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Chapter XXVI

Revolts and Scheming

Oh night, be calm.
For what has the midnight oracle declared?


- William Blake, “Ballad of Melissinos,” 1821.

After securing a decisive victory against his main rival in the first triumvirate of the Long Regency, Melissinos set his eyes further east. Like Crassus, the path to the throne lay with conquest against the eastern enemies of the Roman Empire—in particular, the remnants of the Mongol Horde that had stormed through much of Eastern and Central Europe during the Middle Ages. Weakened by war, and the successful revolt of the Duchy of Moscow against their overlords, Melissinos believed that a quick and decisive campaign in the southern plains of Russia would allot him the ability to march on Constantinople—not as a conqueror or liberator, but a savior and hero. After all, it was his only conceivable path back into the walls of the city of Constantine.

While Melissinos was preparing his invasion of the southern steppes, the Georgian people, subjugated by the Romans nearly 100 years earlier, had long wanted their independence. Although fellow Orthodox Christians, the Georgians had a streak of fierce independence, both in ecclesiastical and political matters. In addition, the failures of Gabras and Komnenoi Family in Trebizond to seize power against Sophia and the Imperial Council ruling for the young three year old Constantine XII, many Georgian nobles felt that the eastern holdings of the Roman state was weakened and without serious vigor or leadership. Perhaps they were not aware that Melissinos was now the present military governor of the region, at the least to keep the Komnenoi in check, but with Melissinos free from the strings of the aristocracy, he proved a more forthright commander with little to lose unlike his counterpart Gabras, who had much vested interest in doing the bidding of his aristocratic overseers while simultaneously trying to keep himself in contention for the power struggle.

The Georgian wish for independence broiled over in the spring of 1532. A harsh winter and dry spring only compounded the animosity towards their Roman overlords. When the duke refused to provide his reserve of grain to the starving people, they revolted in a massive uprising all too common throughout the annals of Roman history—especially the history of the Roman Empire in the east. This constituted the 110th major revolt, civil war, or general uprising in the history of the eastern Romans.[1] The Georgians amassed about 14,000 armed peasants and around 1,000 armed nobles who began pillaging the Roman border country, raided into the despotate of Armenia, and even crossed into Persia twice.

For Melissinos, the need to put down a rebellion postponed his planned invasion of the southern steppes. Yet, he also knew of the political prestige a victory against the rebellious Georgians would bring. He felt that, in the span of six months (if possible), victories against the Georgians and the Steppe Hordes would guarantee his return to Constantinople by Christmas. It would only be right and fitting he thought.

The fluctuating nature of the Roman imperial structures in the sixteenth century represented the edge of human evolution, a cauldron of past and present. On one hand, the empire was still an agrarian empire—one based on taxation of agricultural produce. Like most other empires and powers of its day, it was land-based. Only a few of the maritime countries, like Portugal and the Hanseatic Confederacy, had commercial-based economies from trade and colonialism. At the same time, the reforms of John X marked the movement towards something that resembled the centralized nation-states of today, a political revolution that was also manifesting itself in Europe, particularly in the northern grounds of Italy in the struggle for Italian Supremacy between the Valois and Habsburgs.

This transition proved tumultuous in certain areas, and the reactionary counterstrike of the Greco-Roman aristocracy weakened the imperium on the outer edges of the empire. In this weakness, the Georgians arose to seek their independence. They had, ever since the conquests of John VIII, longed for the day they would be free (or perhaps greater autonomy). Their struggle was a curious one since, with all respect to the Georgian natives, they had a great deal of freedom considering the devolved nature of the Roman political structure, particularly in Asia Minor.

The Komnenoi in Trebizond were less than interested in diverting resources from their more immediate holdings to what was perceived to be a wasteland full of degenerate peoples who were not befitting of being called Roman. Despite their Christian piety, the Greek Church held the Georgian Church in contempt. Ever since the Georgian Church’s independence from the Church of Antioch in the fifth century, the Greek Church viewed those who were part of the eastern orbit but without the directive to honor the dictates of the primary bishops of the pentarchy in suspicion. While not held in the same contempt as the Oriental Orthodox Churches, the feuding nature between the two cultures ran deep.

So, from within this midst, the Georgian uprising struck with great speed and thunder. The outer fortresses along the border all fell, with minimal fighting as the men who manned these ancient defenses were underfed, under-armed, and had little invested in the defense of outdated fortresses that had fallen into decay and disrepair. The Georgian forces however, made an early blunder in separated their forces to cover the expense of the eastern holdings of the Duke of Trebizond.


A scene from the Georgian uprisings. Here, the Georgian peasants burn down the villa of a local aristocrat.

As the Georgians clamored violently for independence, Melissinos moved out of Trebizond with an army of about 10,000 men. Like Belisarius nearly a millennium before him, Melissinos charted his path to glory and power. He knew of the separations that had occurred in the Georgian rebels, and he sought to exploit this. He would move on the rebel armies separately, and score decisive victories without having to fight a battle where the Georgians could amass and hold the numerical advantage. It also happened that the Georgian uprising provided good cause for the Roman army to move from Trebizond to the eastern border with the Golden Horde. After defeating the Georgians under the legitimate pretext of preventing a full-scale revolution, he would strike from the south and carve a path through the Russian Steppes and defeat the Steppe Hordes in their wake.

As Belisarius defeated the Vandals then captured Rome, to the point where his popularity matched, or exceeded, that of Justinian, Melissinos figured the same would apply to him. “The Savior of the Empire” he fantasized about. He would have that opportunity.


[1] "110th" is a reflection of my adding in-game revolts to the historical tally.​
 
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It's nice when your foes set you up to defeat them in detail.
 
I see a note about the civil wars but no explanation after :p

I bet on a Georgian victory causing havoc once again. Although any outcome will lead to more instability I guess : if Melissinos wins against the Georgians and the Mongol he can march on Constantinople and remove the infant emperor, if he doesn't his enemies would attack him to get into power. I don't think there is a way the current situation can hold ...
 
It's nice when your foes set you up to defeat them in detail.

Yes, but I was a little taken aback by this conflict with the Golden Horde (in game that is), of course, I get to write it the way I want and to make the integral ebb and flow of this narrative remain smooth. Of course, since I've finished the gameplay, instead of updating as I play, it makes writing, foreshadowing, and all that other fun stuff easier. Not to mention that it is easy for me to keep the narrative line in sync and provide for a good transition to. Damn Golden Horde...

I see a note about the civil wars but no explanation after :p

I bet on a Georgian victory causing havoc once again. Although any outcome will lead to more instability I guess : if Melissinos wins against the Georgians and the Mongol he can march on Constantinople and remove the infant emperor, if he doesn't his enemies would attack him to get into power. I don't think there is a way the current situation can hold ...

Fixed! :oops:

And the Triumvirate will not die just yet...in a few more chapters we'll reach the penultimate moment, well I think this volume will have several depending on your perspective.

Lands never ruled by Rus people? Maybe call them Sarmatia, Scythia, Alania, Khazaria, Cumania, Tataria... but Russia no?
as for 110th... just glorious. :p

You must remember that I know how the later gameplay develops, and am writing this as an early twentieth century historian with the written context also trying to reflect this (even though the only readers are you all, so you don't give a damn about what happens to Moscow >> Russia) :p

110th, not even enough I say. More! More! :eek:
 
Chapter XXVII
Melissinos Marches East

The Georgian uprisings against their Roman overlords in the Winter and Spring of 1532-1533 was another climactic moment in the history of Roman civil wars, revolutions, and uprisings. Some have argued that it was inspired, in part, by a new surge of religious identity that emerged after several Bibles had been printed in the vernacular Georgian language against the ecclesiastical Greek as per tradition and mandated by the dictates of Constantinople. This, however, seems bleak at best—for, after all, despite their autonomy, the Georgian Orthodox Church was part of the wider Eastern Orthodox umbrella and nominally part of the larger Greek Orthodox tradition that included the Episcopates of Alexandria, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Constantinople.

Unlike the Armenian Orthodox Church, which had rejected further ecumenical councils starting with Chalcedon in 451 A.D., prompting them, along with several other easterly churches—most notably the Coptic Church—in belonging to a brand of Orthodoxy separated from the wider Eastern (Greek-influenced) Orthodox world with its spiritual head the Patriarch of Constantinople. Rather, it seemed more the fulfillment of anger aimed at the Roman authorities, coupled with particularly harsh winters that had limited the crop harvests of the previous years. With the nobility in Trebizond scheming against the emperor, they had begun to horde most of the excess grains for their prospective campaign against the emperor—neglecting the suffering peasantry in the process. The neglection was felt especially hard in Georgia, who, in their early revolts, targeted the large manor farms and other grain estates controlled by the aristocracy.

Melissinos’ plans for an invasion of the Russian Steppes to drive out the Steppe Hordes was postponed to put down the Georgian uprising. Although outnumbered, he pressed into the hills and mountains of the Caucasus without fear and confident of victory. Moreover, he had been informed of the separation of the Georgian forces to wreak widespread havoc across the countryside, but in doing so, opened themselves for a decisive strike.

Like Hannibal’s march across the Alps, Melissinos’ march through the Caucasus Mountains was equally skillful and executed flawlessly. In the mid of winter, in harsh terrain, he kept his army intact, motivated, and with eagerness to fight. This élan of the soldiers under his command was not altogether uncommon, or surprising. Since the days after the Roman defeat against Hannibal at Cannae, and the condemnation of the devastation of the Roman countryside in Italy against the veterans of the Punic Wars, Roman soldiers grew ever increasingly loyal to their officers rather than their political authorities. It was for this reason that Augustus began the dictate of soldiers and officers swearing their oaths to him personally. This tradition carried forth all the way to John X, as we recall, he attempted to reorganize military loyalties along the same lines.


General Nikolaus Melissinos, the Roman general who came to dominate the first triumvirate of the Long Regency.


Thus, soldiers were zealously willing to fight and die for their officers, who, after all, commanded them from the field rather than politicians and political authorities from afar. This was the problem that had befallen the imperial court after John’s death. Even though he was murdered by the military, much of the military was nonetheless loyal to him. His death propelled the free-for-all that established the current triumvirate and maneuvering between commanders to gain the upper hand. And the upper hand had fallen to Melissinos, despite his “exile” in Asia Minor.

Sometime after the new year he caught up with the first Georgian army outside of the city walls of Tbilisi. The Georgian siege had been held off by the loyal Roman garrison, but the defending garrison was near collapse. Without hesitation he instructed his forces into a hasty battle that caught the Georgians off guard. The Georgian force was a composite mixture of rebellious soldiers of Georgian descent, a few displaced officers who were formerly under the command of Gabras, and mostly peasants who went into battle with whatever their hands could muster.

The Siege of Tbilisi was much less a siege, and more a battle that ended in slaughter. The Roman forces under Melissinos swept across the fields and had all but expelled the Georgian forces, which numbered around 8,000 strong, by midday. As one officer of the garrison recollected, “the snow-covered fields turned red with blood.” Melissinos, who had previously had the reputation of being somewhat conservative when it came to pursuing defeated forces, apparently showed little restraint and released his cavalry against the fleeing peasants. Perhaps it was meant to send a sign to his rivals in Greece—no doubt improved by his own propaganda machine—otherwise, and more likely, it was meant as a gruesome training session in preparation for the real conflict with the horsemen of the Steppe Hordes who were widely regarded as fine horsemen in their own right, far superior to anything the Romans could muster.

The breaking of the siege did not lead to celebration and extolment. Although his allies were quick to proclaim the marvelous and miraculous victory, in which fewer than 500 of his own were lost, Melissinos swept east to capture the important mountain strongholds before the Georgian rebels could. Alas, he was late.

The Georgian rebels, who received word of their brethren’s defeat by the men who escaped the slaughter under the walls of Tbilisi, had quickly moved to seize the ancient but still formidable fortress at Gori. The rebels had occupied the fortress with great speed and haste, and had properly manned most of the defenses. When Melissinos arrived, much to his shock, he found the fortress defended even with several makeshift and captured artillery pieces that rained a slow but constant fire down upon his men as they slowly approached the walls.

The hilltop fortress was Georgia’s last hope for independence. For three weeks a terrible and bloody siege raged through the rest of winter. Nearly 1500 Romans were killed or died from attrition. But the defending Georgians had made a critical error in their haste to occupy the ancient fortress. They had forgotten to bring with them an ample supply of sustenance to last more than a week or two. And with some 8,000 men cramped into the walls and surrounding countryside and hills, their supplies diminished quickly. While only some 1,000 or so men had perished at the weapons of Melissinos’ soldiers, hunger, illness, and thirst led to their surrender.


A depiction of the siege of Gori, where Roman forces forced the starving and sick Georgian defenders to capitulate.


Melissinos, showing no sign of weakness, made the captured kill their officers to prevent any remnant of the leadership from posing a problem in the future. The Georgian rebels, who fought valiantly, were promised a deal—to fight for Melissinos in exchange for their lives, or to perish at his hands if they rejected the offer. Naturally, all but a few of the zealots agreed to the deal. A deal that Melissinos would later come to recollect upon.

Nevertheless, the putting down of the Georgian rebellion in four months was a feat that even his rivals admired. Empress Sophia, recounting the many times of her fondness with Melissinos while alone, was rumored to be convinced (against her better judgment) to renege on her default exile of her former lover. Her advisors pleaded against such hasty and rash action. In the meantime, by early summer, when the news had fully reached Greece, Ambrosios Gabras was shamed into hasty action himself—which I shall cover in the next chapter. Thus, by summer, Melissinos was now prepared, although a few months behind his intended schedule, to strike deep into the heart of the Russian Steppe.


 
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Good to see this going :) So Melissinos is going to be new Caesar, (surprised you compare him to everyone but Caesar) conquering vast barbarian lands :) Anyway, im surprised Romans trouble themselves with steppes north of caucasus, when you still have alot of ottomans around.

edit: i love your work on origins of double-headed eagle :D so bassically eastern europeans and muslim are cherishing pagan symbols :) good to know (evil)
 
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Finally found some time to catch up with your AAR - I need a clear mind to read it. Your style of writing is very artistic and unique but nothing I can read while craving for sleep. Two chapters for a Georgian rebellion...they really must have shaken up the Ancient Empire in times of troubles. Melissinos is looking quite powerful right now, but since we are talking about a "Long Regency" I fear his days as Supreme Leader are numbered. Or at least he won't be able to remove the child emperor from the throne.

Unfortunately you made a typo in your second post: The first "but" should be "by".
The Georgian siege had been held off but the loyal Roman garrison, but the [...]
 
Delays and invading Russia rarely provide happy endings. :p
Perhaps Melissinos, picking up where the Mongols left off, gave good reason for others to think an invasion of Russia could work out! :p

Good to see this going :) So Melissinos is going to be new Caesar, (surprised you compare him to everyone but Caesar) conquering vast barbarian lands :) Anyway, im surprised Romans trouble themselves with steppes north of caucasus, when you still have alot of ottomans around.

edit: i love your work on origins of double-headed eagle :D so bassically eastern europeans and muslim are cherishing pagan symbols :) good to know (evil)

Julius Caesar is too much for Melissinos, Flavius Aetius is a better comparison, especially since I know what happens as this all plays out! :rolleyes: Well, thank you for the nice words on my work. The hours spent writing, editing, collecting sources and researching (all on the hope that your work is selected instead of rejected) really adds up for something few people will ever bother to read... :p

Finally found some time to catch up with your AAR - I need a clear mind to read it. Your style of writing is very artistic and unique but nothing I can read while craving for sleep. Two chapters for a Georgian rebellion...they really must have shaken up the Ancient Empire in times of troubles. Melissinos is looking quite powerful right now, but since we are talking about a "Long Regency" I fear his days as Supreme Leader are numbered. Or at least he won't be able to remove the child emperor from the throne.

Unfortunately you made a typo in your second post: The first "but" should be "by".

You should quit your day job and take up a new position as my permanent editor, although I confess that I write at any time of the day (or night) for AARs and don't particularly care to go back and make sure everything is fine tuned...that's what I have you for! :D ;)
 
You should quit your day job and take up a new position as my permanent editor, although I confess that I write at any time of the day (or night) for AARs and don't particularly care to go back and make sure everything is fine tuned...that's what I have you for! :D ;)

Oh, you jester! Sure, ask the German guy to correct your English writings...but don't wonder if you'll find some strange yet English words like kindergarten, weltschmerz and schadenfreude in your texts. Better ask someone French, this might make your text sound more...sexy!
 
A deal that Melissinos would later come to recollect upon.

I have to admit that I don't understand what this sentence means, volksmarschall. :confused:

Sure, ask the German guy to correct your English writings...but don't wonder if you'll find some strange yet English words like kindergarten, weltschmerz and schadenfreude in your texts. Better ask someone French, this might make your text sound more...sexy!

Or they might make his text surrender to the Germans. :p
 
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Chapter XXVII

The Invasion of the Steppes



The Roman invasion of the Southern Russian steppes is a bit of a misnomer, since it was not officially backed by the Roman court in Constantinople. It was, perhaps, a fitting cycle of irony for the repeated raids into Roman lands—especially Constantinople—by the Russians many centuries earlier. However, the Roman invasion was not against the Rus’ peoples, but against the Mongol yoke that still dominated much of the Southern Russian steppe.

Having stormed into Eastern Europe during the High Middle Ages, the Mongol Horde was the most vicious and ferocious force from the Orient since the days of Attila the Hun. Russia fell quickly, in part due to factional rivalry and poor decision-making on behalf of the Russian aristocracy. Likewise, the Mongols overran the ancient Mohammedan Caliphate, based in Baghdad, where the last caliph of the Abbasid Dynasty was trampled to death inside a rug by the horses of the Mongol conquerors. The shattering of the old caliphate sent shockwaves through the Mohammedan world, a shockwave that had yet to be resolved—although the Osman Dynasty in Turkey liked to stylize themselves as the heirs of the caliphate, a stylization perhaps relevant until their recent setbacks at the walls of Constantinople and in the deserts of the Levant against the slave armies of the Egyptian Mamluks.

The Romans used the Mongol invasion to their benefit. Directing the Mongol Horde south against their Mohammedan enemies, where they scored a major victory against the young House of Osman until they were turned back at the decisive battle of Ayn Jalut. The Romans had tactically used the Mongols to save themselves in a moment of crisis. But their defeat at Ayn Jalut at the hand of the slave soldiers of Egypt cemented Mongol dominance north of the Caucasus. Now, however, the tables had turned and it was the Romans, one Roman really, who looked at the remnants of the once-glorious empire of the Mongol Horde as his stepping stone to the throne in Constantinople.


The Mongol Empire, at its height, was the largest contiguous political entity in human history.


Melissinos’ army was experienced and battle-tested, but ill-equipped for the open and quick-paced warfare of Eastern Europe and the Russian Steppe. The initial Roman invasion got off to an impressive, if not predictable start. Melissinos marched out of the Caucasus and proceeded on a path toward the Volga River, raiding and pillaging the open land as he proceeded northward. The Mongols did little cease his advance, drawing him deeper and deeper into the heart of the Russian Steppe. All the while, his 12,000 or so men were being tracked by a Mongol force of over 17,000—mostly horse—who would periodically raid the Roman supply lines. Melissinos responded with a rash and fateful decision, he ordered those Georgians who had agreed to fight for him to guard the supply routes as his more experienced men continued to race toward the banks of the Volga River.

This decision has been met with criticism by previous historians, and rightly so. The Mongols pounced on the opportunity and the Georgian garrisons fled. Rather than fight and defend Melissinos’ supply lines, the Georgians capitulated entirely. This caused consternation and worry on Melissinos’ behalf. He had to abruptly turn around and secure his gains to continue his advance. On June 11, Melissinos finally returned to his forward-most camp south of Groznyy where the Mongol armies and the Romans met for battle.

Melissinos held a superior force of infantry, but infantry was not the decisive unit of battle in the open plains of the east. The composite army of the Romans after their constant wars with the Persians had largely dissipated due to financial and economic woes—outsourced to include mostly Western mercenaries and few professional horses suitable for the combat even in Asia Minor. But Melissinos’ men had the decisive advantage of gunpowder against the technologically inferior Mongols. Despite this, the Mongol advantage in cavalry would play a major role in the campaign.

At Groznyy, Melissinos’ cavalry was overmatched and quickly routed within thirty minutes. Less than 1,000 Roman cavalry stood little chance against a force of nearly 7,000. However, Melissinos’ infantry saved the day. After the flight of the Roman cavalry from the field, the relatively lightly armed and armored Mongolian horsemen were drawn into combat with the professional Roman infantry. The combined open pike and shot formation, a bit more relaxed than their heavier Western counterparts, proved agile enough in the faster paced warfare of the east. Their armor and range, however, led them to be more effective than the lightly-clad infantry and horsemen of most of the Eastern powers, with the exception of the other border empires of the Turks and Mamluks.

Having been drawn into the Roman formation, the Roman infantry unleashed a bloodbath against the Mongolian horsemen. After two hours of fighting, the Mongolians had been routed in full. After Melissinos managed to deploy his artillery, the Mongolian forces fled. Although a victory, Melissinos was overcome with zeal and passion. No doubt, he saw his improbable victory as evidence for his future glory in Constantinople. He pressed his advantage, but failed to comprehend the possibility of falling victim to another Kalka. This was a typical tactic of the Horde forces, to engage and retreat—to harass the enemy and force them in pursuit in the hope of victory, only to crush them with superior numbers in open territory when the time was right.


A depiction of the Battle of Groznyy, where Melissinos defeated the first Mongol army.


All the more reason for Melissinos’ lapse of judgment was not only the fact that the Mongols had successfully conquered the Rus’ princes at the Kalka River using this strategy, but that the Roman general Crassus was killed at Carrhae by the Parthians through a similar strategy. In his bid for an ultimate victory, Melissinos had negated to take into consideration the honored and military traditions of his opponent. His victory at Groznyy, as impressive as it was, was but a prelude to the Mongolian army assembling along the banks of the Volga.

Breaking the Trap

By August, news of Melissinos’ invasion had spread throughout the Roman Empire, and was met with both jubilee and anxiety. The underclass saw him as a hero. The Court, under Sophia, saw him as a threat with his popularity and continuous string of victories. The rest of the triumvirate and the other aristocrats who wanted power for themselves, struggled to see a way around Melissinos’ victories and surging popular support.

At the same time, Melissinos began to grow in awareness that he was being lured into a trap as he marched deeper into the heart of the Russian Steppe without a major engagement, and always on the heel of the Mongolian army he had defeated at Groznyy. Suspicion was confirmed when a small Mongolian raiding party struck his left flank in a clear hit-and-run tactic that was meant to force the Romans to break formation and give pursuit. Melissinos refused to give chase. In fact, he made an even more fateful decision to turn back for Groznyy and attempt to draw the Mongolians to him. In turning back, however, he was forced to deploy a rear-guard that was vulnerable to a counter attack. A counter attack that was unleashed on September 22. The Battle of Stavropol had begun.

 
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A century ago 1000 Mongolian horse archers would have lynched your entire army without having to engage in melee combat... Eu4 keeps being retarded. :p
 
I think I see what you did there...never underestimate the hordes in their home territory! Their away statistics are terrible (at least in the years you play in ), but their home statistics are still impressive. The Great General should have rallied the whole Roman army before attacking, but I guess the political situation in Rome didn't allow for such a move.
 
He fell victim to one of the classic blunders!

Two, actually! The faux retreat really is classic.
 
A century ago 1000 Mongolian horse archers would have lynched your entire army without having to engage in melee combat... Eu4 keeps being retarded. :p
if only a game could be super historically accurate, I would die. :p (Nothing worse than, at least prior to the CS update, having to fight a standing army of 80,000 French in 1511. 80,000 professional soldiers three centuries before Napoleon, hahahaha...

I think I see what you did there...never underestimate the hordes in their home territory! Their away statistics are terrible (at least in the years you play in ), but their home statistics are still impressive. The Great General should have rallied the whole Roman army before attacking, but I guess the political situation in Rome didn't allow for such a move.

Well the "political" situation, if you haven't gleaned already, is mostly my way of addressing the fact that I have three areas of territorial control (Greece & Macedonia, Constantinople, and Trebizond, Georgia, and Armenia) and since they're all separated, it's kind of hard to gather everyone all together for a war, especially a war I didn't start in-game (but I take the writer's license to credit Melissinos for that) :cool:

He fell victim to one of the classic blunders!

Two, actually! The faux retreat really is classic.

And perhaps the good general is now trying to do that himself? :eek:
 
Well the "political" situation, if you haven't gleaned already, is mostly my way of addressing the fact that I have three areas of territorial control (Greece & Macedonia, Constantinople, and Trebizond, Georgia, and Armenia) and since they're all separated, it's kind of hard to gather everyone all together for a war, especially a war I didn't start in-game (but I take the writer's license to credit Melissinos for that) :cool:

You are right about your divided territory - you posted an in-game map, after all. Nonetheless I don't hear anything about reinforcements from other regions. So I wonder where they are - I do not believe that you are so bad at this game to not gather all your troops from the other areas in such a situation...unless your story would profit from it. Or these reinforcements were left out of the story for other reasons.
 
You are right about your divided territory - you posted an in-game map, after all. Nonetheless I don't hear anything about reinforcements from other regions. So I wonder where they are - I do not believe that you are so bad at this game to not gather all your troops from the other areas in such a situation...unless your story would profit from it. Or these reinforcements were left out of the story for other reasons.

I'm going to eventually make an AAR to display my actual in-game skills, which I would consider slightly above average! :p I mean, I'm not actually doing that poorly with Byzantium. As of that screen posting, I was 16th overall in the score ranking. By the 1530s, I had inched up to 12, with over 250 points.

However, I promised the AAR to stay true to the title, perhaps that has something to do with it. It would be odd for an AAR billed as "Decline and Fall" and with the author constantly stating throughout that the fall would happen, that I would subsequently keep playing all the way to 1821 and recreate a new Roman Empire. Too many people have already done that. ;)
 
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I'm sorry for the little delay of late. As all you fine readers know, I always have other things to attend/work on that take up my spare time when necessary. However, I will be back into the swing soon.

Thanks, as always!