Chapter XXVII
The Battle of Stavropol
The Battle of Stavropol
The nature of Melissinos’ eastern gambit is all the more incredible considering the nature of the odds against him, the rash decision in his invasion, and the shifting dynamics of the power politics in Greece and Constantinople. After his initial failed invasion of the Mongols of the Steppes, retreat, and reorganization, there was a real fear among his camp that he had erred in the same manner as Crassus a millennia and half ago. The Battle of Stavropol was one of the great moments in Roman military lore.
Outnumbered by as much as three-to-one according to some historians, more likely one-and-a-half to one by all reasonable estimates,* the Battle of Stavropol would also prove to be the last great battle of the Mongol Horde in Southern Russia before being swallowed up by the Grand Duchy of Moscovy later in the sixteenth century. It was also memorable for Melissinos’ employment of the Spanish “pike and shot” formation which had grown popular in Europe, and was borrowed by the Romans after the Second Italian War. Although the Roman army was lacking in the same quantity of firearms as their Western neighbors, the system was still as effective in the east as it was in the west—especially in defense of the numerous cavalry forces common in eastern warfare.
The battle was made sometime at daybreak, with a Mongol raid on the Roman forward camp, wiping it out entirely. The loss of the 500 or so men proved fatal in the early hours of the battle. Melissinos was blind, and he was reluctant to use his sparse cavalry force on a suicide reconnaissance mission. It was out of no other option that he deployed his men in the pike and shot formation, rightly guessing the predominant Mongol force was that of cavalry.
His artillery held the center ridge directly behind him and the pike and shot formation employed in front of his artillery. A smaller pike and shot formation was placed to guard the left flank of his artillery, with his cavalry holding the other. The Mongols attacked in a frontal charge, still using the antique bow and arrow, which proved woefully ineffective against the modest but still highly armored Roman infantry. The Roman artillery and firearms kept the Mongol heavy horse at bay, causing extensive damage to the finest horsemen of Eastern Europe.
By noon, the situation became a defensive battle with the Mongols poking at the points of the Roman lines in hopes to break the defense—but the Roman line held firm. By midday, the Mongols had retired after suffering withering losses. The battle, although a victory, proved the inability of the Romans to conquer the Horde. Melissinos personally parleyed with the Mongols to negotiate a truce to the encounter. The Horde, facing an invasion further from the east by Kazaks, agreed.
An inaccurate depiction of the battle of Stravopol.
This put the pressure on Melissinos’ propaganda machine to present the failed invasion as a defensive success. The Mongols were quickly portrayed as the invaders of the Roman Empire, to which they were promptly beaten back. Melissinos invaded the Steppes, defeating the Mongols in a series of battles that led to them begging for a truce. Out of grace and mercy, Melissinos accepted. Thus, Melissinos was not only a savior of the empire, he was a devout saintly Christian man who bestowed mercy upon heathens. It was a win-win for him. A devastating setback for his rivals.
However, this also proved the limits of Melissinos’ capabilities. Against his rivals, and against petty rebels, he was clearly the superior. Against a potentially dangerous foe, however, he was capable of only defensive action at best—restricted from the conquering glory of Julius Caesar of Augustus. His tactical ability was stretched to the limit. His invasion was foolish. His rearguard action, brilliant.
At the end of his eastern campaign, one thing was clear. He possessed the loyalties of scribes, historians, and artisans that would do his bidding. Saving him from embarrassment, and highlighting his potential at every moment. His propaganda machine was something that would make modern political parties envious. The success of his stories, unrivaled. This prompted a reaction from Gabras and Duke Michael, neither of whom wanted to be cast into the shadows by Melissinos’ success.
Gabras Gathers His Army
Ambrosios Gabras gathered his strength in Greece in preparation of an invasion of Servia to highlight his ability and, whereas Melissinos was a defensive hero, he would be a conquering hero. The change of direction would be noticed even in the darkest corridors of Constantinople. Gabras was able to amass a force of 8,000 men to invade the weakened Servians, who had suffered the brunt of a series of Turkish invasions stemming from their failure to conquer Constantinople.
Gabras’ intention was clear. With the people enthralled by the stories of Melissinos’ eastern gambits, Gabras was to re-win their hearts by conquering the Servs and opening a new front against the Turks. The Servs were isolated and without friends—in part, because most of the courts of Europe saw their impending doom and did not want to get drawn into a further conflict with other parties interested in conquering their lands. In particular, the Turks, although weakened by the Romans, were still a regional power in the Balkans and Anatolia—although the walls of Constantinople were starting to chip away at their power, as was the Sultan in Cairo.
Gabras’ pending invasion was, however, put on hold when news arrived of Duke Michael’s condemnation of Melissinos. He requested his arrest, and to Gabras’ knowledge, the general who was the “savior of the empire” was held up in the brig. He had to make the decision whether to accept this news as factual and keep his cordial relationship with the nobles, or anger them by embarking on a new conquest of his own.
Of course, Duke Michael was deliberately preventing Gabras from basking in the glory of conquest and victory. He knew that such a policy would cause him to be strung up by the mob who adored Melissinos—even if his victories were exaggerated. Michael wanted to keep Gabras under his thumb in this political saga. And for all his ability, Gabras had fallen for it.
>>> Continue (next chapter forthcoming)
*Again, this is an attempt to highlight the inclusion of “primary” documentation, which, prior to the rise of methodological historiography in the Enlightenment, was often inflated to convey miraculous odds and sanctified battles—this is even true of the Greek and Roman accounts of Antiquity.
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