• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
Nice execution! Hopefully you'll be able to determine your course. I would "guess" that getting close enough to the SU is not possible now but that's a reach...IDK.

Btw, having any supply issues? Speaking of that...given any thought about your own supply-lines to the Soviet border and the infrastructure between, should you fight the commies there? iirc, Supply is not too bad along the eastern border but Turkey has no Airbases in the east and that is limiting when you need TACs to counter Soviet Armor. Just a thought.

Thanks! Comintern would have been an unlikely option anyway - Allies or Axis will probably be the choice.

Supply has been fine so far - benefit of no armour and moving at inf speed.

Re infrastructure/supply in turkey later: yes, one of my first conclusions was the need to develop decent lines of infrastructure inland to the Caucasus and south, so have sought to research adv construction to get that going. For troop movement as well as supply. Will need airbases as well but should have time to build. Unless I go for the allies instead.
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Unless I go for the allies instead.
Hmm. How? If you declare on say Italy, will that definitely put you into the Allies? I ask because I had no option in joining the Allies but I did not declare on the Axis and see if that would have made Turkey...Allied. iirc, I didn't make sure about that, because I knew I could not easily counter Soviet tanks (had 1 TAC wing and built mostly bought 109s) and fighting Panzers seemed a much worse idea.:oops:
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Hmm. How? If you declare on say Italy, will that definitely put you into the Allies? I ask because I had no option in joining the Allies but I did not declare on the Axis and see if that would have made Turkey...Allied. iirc, I didn't make sure about that, because I knew I could not easily counter Soviet tanks (had 1 TAC wing and built mostly bought 109s) and fighting Panzers seemed a much worse idea.:oops:

Good question, I'm boldly assuming ( but am too raw a recruit to know) that if I can't solicit an invite through alignment, war with one side (or the other) may elicit such an invitation. But again, I'll need to find out. Unless someone reading knows for sure and can advise ;)
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Good question, I'm boldly assuming ( but am too raw a recruit to know) that if I can't solicit an invite through alignment, war with one side (or the other) may elicit such an invitation. But again, I'll need to find out. Unless someone reading knows for sure and can advise ;)
Of course. at that time just save-first and see what happens. I would guess you would join the Allies but I'm not sure if types of Government may impact you.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Of course. at that time just save-first and see what happens. I would guess you would join the Allies but I'm not sure if types of Government may impact you.

Yes, I've tried to do a bit of research since your last post and have seen there may also be a hard-wired condition for Turkey about not being able to join (or maybe get invited to join) the Axis while Soviets still control the border on the Caucasus. Though nothing clear :rolleyes:.

When I get back home ( currently on the road) and have game access again). I'll do some off- game experimentation and report my findings, as I'm now curious and it affects the mechanics of the game I'm trying to play.

If I have to worry about factors beyond alignment, neutrality, politics and relations with key faction members, or a Dow is some kind of lottery, or there are hard-wired restrictions specific to Turkey, I'd like to know about them! o_O And I really want to avoid the tagging expedient if it comes to it. Others may find the info useful too. Will report when I get the chance.

The in-game angle will be (pretty reasonably) setting a national security team from the Foreign, Security and Intelligence Ministries to report to Cabinet on the foreign and domestic factors likely to affect any future plans on Turkey's part to join any of the three factions and what we would have to do get there.

If that eliminates certain options for me, then I'll probably just live with it - exception might be some hard-wired restriction that may have made sense for historical purposes or an AI in the standard game, but not for a human player doing alternate history.
 
  • 1
Reactions:
If that eliminates certain options for me, then I'll probably just live with it - exception might be some hard-wired restriction that may have made sense for historical purposes or an AI in the standard game, but not for a human player doing alternate history.

Well, if you like a good challenge...fight alongside Germany and go for the OIL. It's easy.:oops:
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Just stopping by to say that I really like the way the AAR is set out.

I guess that as the Allies have the majority of your old Empire it makes sense to capture as much for yourself and screw over the Italians.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Well, if you like a good challenge...fight alongside and Germany and go for the OIL. It's easy.:oops:

Yes, I think any of the factions will be a big risk/reward - especially if I intervene early enough to be able to genuinely assist an ally to victory (which I am 'morally' committed to per my game goals) without seeing my resurgent empire destroyed by going early/unprepared. It's cool to have difficult decisions to make ;) - makes the game a bit more fun I think.

Just stopping by to say that I really like the way the AAR is set out.

I guess that as the Allies have the majority of your old Empire it makes sense to capture as much for yourself and screw over the Italians.

Many thanks and a warm welcome :). I'm trying to keep it informative and 'game like' (as if the viewer was sitting on my shoulder watching along), but also as if the game was a representation of a real-life alternate time line. And I'm learning (from doing this and reading other AARs) as I go, so will try to keep it lively and (I hope) interesting, but also with enough details for all the HoI3 nerds out there - and isn't that all of us!? ;)

Re Allies, Italians and Empires: So long as I can find someone to screw over without the same happening to me (better to give than receive, etc ;)), I'll be happy, whether it's a new or old empire. Anyway, I'm back from my trip now and will do a bit of study/experimentation to see if I can provide the definitive "Joining Factions as Turkey" guide :confused: - or my best attempt, anyway. I'm now off to my National Security Committee to ask them some hard questions ...
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 14: The “Three-Pronged Fork Memo" (6 May 1937)
Chapter 14: The “Three-Pronged Fork Memo" (6 May 1937)

Ed Comment: the answer to the question discussed in posts above re Turkey’s ability to choose a faction to join proved simpler and more satisfying than I had anticipated, but confirming what I had thought would be the case when I started the game. I experimented by taking a previous save of this game (25 Apr 37, just before the invasion of Greece) and then doing a ‘bare bones’ run through from there on joining the Comintern, Allies and Axis factions, using the situation and settings of this game.

All I did was ‘align to faction X’ for each of them and select either the pro-Comintern or -Axis FMs (+10% drift) where applicable. No other trade/relationship aspects were deliberately pursued. These were just indicative run-throughs at max speed, doing nothing in-game, to see what was possible and roughly how long it might take. First thing to mention is, with this game, the usually prodigious Turkish neutrality had, by March 1937, been reduced to a minimal level, so that condition has already been satisfied (that is, “the difference between our neutrality and the highest threat against us … needs to be lower than 25”). That then leaves the next condition of the difference in alignment being below 50 to join the faction in question.

I won’t put all the details up here but am happy to discuss if anyone has any questions. I took a reading of the alignment to join the chosen faction each month, plus a note of any factors or events that might have - or definitely did - affect the drift rate that month (diplomatic influence from an opposing faction, plus major game events, eg Germany doing its usual aggressive thing as war approaches). When each run had finally got to the point where a request to join could be made by Turkey (I didn’t wait for invitations, so don’t know if or when they would have been forthcoming), I then went ahead and made it. For all three, once below the 50 threshold, the acceptance of the offer was deemed “very likely” and was in each case accepted immediately. I haven’t bothered checking the "Turkey AI .lua file" (whatever and wherever that is ;)) for the supposed Soviet border restriction, because the point was moot when it came time to join the Axis – they just let me straight in (though that was before they were at war with the Soviets, hence the point still being moot). My working theory is that, as it was in an AI behavior file, it doesn’t apply (in TFH anyway) to a human player. Or maybe only when actually at war :confused:. Discuss in 500 words or less. Show workings.;)

What follows takes us back to the Real Alternative World of May 1937 and the new Greater Turkish Republic (have just coined that title – do you like it?):

6 May 1937 - the Greek Front

PfpJuG.jpg

Prime Minister (and Commander 1st Corps) Ismet Inönü (r) with Commander 1st Inf Div, Field Marshal (Bey) Cakmak at HQ 1st Corps, Greece, May 1937.

It is 6 May 1937, and the Prime Minister, LTGEN Ismet Inönü, is sitting at his desk in HQ 1st Corps. The HQ is in the recently occupied Greek fortifications in Giannitsa. He wears civilian attire, as he usually does when away from the front lines, to reinforce the fact he remains Prime Minister and the second most senior leader in Turkey after our revered President. He contemplates the future, confiding to Field Marshal Cakmak, Bey of the Bulgarian Vilayet and commander of his elite 1st Inf Div ‘Strike’, who was visiting the HQ from the front:

Well Cakmak, Phase 1 of our new Great Offensive has been successfully completed. As field commanders we both know much hard fighting lies ahead before we defeat our enemies and avenge their cowardly and opportunistic attack on Izmir (Smyrna) in 1919. But as Prime Minister, I must also continue to think of the future.

He pauses and looks past Cakmak’s shoulder, gazing into a future only he can see now, but that he hopes to make clear to the Government and people of Turkey in due course:

I share our President's vision for the rise of a new ‘Greater Turkish Republic’. We are already well on our way to building it. But we have seen the times are becoming more turbulent. Great forces are stirring among the Great Powers. A new, greater Turkey will have threats, opportunities and responsibilities beyond our own borders and our recent experience. Much as I am, by nature, against foreign interference in Turkish affairs and becoming entangled in foreign alliances, I fear we may have such choices imposed upon us if we do not take measures to seize our own destiny first.

We must think carefully about our options regarding the major international factions that are forming around us. While Germany stands alone for now, we know many countries (both large and small) are beginning to align themselves more closely to Herr Hitler’s new ‘Reich’. But the Western Allies remain powerful and their potential followers are plentiful – including the potentially massive power of the United States of America. And closer to home, the Soviets and their bloc have an avowed aim to spread their (admittedly abhorrent) ideology across the world. Each of them has their drawbacks to us, but all – even the Communists – could be potential allies, so long as we are able to maintain our unique Turkish Government and nationality. And whatever gains we are able to make under the Greater Republic.

Inönü then sat at his desk and started writing a note that became known within Government circles as the “Three-Pronged Fork Memo”. A prosaic expression, but illustrative of the conundrum he was convinced Turkey would be facing in just a few year’s time. This note started events that would change the course of Turkish history ... but to what end? This is as yet unknown.

LDJzHa.jpg

PM Inonu, pictured writing the now-famous "Three-Pronged Fork Memo". A moment in history captured by his Adjutant at HQ 1st Corps, Giannitsa, Greek Front, 6 May 1937.
The Three-Pronged Fork Memo

CONFIDENTIAL
Memo to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Security and the Head of Intelligence: 6 May 1937.

A “Three-Pronged Fork”

I am convinced Turkey will soon come to a fork in the road of our Path to Greatness. While we could possibly continue to maintain strict non-alignment to any of the major international factions, I believe our program of expansion to a new Greater Turkish Republic will inevitably lead us to either choose a side to back, or be consigned to the pack of “also-rans” who never staked a claim to greatness by picking the winning side. Indeed, making sure the side we pick does win.



I therefore want your three agencies to cooperate in producing a report for Cabinet that assesses the three possible options that lay before us for a future alignment and alliance:

  1. The Axis. The German dominated faction whose political system seems to most closely match ours and whose nice uniforms and military equipment we admire, but who have some pretty mercenary habits and frankly loathsome beliefs.
  2. The Allies. Our enemies during the Great War, destroyers of our Empire and purveyors of weak Western democracy, but who always band together to help their own and at least have a degree of morality. Plus the potential big battalions of the Americans.
  3. The Comintern. Their ideology is anathema to us, Russia – led by that Georgian gangster Stalin – is an ancestral enemy, and they seem underprepared and backward by comparison to the Germans. But they have massive potential and sit on our doorstep. Would it be safer in the long run to join them, which would give us some flexibility to expand later in the Middle East and beyond if we did not want to join the Germans.

I want to know whether you assess we would be able to eventually join any of these factions should we choose to do so, how we might best pursue that and how long it might take. I only need general estimates: I understand how difficult it is to predict the future and that many variables will arise in the years ahead.

Lieutenant General Ismet Inönü
Prime Minister


The Great Game - Report to Cabinet

To keep them together for readability, the key parts of the response to Cabinet, six days later, is reproduced below.


cStquJ.jpg

Diplomatic situation on 6 May 1937

CONFIDENTIAL
Report to Cabinet: Future Turkish Alliance Options - Executive Summary and Conclusions


We have concluded that Turkey has viable options to join all three international Factions within a reasonable time frame. We constructed a working model (using a simple mathematical formula) to estimate the effects of a program of diplomatic engagement. It took into account a current estimate of where we stand with each Faction and how long it might take to gain their confidence and also persuade the Turkish people to follow on such a momentous path. Analysts from all three of our Departments have contributed to these views, which included some allowance for the likely efforts of competing factions to sway us in their direction.

We can of course only guess at future events, but assumed that the Germans, as the most active and potentially aggressive of the Faction leaders (as shown from their current intervention in the Spanish Civil War and their growing territorial demands and armed forces) would likely amplify drift either away from them or towards them (depending on one’s alignment preferences). An immediate alignment to the faction in question was assumed, so a delay in implementing that would result in a commensurate delay in being able to join, especially if 'natural drift' takes us in a different direction in the meantime.

Our assessments for each Faction are as follows:

  1. Axis. Our model estimated a starting point of 236.14 distance from complete alignment with Germany, where a distance of less than 50 would be sufficient to make a credible request to join them. Given other factors (political and relationships with other factional members) and assuming some periodic efforts to persuade us otherwise, we estimate that with no other factors applying, it would be possible to quickly align to and join the new “Axis” Faction in less than a year: by around March 1938.
  2. Allies. From a modelled starting point of 189.67 distance from the Allies, we estimated that this closer start would be hampered by a relative lack of influence on Turkish opinion by the West. And a commensurate effort by the Germans to keep us out of the Allied fold would make for a slower path to meeting the threshold to join, despite the closer starting point. But we assessed this impediment would be counter-acted by any aggressive program of expansion by the Germans in Europe, which would increase their threat and make alignment to the Allies somewhat easier and more publicly acceptable as time went on and their threat increased. We estimate we would be able to align sufficiently to join the Allies by around September 1939. Though if our own program of expansion continues, we cannot estimate the effect that may have on the Allies view of us as a threat.
  3. Comintern. For internal political reasons and a very likely strong reaction by both the Germans and the West to prevent such an alignment, we assess this would be the most difficult of the three Factions to join (starting at a distance of 274.41), but not drastically so. A strong and determined diplomatic campaign should still prevail. An alliance of convenience with the Soviets should be possible in around another two and a half years – in late December 1939.

We make no recommendations about the merits or advantages and disadvantages of taking any of these courses, just an assessment of their likelihood and potential timing. Apart from taking steps to align via diplomatic channels and having (where possible) an ardent advocate of a particular alignment policy to guide it, we concluded that any attempts to improve relations with key members of any Faction chosen as a future partner would also help to speed the process, though these effects would be subsidiary compared to that conducted on the diplomatic front. The domestic political factors will look after themselves and little can be done to affect them. But a tight rein in a firm hand – by the Government and Security Ministry – will ensure that no dissent arises - or is quickly stamped out. As a parallel policy, we should endeavour to keep raising National Unity long term, for stronger national resilience should an alignment lead to our participation in a general war.


Joint Inter-Agency Security Commission, 12 May 1937


Cabinet Consideration

Cabinet undertook to consider these weighty problems shortly. The key questions to be answered are, in order: when to decide on the alignment question, whether we should align to a faction, and if so to whom and when such an alignment should commence. It was noted that achieving the threshold for alignment did not mandate a decision to join at that time, though a hostile faction might choose to take matters into their own hands! These considerations reinforced the need to complete our major initial “non-aligned” expansion program as quickly as possible, certainly before the possible outbreak of a general war and a final decision to join a faction.

It was the unanimous view of Cabinet that the new Greater Turkish Republic, with a bigger economy, better infrastructure, more modern technology and larger and more capable Armed Forces should be established as far as possible before we risk formally taking ourselves into a factional alignment. We would have more to offer our potential allies and would be better able to look after ourselves. While we also need to see how global forces align (we don’t want to join a faction at a time they cannot help us against overwhelming odds), we also don’t want to wait so long that a preferred partner is too badly hurt. Having chosen an alignment path, it would presumably take that much longer to re-align to another partner if we thought the cause was lost, risking ‘missing the boat’. And we do want the benefits in trade and strategic resources an alliance can bring, which will be easier from a formal Faction structure that non-aligned and ad hoc arrangements. So we will need to decide soon, or be left behind.

Finally, though our aim is to claim and maintain the New Greater Turkish Republic, we also want to be on the winning side of history in the “Great Game” of international relations. We wish to shape the new world order, not be be at its mercy.

xRO4gG.jpg

We are looking for a certain type of visitor - but only if we invite them first!

Coming Up: Phase 2 of the offensive in Greece and weighty decisions about possible future factional alignments.
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
  • 1Love
Reactions:
Chapter 15: War with Greece #3 - "The Road to Larisa" (6 to 11 May 1937)
Chapter 15: War with Greece #3 - "The Road to Larisa" (6 to 11 May 1937)

6 May 37 (D+11)

Previously, on this AAR ... in Greece, 1st Corps was quickly regrouping and preparing to continue its progress south, first by attacking Larisa from Katerini, then on to Lamia and Amfissa, the gateway to Athina. After its successful capture of Salonica, 2nd Corps has been ordered across to follow up and support 1st Corps, keeping its lines of supply clear and reinforcing attacks where necessary. The planned amphibious invasion of Crete remains on hold until the picture is clearer regarding Athens. Strategically, the “Three-Pronged Fork Memo” has provoked much bureaucratic activity back in Ankara. Cabinet has been called to meet on 12 May and decide on our next steps, even as the war with Greece continues.

2Zunwt.jpg

A reminder of the general situation in Greece on the evening of 5 May 37.

0100. The Greeks had launched a poorly executed attack on Cakmak’s (full strength) 1 Inf Div shortly before midnight on the 5th of May, as it headed south from Meliki to Katerini. The Greeks led with the almost shot 14th Div, instead of the better organised 9th. Fools - we will swat them away like flies from a baklava! They should indeed be trying to harass our flanks, but must do better than this to cause us problems. Note the tactics are starting to improve a bit (on both sides) compared to the basic attack/defence battles that characterised the Bulgarian campaign and the early days of this one.

1bG1nL.jpg

The attack is quickly beaten back: it simply delayed the 1st by a couple of hours, with far more Greek than Turkish casualties.

acoI2d.jpg

At the same time, 3 and 7 Inf Divs in Katerini have reorganised, fought off some attacks by Greeks stragglers and are now on their way south to Larisa.

2ZmqTf.jpg

0900. 3 and 5 Inf Divs contact the Greek 2nd Div in Larisa. There is evidence of increasing preparation (entrenchment) and organisation in the defenders. Not enough to stop this attack, but to be expected as time ticks by and we move further south. Our lack of depth in good commanders is also showing.

InTpnZ.jpg

RVpoUR.jpg

Turkish artillery strikes Greek positions on the road to Larisa, in preparation for an attack by troops from 5 Inf Div.

1700. The short, sharp battle for Larisa is over by the evening, casualties are still light, but the Greeks are beginning to show a little more fight. They appear to be retreating to the mountains to the west rather than southward to Lamia. This is good, so long as our follow-up forces can secure the supply lines of 1st Corps’ advance guard. We must keep the Greeks from consolidating in front of Athina. Onwards!

Zx23jM.jpg

7 May 37 (D+12)

0100. All our infantry equipment research is either up to level 2 (1936) now or will be soon, though the upgrades are taking their time to complete. A start will be made on our Great War vintage cavalry equipment (to Small Arms 2), which will improve our current capabilities and may one day lead us to the possibility of obtaining motorised infantry units. Those may come in handy when the Greater Republic looks to developed faster, hard hitting divisions.

i57r1n.jpg

0300. We receive word back from the Soviets: they have accepted a major energy deal we had proposed a few days ago – one of the few we have initiated ourselves. This is a secure land trade and will help plug some of a major energy deficit that is accumulating with our increasing wartime production. We also cancelled another small energy export deal we had made earlier with Yunnan, when we were running at a surplus. Our recent cash gains from conquering Bulgaria mean we can run a small deficit, for a while anyway.

u5DiJs.jpg

The conquest of Greece should also yield some reasonable increase in energy resources (among others), especially in Athina.

rohgzJ.jpg

0700. Kilkis is seized by 5 Inf Div, finally eliminating the Salonica pocket, while 1 Inf Div is now in Katerini and is ordered straight to Larisa (which should soon be occupied by our lead elements).

GvNJ3y.jpg

9 May 37 (D+14)

0900. Larisa province is fully occupied by 3 and 7 Inf Divs. They must reorganise from their recent attack before they can push on, but we hope the fresh 1 Inf Div will be able to push straight on while they pause.

kBYTUT.jpg

The town of Larisa, photographed on the morning of 8 May 37. Smoke still rises from fires after the battle for the town that ended the evening before.

11 May 37 (D+16)

The period from 7-11 May has been characterised by advances and repositioning along the front, with the last combat of note being the victory in Larisa on the evening of 6 May. While it must inevitably take time to advance (moving and reorganising), LTGEN Inönü is becoming increasingly edgy at the lack of contact with the enemy: it gives them longer to build strength, organise, redeploy and entrench. We must not lose momentum!

Of interest, here is a snapshot of the equipment, experience and doctrine in our premier fighting division, the 1st Strike (‘Victors of Sofiya’) as at 11 May. Experience has been building off a low base through combat and improved training laws. Our doctrine remains at Great War levels. Of our infantry equipment, only small arms are up to 1936 standards, support and anti-tank weapons have only just begun to upgrade, while light artillery has not yet been fully researched and remains back in 1918 (which was not a good year for us). Much work is to be done to even bring our infantry to current standards: this has been OK so far against smaller, less advanced and unready opponents, but it will not be enough if we must fight a major power with modern forces.

CxWfAN.jpg

2300. Forces are in movement: 2nd Corps is closing in on Meliki and 5 Inf Div has arrived in Meliki and has started moving south to Katerini, where 1 Inf Div is about half way down to Larisa. There, 3 and 7 Inf Divs are still stuck in post-attack reorganisation and cannot attack for another 44 hours! Curse our antiquated Operation Level Organisation doctrine! On the flank, to the north, 1 Mtn Div (the famous 'Muzir’s Mountaineers') have finally reorganised themselves in Edessa and have begun to probe south towards the mountains of Kozani. This should prevent our forces arriving in Meliki from being delayed by another Greek spoiling attack from Kozani. We need fresh troops in the south ASAP, to enable us to keep the attack momentum going, which is becoming bogged down.

QE9QfD.jpg

For those interested in the supply situation, it is generally very good. Our front line units in Larisa are at almost 100% stocks.

xMH48E.jpg

Coming up: The momentous Cabinet meeting of 12 May 1937 to respond to the "Three-Pronged Fork Memo" and decide the issue of Turkey's future factional alignment. History will be made! Which way will it go? What will the President decide? The debate is sure to be fiery and hotly contested. Will heads roll in Cabinet afterwards? All will be revealed in the next instalment.
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
  • 1Love
Reactions:
An excellent start to an interesting AAR. I have always been curious of Turkish intervention during World War 2. After losing their empire in world war 1, it would be interesting to see them side with the Axis to take their lands back from Britain in the Middle East, or the Allies to take Libya back from Italy.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Nice political overview update.
Thanks mate :). The next update will be all political: high stakes policy making at its best! :D

An excellent start to an interesting AAR. I have always been curious of Turkish intervention during World War 2. After losing their empire in world war 1, it would be interesting to see them side with the Axis to take their lands back from Britain in the Middle East, or the Allies to take Libya back from Italy.

Thanks and welcome :). You don't have long to wait to see which way we'll go - I don't even know yet ;)! Whatever Ataturk and his advisers decide, you can "strap yourself in for a wild ride :eek:. Whatever happens, Turkey will be in the thick of it and regaining empire always on our mind. But winning too and being a leader of the new post-war era. Nothing too ambitious:rolleyes:.
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 16a: A Fork in the Road (12 May 1937)
Chapter 16a: A Fork in the Road (12 May 1937)

Cabinet Meeting: Strategic Choice of Factional Alignment

0900. The atmosphere in the Cabinet Room was tense with energy and nervousness as President Atatürk brought the meeting to order. As they contemplated the fork in the road, you could cut the air with a knife. [Ed. Sorry, couldn’t resist a cutlery-based Dad joke! :rolleyes:]

vQEspk.jpg

Europe and Turkey on 12 May 1937.

While combat continues in Greece, strategic considerations are now turning to what will come next. Field Marshal Cakmak commands the 1st Corps in Greece while Prime Minister Inönü flies back to Ankara to take part in the Cabinet considerations. Our decision on an eventual factional partner must determine the next steps in our campaign of expansion, who we seek to conquer, whether to keep them as conquered lands or set them up as Satraps (puppets) of the new Greater Turkish Republic. There are also questions that need answering on infrastructure needs (including ground communications, fortifications and airfields); the best force structure to face anticipated foes; and so on.

Cabinet looked in turn at each major option. The analysis below is not exhaustive, but was designed to help Cabinet come to its momentous decision.

Option 1: Join the Germans

JNxyuG.jpg

Some typically subtle and nuanced German propaganda on the Soviets and their intervention in Spain. They seem to have 'forgotten' their own bloody hand in the Bombing of Balaguer earlier in the year!

Advantages. They are the growing military power in Europe and may soon have the strength to defeat France and even Britain (or at least neutralise them). They are also arch-enemies of the Soviets, so it is likely they will come to blows with them in the future. Any further conquests we make in the Balkans would be safeguarded from their depredations, making them far easier to hold – at first anyway. Alignment can be achieved quickly. Joining early would open the possibility of seeking military aid (lend lease) and perhaps better access to modern German military technology – especially tanks and fighter aircraft. If war comes with the Allies, we should be well-positioned to reclaim more of our lost empire in the Middle East and further afield (East and West), especially if Italy chooses to join the faction. If war were to eventually come with the Soviets (or indeed with the Allies before them), there is a degree of mercenary fluidity in their alliance system, in that we may be called upon to participate but are not obliged to join a general war (though no doubt at the risk of badly offending our faction leaders). We could also launch 'limited wars' if we choose, in the hope of keeping all gains ourselves, on our own terms, or call for help if it gets too much. The assistance of a powerful Turkey could well tip the scales of any conflict and lead to an Axis victory – and a prominent place for Turkey in the new world order.

AM5CxO.jpg

Herr Hitler. There is much debate over whether he should be considered as an advantage or a disadvantage for Germany. Time will tell, but he is without doubt a dangerous proposition (as either friend or foe).

Disadvantages. An alliance with Germany has the potential to drag us into conflict with both the Allies and the Soviets. And eventually the US. Our republic would be very vulnerable to likely Allied naval domination in the Mediterranean: while the effect on sea-borne trade would be a relatively minor nuisance, the real threat is the need to defend many port cities in the Eastern Med from naval landings, while also contemplating a major land war (or threat of it) with the Soviets and battling the Allies on the ground in the Middle East. Almost our entire land and sea border could become a front line. Even if initially victorious against the Allies and even if victory in a war against the Soviets were possible (possibly with great gains for Turkey), further down the track we could become the unwilling front line in a US-led Allied revenge invasion. We could join the leading faction, but risk being wiped out before we can enjoy the fruits of that greater victory.

Option 2: Join the West

QBDUUy.jpg

Britain will rely heavily on its Empire should war come. But will it be enough?

WuZXii.jpg

Prime Minister Chamberlain of the UK and President Lebrun of France: our fate will be in the hands of these men should we align with the Allies. Advantage or disadvantage? There were some fierce views expressed in Cabinet. Not many were complimentary!

Advantages. We would have the enormous benefit of British and French naval power in the Med. Should they join the Axis, the Italians seem strong on paper – against poorly armed Ethiopians, anyway – but that Il Duce is a strutting upstart and they would be nothing without German support. We could help the Allies hold the line while greater forces are brought to bear and the Axis slowly strangled for funds, trade and friends. Lend lease, especially if the US can be induced to lend a hand, could be significant and there should be some reasonable technology available for licensing. The industrial resources (including strategic resources) the Allies can bring are significant. And they always altruistically pledge to defend (in name anyway) all Allied members – meaning the Soviets would be highly unlikely to attack us once we are part of the Allies, freeing up troops to defend the Greater Republic. If the Soviets and Americans could also be induced to join the fight against the Fascists, the pressure on the Germans could become sufficient to crush them. If we survive reasonably intact, we could gain much in the settlement: and ensure the Allies, rather than the Communists, come to dominate Europe in the post-war era.

9l5p3P.jpg

Will France’s Maginot Line hold firm if Germany attacks? Are the French capable of taking the fight to the enemy? Simply sitting behind a great wall will not help more distant allies should the rest of Europe and the world begin to fall into flames.

Disadvantages. Joining the allies would likely bring us into an early war with the Germans. Any gains we have made in the Balkans would be very vulnerable to German/Axis conquest. If the Soviets choose to stand by (and wouldn’t they like to see the capitalists and right-wingers tearing each other down while they quietly prepare for our collective destruction), we would be badly exposed, likely lose any conquests in the Balkans, and be forced to desperately defend Istanbul and the Bosphorus (if we could hold them) against the main might of the Wehrmacht while waiting for others to decide our fate. And if the Germans continue their march and defeat the Soviets, we would have panzers and SS Divisions attacking all along our Caucasus front, so we couldn’t neglect that either.

1siWv6.jpg

The new German Panzerkampfwagen II. We may see thousands of these – or even newer and more destructive versions – heading our way should we offend the odious but powerful Herr Hitler!

Option 3: Join the Communists

pWcxoa.jpg

This looks wholesome enough. Perhaps they could provide some fraternal assistance for our Olympic wrestling team? And we could get access to their wide repertoire of propaganda posters!

Advantages. We could hope to sit out any war between the Allies and the Germans (and whoever chooses to join the Axis – most likely Italy among others), at least unless the Soviets become embroiled. And if we were formally within the Comintern, the threat of Soviet retribution for any attack on us should deter all but the Germans from trying to interfere with our new Greater Republic. And if war were to come with the Axis, at least we know probably both the Allies and the Soviets would also be a part of it. The ‘free trade’ terms within the Comintern could also be valuable. If the Germans are forced (or choose) to fight a two-front war against the Allies and Soviets, we could perhaps provide a third front. True, we would be exposed to Axis land attacks on our Balkan holdings, but their attention would at least be divided on multiple fronts, including a land front in Eastern Europe - in our region. And if necessary, we could trade space for time in the Balkans, fortify the Bosphorus approaches, hold out and plan our revenge. Later, if the Axis were defeated but the question of world domination was not yet resolved, it may be possible that war between the Soviets and the West could break out (or be engineered), in which case we would then be able to pursue our expansion in the Middle East, or to otherwise aid the Soviets in seizing the objectives they need to ensure final victory. And, excepting a Soviet defeat (in which case all is lost anyway), our Caucasus front would be secure and Persia easier to conquer (than if seized under Axis leadership with a hostile Soviet Union in play).

OA6cLe.jpg

Would YOU trust this man? If we join the Comintern, we would have to!

Disadvantages. As with joining the Allies, we expose ourselves to Axis land attacks, even if only after an attack on the Soviet Union. And if it takes some time for us to align to the Comintern, there is a risk the Axis could strike us early (to wrest our Balkan conquests from us), perhaps taking us on as their next target of opportunity. While that might give the Soviets time to gain strength and hold against a possible German attack later, it could be at our great cost. In terms of world domination, the Comintern starts a long way behind the Allies in controlling VPs and major objectives, and thus world domination. While trailing now, new converts to the Axis cause, plus Hitler's avowed thirst for conquest, mean they will also be formidable opponents for an ultimate victory. Obtaining victory with the Comintern (despite us bringing Greece and Istanbul to the table) would be a big challenge.

The Lunch before the Political Storm

1200. The morning was spent in detailed debate over the possible advantages, disadvantages and consequences of choosing one course or another. Both the President and Prime Minister made it clear that a decision to align would be taken at this meeting: continued non-alignment was not to be considered as an option. It was also clear that views around the table were finely balanced, with cases being made for all three paths. It may be that all are viable, but which is the best for Turkey? With the morning session of Cabinet completed, it was clear debate would continue during the afternoon, so a break for lunch was taken. The meeting would reconvene at 2 pm.

KDCNWq.jpg

Lunch time! Important affairs of state should not be decided on an empty stomach. A fine Turkish banquet awaits a hungry Cabinet.

Coming Up: "What!?" :eek: you cry out incredulously, "A cliff-hanger!?" :mad:. The momentous Cabinet meeting of 12 May 1937 continues. A decision will be reached, but time must be taken to get there, weighing the fate of Turkey and its people against the imponderable vagaries of a harsh and uncertain world. But we cannot fit all this drama into a single update without risking another "War and Peace" sized production :p
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
  • 1Love
Reactions:
Oh dear, a cliffhanger. I can't wait to see what Turkey decides. A Turkey with it's Middle Eastern lands is a formidable opponent, and axis alignment would allow for expansion into the Balkans. So you can probably see where I would lean:rolleyes:
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Chapter 16b: Our Path to Greatness (12 May 1937)
Chapter 16b: Our Path to Greatness (12 May 1937)

Destiny or Destruction?

1400. The Cabinet regathered after a most toothsome lunch. All members spoke. They agreed that ‘Realpolitik’ and strategic considerations must prevail over moral or political considerations. A non-binding vote (indeed all Turkish votes are non-binding in this time-line ;)) of all Cabinet members except the President and Prime Minister was taken. The results were:

3fr1QQ.jpg
For the Axis: Armaments Minister Calistar and Chief of Staff/Chief of Air Force Örlungat.

TxruGJ.jpg
For the Allies: Foreign Minister Bele and Chief of Navy Üngen.

UPB3G5.jpg
For the Comintern: Security Minister Kaya, Head of Intelligence Ogel and Chief of Army Yamut.

Well, in something of a surprise, there is a slim preference around the table for the Comintern! It is a difficult decision and each of the proponents had good reasons for their respective views:
  • From an armaments and broad military standpoint, the greatest obvious immediate benefits would be through a pact with Germany.
  • Bele is a diplomat and urbane internationalist who leans to the West, while any Navy Chief would understandably be attracted to the benefits of Allied naval support in the Med.
  • Security and intel chiefs are – notoriously – devoid of any significant political preferences or qualms. Ours are apparently great admirers of Stalin’s secret police operations and his strict state control of information and propaganda. They also see the future in a hard light and believe that World Communism will likely triumph from the ashes of what they see as a bitter civil war between the great powers of the West: the capitalists and the fascists. They are willing to hitch their wagon to Stalin, in part because they believe siding with them early will ensure the survival of the Turkish state in its current form, perhaps even without having to change our current autocratic system for another (Communist) one. In other words, they all want to keep their jobs.
The one real surprise was Army Chief Yamut. He explained that his forces will be called upon to do the most fighting and dying in the establishment of our new Greater Republic, then trying to hold onto it should a general war break out. He likes the idea of having the nearest behemoth (Russia) on our side and another (the US) as a potential ally-of-convenience (through the West) if it comes to war with the Germans: who he simply doesn’t trust and thinks are in fact doomed in the longer term. Especially if we are there to help doom them! We just need to survive until they are defeated. He believes we can, with careful preparation, at least survive any initial onslaught, help the Soviets to grind down the crazed leaders of the Reich and then counter-attack to grab the spoils later.

Inönü and Atatürk then retired privately to make the final decision. Inönü said he was surprised by the narrow Cabinet majority in favour of alignment with the Comintern, though of course that need not dictate the President's final decision. Inonu's own personal preference was towards the Axis. He didn’t like the Communists, but could respect their size and potential power. With the right guidance, perhaps they could prevail. It would be an enormous challenge to first survive and then achieve a strategic victory for the Faction, but it was possible and would be an exhilarating victory if it can be done. Reluctantly, he suggested supporting the (slim) majority view and voluntarily opting for a future within the Soviet Bloc – before it became compulsory! The Soviets would have to accept that a price of our strategic allegiance would be the strict maintenance of Turkey’s current political system and the retention of any gains we may make in the interim against non-Comintern countries.

Atatürk contemplated this exciting but hazardous future for Turkey and its people. Their fate, and perhaps the future of the world as a whole, may rest on the decision. He also knew he may not be around to see its conclusion, as he had been advised his health was beginning to fail and, though he would do so until the end, he could not bear the burden of leadership forever. That would fall to Inönü. He therefore looked Inönü in the eye and gave his decision:

My old friend, we will surprise the world and tie our fates to the Soviets. Who knows what the consequences will be, my dear Ismet, but I feel it will be you who will ultimately have to bear them. Until then, forward, to our destiny! Let us inform our colleagues of this grave decision.

A tense Cabinet room was then briefed shortly after 4pm: Turkey will cast its lot with the Comintern! This news will shock the Turkish people, Europe and the world!

aXTm0I.jpg

Foreign Minister Bele was thanked for his services since being appointed in January last year, but would be replaced immediately by Tewfik Rüstü Aras: just the kind of ‘biased intellectual’ who would appeal to the Soviets and make a strong public case for aligning us towards the Comintern. He was to take all diplomatic and trade measures necessary to hasten the process, as the longer we spend without a formal ally, the greater the risk the Germans (and perhaps later the grasping Italians) may find a way through southern Europe to our door. Especially as we push further into the Balkans after we deal with the Greeks. We should maintain working relations with the Allies, but not at the expense of our alignment to the Soviets.

d5BR2l.jpg

Bele is sacked; Aras is back! He is well disposed towards better relations with the Soviet Union.

On the intel front, we will need to maintain strong counter-espionage defences against German agents and should start trying to get a better picture of Soviet strengths and dispositions if we can, for our general information.

In technology and production, we should maintain our principal reliance on a strong infantry- and artillery-based army. But we will need good anti-tank and anti-aircraft equipment and relevant doctrines to assist our initial defence against an Axis threat most likely from some time after the end of 1939 (by which time we hope to have cemented our alliance with the Soviets). While we will try to hold onto any Balkan gains we make in the next few years, we must prepare fall-back positions where the terrain best suits it, primarily to include fortifying the Thracian approaches to Turkey proper, around Istanbul, which we cannot afford to lose and Gelibolu/Canakkle. Those forts should be started soon, in case the Axis come sooner rather than later.

When available, key infrastructure should also be improved to assist with supply and troop movement centred around the Thracian front. Any Air Force development should initially centre on interceptors: purchase by license, some doctrine research if possible. Alas, Ungen was advised the Navy would have to take a back seat. Some armoured and tactical bomber development could be considered for the hoped-for future victorious offensive, but not at the risk of losing the Motherland in the meantime.

Everyone was dispatched to their tasks. The war in Greece still needs to be won. Our plans for the rest of the Balkans would need to be considered, now we would be aligning to the Soviets. Almost unnoticed amidst the fevered Cabinet room, Bele walked out disconsolately to notify and then brief his successor as Foreign Minister on the surprising direction the Greater Turkish (People’s?) Republic would now take!

divrzj.jpg

President Atatürk (r) farewells Prime Minister Inönü as the latter prepares to fly back to the Greek Front after the fateful “Red Cabinet” meeting of 12 May 1937. They appear both optimistic but thoughtful.

M0dIV5.jpg

The policy decision is announced to a disbelieving world, initially throwing international relations into turmoil.

As our Diplomat is still returning from his previous trade mission to Moscow, we will need to wait for Aras to fly to Moscow to formally begin the ‘align to faction’ process, but that should be possible by early morning on 14 May. While everyone understands we are a long way off from any formal alliance, the process has begun to move us closer to our new “friends”. At some point, we expect German diplomats and agents to try to influence the Government and people in their direction. The UK and France may try to do the same, though we suspect they will be rather perplexed by this decision. Like everyone else! It’s times like these that a tight control of the press and a strong security apparatus come in handy!

Coming up: While the international shockwaves settle and we wait to see what reaction may come, the war in Greece continues. Inönü returns to the front with renewed urgency: we must secure our new empire before world events overtake us. The Greeks cannot be allowed to stand in our way. Forward to victory!
 
Last edited:
  • 2Love
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Oh dear, a cliffhanger. I can't wait to see what Turkey decides. A Turkey with it's Middle Eastern lands is a formidable opponent, and axis alignment would allow for expansion into the Balkans. So you can probably see where I would lean:rolleyes:
Sorry, I knew you'd be shocked, like the rest of the world :eek:. I went with the analysis above, but I'll admit a little bit of the decision was also being a bit contrarian: what kind of effect would a Greater Turkish Republic aligned with the Soviets have on the war to come? I think others have done the Axis and Allied path with Turkey, but I thought I'd try the one less trod :).

In a way, there will be a few parallels with your Comintern-aligned Romania AAR, but it is still a different problem set. I may well go down in a sea of Panzers, Me109s and Stukas, but (if I can actually make it to joining the Comintern) I hope it will be an interesting ride! And my later imperial goals might just come in reach one day ...
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
  • 1
Reactions:
Nice work! I will enjoy watching where this one goes. Either a thrust into the weak axis divisions in the balkans, or a desperate defense against the reich and its allies.
 
  • 1Like
Reactions:
Nice work! I will enjoy watching where this one goes. Either a thrust into the weak axis divisions in the balkans, or a desperate defense against the reich and its allies.

Thanks :). Possibly both - the desperate defence first, then I hope the thrust into the Balkans second. Depends in part whether they garrison the Balkan border with Greater Turkey strongly all along, or (naively) leave it lightly protected until I formally opt in to the Comintern. It will all be in the timing - not sure what I'll do yet or when.

In the meantime, the Army is learning its lessons in a far smaller but increasingly hot theatre of ops: the old foe of Greece!
 
  • 1
Reactions:
Chapter 17: War with Greece #4 - "Four Battles" (12 to 17 May 1937)
Chapter 17: War with Greece #4 - "Four Battles" (12 to 17 May 1937)

12 May 37 (D+17)


Recap. 1st Corps lead elements are in Larisa, objective Athina; 1 Mtn Div is slogging down the mountains on the 1st Corps' flank; 2nd Corps is still switching across from Salonica to follow up and support 1st Corps. The political and diplomatic machinations back in Ankara are very distant to the men at the front: there is a war to win in Greece first!

1200. 1 Mtn Div is finally able to engage the enemy in Kozani, with the attack designed to take some pressure off our supply lines on the coast. Given the enemy have had a chance to entrench, are in mountainous terrain, and have managed to build up their strength and organisation, it could be a tough battle. Air support has been called in to help improve the odds.

oHX6Ov.jpg

Late that night, as Inönü arrives back at HQ 1st Corps (now established in Meliki) from Ankara, Cakmak hands back the reins of command. He is in turn briefed on the momentous events in the capital, before he heads to Larisa to join the advancing 1 Inf Div, which will spearhead our advance on Lamia. Things are about to get busier and more complicated soon as our units approach the enemy across the front. This will test the fighting spirit and expertise of our forces to carry out a bold offensive against prepared defences.

13 May 37 (D+18)

0600. Wehib Pasha and the 1st Cavalry arrive in Meliki first thing in the morning. They are sent straight to the southern front. Their mobility will be valuable, either protecting our flanks or exploiting gaps in the enemy lines.

CsAHkd.jpg

1400. 1 Inf Div, with Cakmak back in charge, arrive in Larisa and, as planned, strike immediately towards Lamia. It seems unoccupied for now, but we have had earlier reports of Greek reinforcements heading up from Athina. We will try to seize Lamia before the enemy can defend it properly.

6koSYe.jpg

While this is happening, HQ 1st Corps receives a report that the battle of Kozani has been won by “Muzir’s Mountaineers”. The air support looks to have helped considerably. They have done very well to win this battle in little more than a day of actual fighting, against a sizeable and well prepared enemy force. Casualties are moderate, but (for us) sustainable. Given the terrain however, it will take some time for 1 Mtn Div to secure the province.

srmcRV.jpg

1600. Later that afternoon, 3 Inf Div is ordered to attack Volos as soon as they are ready, to cut off Greek forces seen moving there from Lamia. At the same time, 7 Inf Div is ordered to reinforce 1 Inf Div’s attack on Lamia itself as soon as they can. There will still be some delay before either can set off.

3ilu5x.jpg

At the same time, Inönü calls in his air commanders (Hitay and Örlungat – the latter yet another Cabinet member also serving at the front). As our forces advance further south into Greece, the range of our air units becomes a factor. The map below shows Hitay’s interceptor cover is now at the limits of its usefulness, with no other airfields closer to Athens. Örlungat’s tactical bombers should be able to support us all the way to Athens, but no further.

sQMdRA.jpg

And two other reports come in: the bad news is we have lost our first convoy transport to enemy action. But there is good news too, with 1 Inf Div under Cakmak brushing away token initial resistance in Lamia.

Z0jmDi.jpg

15 May 37 (D+20)

0200. With no significant developments to report on 14 May, early on the morning of 15 May, 1 Inf Div, by now reinforced by 3 Inf Div, ran into more serious opposition in Lamia before they could occupy the province. The Greek 4th Div looks almost at full strength, but fortunately arrived in haste and is not yet dug in. Cakmak’s superior skills again assist with the tactics and odds in what starts as a night battle.

Em2ZH8.jpg

0600. 5 Inf Div, under Namut, is ordered to make a difficult spoiling attack on Greek forces holding in the mountains of Sykia. We will provide what air support we can when the time comes, but Namut will probably have to wait for 2nd Corps elements to reinforce the attack before it is likely to succeed. That may take some time, as the first such elements are being sent south to support 1st Corps’ advance towards Athina. We will see what Namut is up against when he contacts the enemy in Sykia.

qakGN7.jpg

1400. 5 Inf Div makes contact with the Greeks in the early afternoon. Namut reports the Greek 10th Div is not at full strength or organisation, but they have the advantage of terrain and entrenchment. The fight will not be easy and we can expect to take some significant casualties. But we must secure the flanks of our advance from being choked off by a major Greek counter-attack. Namut is ordered to press the attack until reinforcements can arrive.

TJRzHA.jpg

At this time, we also receive reports from MAJGEN Gürzlin, commanding the attack by 7 Inf Div on Volos. The Greek 1st Div has arrived and has been reinforced and reorganised. The battle is even, not helped by Gürzlin’s relative inexperience. There's only one way for him to improve: the hard way! He will have to prosecute the battle without air support for now, as the battle for Sykia is even more difficult. Some risks must be taken to retain the initiative.

0WldYl.jpg


XJNjV4.jpg

Machine-gunners from 7 Inf Div in action against the Greek 1st Div in Volos. Heavy fighting is being reported, with the battle in the balance.

1600. While observing the progress of the battle for Lamia, we noted that Cakmak’s skill level has increased to level 2 since the campaign started. Similarly, MAJGENs Karabekir (3 Inf Div) and Namut (5 Inf Div) have also risen in skill to level 2. We need experienced commanders such as these for the years of anticipated hard fighting to come. We need more of them, too, but must wait for the National Command College to produce and promote them.

pQXwz7.jpg

We also hear of yet another convoy lost to Greek Navy raiders. We don’t have so many we can afford to lose them at this rate. The Navy will have to decide whether to try to engage the raiders to prevent this destruction, recall our convoys until the Greeks are defeated, or just keep sticking it out in the hope we can sustain the losses until the campaign is won. Though with two in three days, the loss rate for our small merchant fleet is heavy. Attempting to engage the Greeks at sea is tempting, but we are unsure of their fleet’s strength and do not want to risk our planned landings on Crete, where the Navy must hold at anchor and defend the transports as they land our forces. A tricky problem. We will see if our submarines can get any better information on the Greek fleet before we decide to engage. If we keep losing convoys at this rate, we will suspend them anyway and take the hit to trade for now.

VNxisJ.jpg

16 May 37 (D+21)

0100. The war approaches the end of its third week. Early in the morning, a despatch rider brings welcome news: the Greek 4th Div has been defeated in Lamia. Tac air support had been brought in to quickly finish the battle and cut off the Greeks to the east in (or retreating to) Volos. Greek losses were heavy in this battle. This time we hope the province can be taken before further Greek troops arrive to delay us.

1ILHT6.jpg

1600. The fighting continues in the hills of Sykia, with 5 Inf Div bravely fighting against the odds to safeguard their comrades advancing on Athina.

ZspSlN.jpg

Sykia, 16 May 37. Greek artillery keeps up a steady fire on 5 Inf Div troops attempting to advance in the mountainous terrain.

2200. Air support has been switched back to Sykia. We receive an intel summary from aerial recon conducted during the day by the 1st Tac Bomber Wing. It reveals three Greek regiments (brigades) present. They have suffered substantial damage to their strength and organisation, but show no sign of retreating. It also appears another (unidentified) Greek infantry division may be moving to Sykia from the south-west. While this will make the task tougher, it also means our flanking attacks are drawing some Greek units away from the ‘main game’ around Athina. We will see if we can continue to distract them, while massing our main forces on the approaches to the Greek capital.

7LqALL.jpg

2200, 16 May 37. An intel summary showing the results of aerial recon over Sykia earlier that day.

Ii8sk0.jpg

16 May 37: A Turkish Air Force Bristol Blenheim Mk1 in action over Sykia, Greece.

17 May 37 (D+22)

1400. The Greeks have launched two more spoiling attacks this afternoon. The first, and more serious, sees their 2nd Div attack Larisa, where 1 Cav Div and 7 Inf Div are now defending. The situation is under control, but the attack may take some time to resolve. Of less concern is an attack on (reorganising) 1 and 3 Inf Divs at the recently occupied Lamia. Battles are now being fought in four different provinces – with us and the Greeks each attacking in two of them.

7KalDL.jpg

1700. By the evening, all four battles continue.

HQ 1st Corps to HQ Supreme Command - Situation as at 1700hr on 17 May 37

The general situation stands as follows (refer to attached battle map):
  • While 1 Mtn Div won the Battle of Kozani four days ago, the slow going means they have not yet occupied it. This is not a bad thing, as Edessa will be left open once they get there. We are taking an informed risk by leaving it open: we hope to win decisively in the south before a possible Greek move there can cause any serious problem. It would take them a long time to make it back through the mountains and we should be able to switch reinforcements north more quickly, if we really need to.
  • The rest of 1st Corps and the bulk of 2nd Corps units are in Meliki, moving south to Katerini. Their arrival should secure the flanks and provide much needed relief to the tiring 1st Corps spearhead divisions in the south.
  • The battle for Sykia grinds on. The odds are difficult, though not dire. But we need to do what we can to support 5 Inf Div and try to move them in our favour.
  • The Greek diversionary attack on Larisa remains serious, but in hand.
  • There is no credible threat as yet in the Greek counter-attack on Lamia, but it is delaying any further offensive operations by us until we can win it.
  • The fighting in Volos is tough, but the odds have begun to shift in our favour.
  • There is not enough tac air support to go around! Another tac wing would be very useful, but as yet out of reach of our industrial capacity, with all the competing demands on the factories.
AIeIhz.jpg

That evening, as Inönü wrote up this latest battle report to Ankara, he also (as Prime Minister) inquired as to why there had been no formal action taken to commence our main diplomatic alignment to the Soviets. This should have happened on 14 May! It transpires that the Foreign Ministry bureaucrats have been tardy; the new Minister needed to be briefed; and arrangements for Aras’ visit to Moscow to see Litvinov made. So, the cat ate their homework! [Ed: That is, I got caught up in the war in Greece and forgot!]. Aras has now successfully concluded discussions with Litvinov in Moscow, so this oversight will be formally rectified later this evening.

On the battle front, it remains unclear whether we will be able to push through and be in position to strike Athens soon. And given the restricted approaches to the city and our experiences in Sofiya in April, once we get there it won’t be an easy fight. We may have to seek to envelop from more than one direction and the geography doesn’t make that easy.

Coming Up: The great diplomatic realignment gains pace and the war in Greece continues. The Navy will decide its immediate course of action in response to Greek convoy raiding. And who knows what other surprises lay in store? I don't!
 
Last edited:
  • 1Like
  • 1Love
Reactions: