the expansion of the Islamic world and the establishment of the Tang Dynasty and ending around 1750 with Indian trade hegemony in the ocean firmly established, reducing Roman and Chinese influence. During those 1100 years, the Indian Ocean arguably was the single most important crossroads of trade and generator of merchant wealth in the world, and for our purposes its history can be usefully subdivided into three periods.
From 650 to 1000, Arab traders and mariners carried goods and ideas all the way from the Islamic Middle East to Southeast Asia and China, and back again. Arabs spread their language and faith throughout the region, from East Africa to Indonesia until the collapse of Islam eradicated Islam from everywhere outside Mesopotamia. In the second period, beginning around 1000 and lasting around 1700, Chinese merchants saw the profits to be made in the trade and , with or without the support of their government, saild into the Indian Ocean to fill in the vacuum left by the collapse of Islam.
India had three major textile-producing centers: Gujarat on the west coast, Madras in the south, and Bengal on the east. Cotton was spun and woven in artisan homes with material advanced to them by merchants, who then collected the thread and cloth for dyeing and printing before being brought to the market. Most of the cotton cloth met internal demand, but a considerable amount was produced for export. Indian textiles trade as far away as the northern and western provinces of the Reich as well as China. Silver, gold, and other goods flowed into India to pay for these brightly colored textiles. To meet demand, Indians had created a whole manufacturing system, from growing the cotton to finishing it. In turn, those Indians who participated in the textile industry had to look to the market to buy food, further commercializing the Indian economy and increasing productivity and production. Much like in China, the Indian economy was highly developed and was the source of select but important manufactured goods for much of the Reich.
Like China, India was a unified empire, but a young one, with a history of both political disunity and unity imposed by foreign invaders. Although India looks like a “place” on a map because of its easy to recognize shape, it was only politically unified in the eleventh and twelfth century under the Rajput-cultured Paramara maharajas of Malwa, and then at first only tentatively because cultural distinctions took decades to overcome and for Rajput identity to supersede other local identities. Because the independent rulers of most pre-Paramara Indian states promoted and supported trade, political and cultural disunity did not hinder economy activity and actually ceased to exist upon Indian unification under the Paramara dynasty, for as we have seen there was much to be traded when Zheng He began to visit the Indian ports in the early 1400s.
Africa
When Ibn Battuta, one of the last Muslims around in the fourteenth century, traveled in Africa, he was visiting not just places under Roman control or in “the former abode of Islam” but highly developed civilizations with all that included: productive agriculture, cities, ruling and subject class systems, regional trading systems and advanced mining industrial activity, including an iron industry. By 500, the socio-economic characteristics of highly civilized people had spread throughout Africa, and great empires soon arose, the most notable being the Malian Empire which drove out Islam and survived multiple wars with the Reich.
After the kings of Mali converted back to West African paganism, their kingdom continued to expand at the expense of their neighbors. Mali produced some gold itself, but the Muslims’ and later the Romans’ demand for it proved sufficiently strong and the goods they brought to trade in sufficient demand in West Africa (Indian cotton, horses, beads, mirrors, and salt, which could not be found in West Africa) that gold flowed into Timbuktu, fueling an already thriving trade.
Even more extensive than Mali was Mali…that is, the Mali Empire that replaced it. From the 1100s to the early 1400s, Mali controlled and taxed almost all of the trade in West Africa, which was indeed substantial. Huge caravans of up to twenty-five thousand camels stretching for miles across the Sahara brought gold and slaves out of Africa and Indian cotton textiles into Mali. Commerce turned Timbuktu into a great center, attracting scholars, architects, poets, and astronomers to its university, and West African theologians came there to the more than one hundred schools established to study the Book of Chukwu. The Malian army became the best in West Africa, conquering Mali's less advanced neighbors and managing to defend the empire against Roman incursions. Mali eventually became a colonial power through its motivation to find the lost fleets of the Muslim king Abu-Bakr, and most of those colonies were eventually seized by Tawatinsuyu, but the point is that Mali managed to remain relevant into the late 1700s.
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-Reinhard Markos, Professor of East Asian and Eimerican History,
The Origins of Modernity, published by Imperial University of Neu Brandenburg, 2015.