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No worries. I hope you are recovered now.
 
I would prefer if you mentioned more of how the mod actually affects (or does not affect) gameplay, maybe it would help building the narrative too? It's also really nice how you crop the gameplay pictures, I just wish you took out more from the consular appointment shots, where all you really need is the names and stats. Anyway, I hope you'll be able to continue soon.
 
No worries. I hope you are recovered now.

I would prefer if you mentioned more of how the mod actually affects (or does not affect) gameplay, maybe it would help building the narrative too? It's also really nice how you crop the gameplay pictures, I just wish you took out more from the consular appointment shots, where all you really need is the names and stats. Anyway, I hope you'll be able to continue soon.

Thank you for the support and suggestions. I can certainly crop out more of the consul shots, and am thinking about removing the more unimportant ones, since at one point I have 15 in a row with no other shots. I was planning on doing a mod mechanic spotlight, but got sick before it was finished. Would you prefer something build in narratively, something coming directly from me, or a combination (so I would write a narrative, then in parentheses say my opinions)? Thank you so much of your criticisms, this is my 2nd AAR and all help is appreciated. A new update should come soon, with another coming hopefully in the next 3 days. Won't say anything now, but lets just say something very historical happens.
 
Chapter 5
Rome Ascendant (266-254)


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With peace came also prosperity. 2 years past without much worry, while the new Roman territory in Magna Graecia and Greece itself finally had a chance to recover. Relative of the victorious commanders Sulla and Scipio were elected consuls, but little records exist of their consulships.

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The elder Scipio however continued to take center stage. His collection of personal alliances, friendships, and favors would lead to the Achaean League joining the republic officially as a Socii, or Ally, a term previously only used for other Italic peoples.

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With this expansion of Roman territory also came a growth in government. The position of Praetor would now be split into 2, with one handling legal matters involving foreigners while a higher, more senior Urban Praetor handled those pertaining to Roman citizens. With this also came the establishment of the Proconsular Governor. After their 1 year term, a consul would be considered by the Senate for a possible governorship. While at first such terms were set as a single year, Sulla and Scipio (with the assistance of their relatives) would increase its length to 5 years, equal to the Censors (highest magistrates involved with censuses and voting classes) or the Princeps Senatus (leader of the Senate). Sulla, for his great victory, was naturally given the governor ship of Greece.

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Conflict still existed during this period. A short expedition to eliminate the last resistant Etruscan states was taken, while another forced its way northward, forcing the hostile Cisalpine Gauls under Roman rule.

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During this time a second generation of politicians begins to appear. The younger brother of Decius Cicero and the son of Quintus Hibrida lead these two campaigns to great personal glory, and while they failed to eclipse Scipio or Sulla, it was clear the elder generals would not be unopposed in all their actions.

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But if there was factionalism equal to that during the post-Pyrrhic period, it is left out of all records. With Achaea joining the republic as a Socii, Olympia was officially part of the republic, and as such the Olympics would be held there. As in a move of forgiveness and reconciliation, in 262 BCE Rome allow not only athletes from their allies, but also those that still remained in the Makedonian client sphere, including Makedonia itself. Rome would win a great victory, cementing its position as an equal to Makedonia.

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For 5 years peace and prosperity reigned across the Roman Republic. The land devasted by the Pyrrhic War and the later campaigns recovered, as consuls busied themselves completing Gnaeus Arvina's great building projects. The Via Appia, Valeria, and Metella would be completed under the leadership of Titus Brutus, opening the newly conquered lands to Rome's legions.

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But a crisis in Syracuse would once again force conflict upon Rome. The Mamertines, Italian mercenaries given the city of Messene by an old tyrant of Syracuse but had become increasingly more influential after saving the city from Carthage in 278 BCE. Hiero II, king of Syracuse and good friend of the Cicero family, had attempted to crack down upon the Mamertines for initiating talks with Carthage, with the goal of carving out their own mercenary kingdom. However, the Italian mercenaries had prepared for this, and swiftly took the large tribute payed by Carthage to support their revolt, bribed away the king's army to their side, and then seized power, at which point they turned their new kingdom upon their financier and began to loot and pillage Carthaginian Sicily.

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The overthrow of a Friend of Rome combined with the upsetting of the tenuous balance of power in Sicily was something Rome could not allow. A consular army was quickly raised and marched across the straits of Messana, seizing Northeastern Sicily. Aulus Laenas, who had been chosen to lead another excursion into Cisalpina, would lead the forces quickly south, forcing back the Mamertines at Mount Etna and besieging Syracuse. This would mark the beginning of the Mamertine War.

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But Rome's nightmare scenario, a war with Carthage, would also come to pass. Despite both fighting the Mamertine Kingdom, the threat of an even more pro-Roman Hiero, who had previously been pragmatic in his alliance, could mean the complete removal of Carthage from their land in Sicily. Hanno II the Great, a wealthy aristocrat and de facto leader of Carthage, would lead his nation to war against the Romans in an attempt to finally conquer Sicily. A new army lead by the general Hamilcar would be sent over to relieve the battered force under Hanno (not to be confused with Hanno II the Great), who had been defeated by the Mamertines in the previous year's raids.

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Roman campaigns against Syracuse 257-256 (Right Line 257, Left Line 256)

The entry of the Carthaginians into the Mamertine War marked an end to the Roman campaign in 257, with their mighty navy preventing easy resupply to the large Roman forces. In Rome it was decided that that Servius Claudius Metellus, a distant relative of the two daring brothers who lead the invasion of Epirus, would lead the invasion into the interior of Syracuse and restore Hiero. In quick succession he gained the surrender of Enna and Halaisa, taking their stores to feed his army. He would then march his army South to Agrigentum, where the Mamertine army had camped after the defeat at Mount Etna.

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Agrigentum was a rout. The Mamertines had thought the Romans incapable of traveling through the region's interior due to supply issues, and as such were caught outside the city walls. Using Tarentine light cavarly and Illyrian light infantry the Romans surrounded and crushed the traitorous army, ending any hope for the defenders of Syracuse. With this victory, not only was the Mamertine army crushed, but Servius also took control of their supply train, which contained all the provisions they were planning to use in a protracted war in the south.

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Roman Campaigns against Carthaginian Sicily 256

With enough supplies for one more decisive campaign, Servius marched into Carthaginian territory, using the train to avoid the supply problems which had ended the previous attacks prematurely. A successful siege Segeste secured Southwestern Sicily for Rome, which was dampened by the defeat of the other Roman consul by Hamilcar, followed by a deep raid into Syracuse by Hanno, burning Enna and threatening the siege of Syracuse.

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But it such attacks could not stop the fall of Carthage's enemy-turned-ally. With the surrender at Syracuse Hiero II was finally returned to the throne, but this time a firm ally of Rome. As a show of thanks, Hiero immediately began supporting Servius, defeating Hanno and supplying the Roman legions. If Hamilcar failed to defeat the Roman attacks soon, he would lose the advantage gained by the naval supremacy.

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Roman Spring and Summer Campaigns 255

The Romans left garrisons in their captured territory for the winter, retreating their main force to Syracuse. In the next campaigning season Appius Sulla would lead a combined Sicilian-Roman force into Northwestern Sicily, seizing first Panormus and then Eryx from Hamilcar. Despite many setbacks, including a costly battle at Panormus as well as a near campaign-ending defeat at Lilybaeum, Hamilcar's headquaters, Rome successfully limited the Carthaginian presence on the island to just Lilybaeum. Seeing the writing on the wall, Hanno the Great recalled both Hamilcar and Hanno to the defense of Africa, believing that was where Rome would strike next.

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Rome lacked the naval resources for any major African campaigns, but they still had ships. As Carthage surrendered Sicily, Appius's co-consul lead an expedition into Corsica and Sardinia, which met almost zero resistance. The campaigned ended with a quite forgettable battle in Southern Sardinia near Caralis, the Carthaginian Capital. With that defeat, Carthage's military was crushed, and Rome could deal the final blow.

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In 254 BCE Marcus Faustus would lead a landing near the city of Carthage, conquering Atiq and Kerkouane then securing the nearby area. Meanwhile in the west his co-consul attempted a landing of their own, defeating the remaining Carthaginian force under the mercenary Xanthippus and besieging Ubon, all be it with heavy casualties rendering his army only suitable for defense. Despite early successes, the landing nearly destroyed the Roman navy, which would be crippled for the remainder of the war. If Xanthippus could have a decisive victory, the legions would be crushed.

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But it was not to be. After ravaging the countryside and sacking Carthage, Marcus would draw Xanthippus into a battle on the banks of the Medjerda River. Despite heavily fighting and the use of elephants, a previously unseen weapon for the Romans, the superior equipment and training of the Roman force prevailed, and Xanthippus was defeated, ending Carthaginian hopes for a peace which didn't cost them their jewel of Sicily.

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Carthage would lose Corsica, Sardinia, and all of Sicily to Rome. Not only would the African republic lose its most prized foreign land, but its multiple defeats on land had cost it both its treasury and population. Hanno the Great was no longer the respected leader of the oligarchical republic, but a failed statesman, disgraced abroad and at his own court. Carthage had taken risks it could not afford, and now it would play for them in gold, earth, and blood for many years to come.

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While Carthage took slightly more losses that the Romans and their subsidiaries, it is the naval casualties which are far more interesting. From archeological digs historians have found that nearly half of the estimated Carthaginian trade fleet had been destroyed, while the Romans had lost most of their military and transport vessels. Such observations match very well with the observed conduct of the two sides, with Rome not conducting another naval invasion for over a decade while there is a sudden spike in piracy in Carthaginian waters.

The victory Rome had won had been glorious, but it is impossible to understate the number of losses taken by them. Rome, despite near constant victories, had lost nearly as many men as it had in the First Makedonian War, as well as most of its military fleet. Carthage had been bloodied, but it was still a threat, and like Makedonia they would have to play their cards carefully if they wanted to win a second war.
 
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Thank you for the support and suggestions. I can certainly crop out more of the consul shots, and am thinking about removing the more unimportant ones, since at one point I have 15 in a row with no other shots. I was planning on doing a mod mechanic spotlight, but got sick before it was finished. Would you prefer something build in narratively, something coming directly from me, or a combination (so I would write a narrative, then in parentheses say my opinions)? Thank you so much of your criticisms, this is my 2nd AAR and all help is appreciated. A new update should come soon, with another coming hopefully in the next 3 days. Won't say anything now, but lets just say something very historical happens.

Are elections yearly in this mod? I am unfamiliar with the mod itself. Anyway, I love the rest of the pictures/explanations, love to see a good Rome ascendant.
 
Are elections yearly in this mod? I am unfamiliar with the mod itself. Anyway, I love the rest of the pictures/explanations, love to see a good Rome ascendant.

They are yearly, sadly enough. Its very difficult to do characters when they disappear every year, so I am trying to do my best to focus on families rather than characters (for now). I will talk more about both the gameplay and historical issues with this portrayal of the Roman government, as well as how I think Imperator could do better.
 
That is a blow from which, hopefully, Carthage shall not recover.
 
Sorry for not replying sooner, but Carthago delenda est!
 
Player Diary 1
Player Diary: Roman Government

The Roman system of government is by far one of the strangest and most unique in the history of the world. A republic by name, the permanent status of a senator as well as the absolute power of the consuls makes the Roman institution a mix of autocracy, oligarchy, and democracy. Here I will briefly go through the strengths and weaknesses of the ways Imperium Universalis and Imperator: Rome portray the Roman government, and then give some brief closing remarks.

In both Imperator and Imperium we see a large, but forgivable misunderstanding of how Roman leadership worked: the overstatement of a Consul's power.

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The bane of my existence: So many elections!

In Imperator, the player receives an event every year asking them to choose a random military, diplomatic, or administrative consul, or potentially re-elect the previous years consul for stability at the cost of republican tradition. This has 3 major flaws. Firstly, consuls were almost never re-elected immediately. Instead, the Senate would either make them a proconsul, literally meaning one acting for the consul. They held military power, governed provinces, and lead campaigns. Secondly, consuls (especially very good ones) wouldn't simply end their career once their term was finished. The consulship could be held once every 10 years, and multiple famous politicians would be elected twice. The event which started Caesar's Civil War was his attempts to avoid legal prosecution until he could be re-elected, as generals and governors were legally immune while in power. Finally, and I can not stress this more, consuls where not the heads of state or government of Rome. For the uninitiated, I suggest watching Historia Civilis's videos on Rome, but very briefly: any elected magistrate starting with the lowest rank (quaestor) joined the Senate as soon as they were elected. Instead of having an elected leader, most of the power in the Senate was held by ex-consuls, who could speak first on any debate based on how long ago they were elected, sometimes being the only ones who spoke.

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Imperator does allow for more political permanence in the characters, but also makes some mistakes, most of which are easily fixed or ignorable. While the consular head of government issue still exists, I will be focusing more on the government offices. I will go through these one by one. The 2 Diplomatic offices, handling either Senate influence or commerce income, are mostly good, however I would clarify the Censor as the Urban Censor. The 2 Military offices require more work however. The Tribunus Militum was a minor general position meant for younger Romans to gain experience and valor, not worthy of a major position like this. Instead, it should be replaced by Consul, but still retain its discipline bonuses. The Praefectus Militaris didn't exist during the Republican Period, and instead should be called the Socii Censor. The remaining offices are mostly fine, but I would change a few of the names: Augur to Head Augur, Pontifex to Pontifex Maximus, and Vulnerarius to Cheif Vulnerarius. By far the largest issue with the government offices is the term issue. Some of these, like the Vulnerarius, Augur, and Pontifex were lifetime appointments, while the censor was 18 months, with all others being 1 year appointments. This has a lot of issues, and I may offend some history buffs, but in the end one has to make sacrifices for playability. I can't really criticize Imperator on the way they did offices besides the names.

But I can talk a bit about leadership again. Like I said before Consuls should not be the leaders of the Roman state. Instead, I believe a far better option is to use the Princeps Senatus, or first senator. While not always incredibly influential, this position was held by Scipio Africanus and Augustus Caesar, and due to it having the ability to speak first on any legislation, decide the order of speakers when there was conflict, convene the Senate to discuss laws, and the position being viewed as the most prestigious office a politician could have, I think it works quite well. If replaced, elections could be held roughly every 5 years, and the normal eu4 republic election rules could work, with re-election representing an increase of personal power in the republic. Overall, it just makes things much simpler.

Overall, I feel like most of the issues are either semantics or things only huge history buffs understand. If you have gone onto the Imperator: Rome subreddit, you are likely to see a lot of toxicity about historical issues. While I do agree Paradox can do a bit better with some of these things, I feel like Imperator has become corrupted, and I would like to avoid that. I hope you are able to look at the flaws of Imperium Universalis and Imperator not as world ending, but potential areas of improvement, and don't take my criticism as a negative remark. Imperator already looks like a massive step up over Imperium or EU:R, and I can not wait to play it.
 
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Chapter 6
The Ashes of a More Glorious Time (254-240)


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The Roman people had engaged in 3 wars unparalleled in their history in just a single generation. From these wars a line of brilliant politicians were born. The names Cicero, Brutus, and Metellus were branded into the common man's brains, while Sulla's legacy in Greece is forever cemented with the birth of a Greco-Roman common identity in Achaea. But among these great families, none were more influential than the Scipiones. Gnaeus Scipio had entered the political stage with his eulogy of Lucius, but due to his forced command in Greece he had established himself as the speaker of the Romans to the Achaeans, Epiroites, and Boeotians. He lead one of the 2 factions in the Senate, and if he wished could have taken the title of Princeps Senatus.

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But he didn't. Instead he left the position to his long-time rival Brutus, and when the new provinces of Sicilia and Corsica et Sardinia came up for governorships, he made no speeches on the candidates. Very soon after he retired from public life, choosing instead to raise his grandchildren and study mathematics and philosophy in Patras, which had become a second home due to his deep connection in Achaea. And so the first of our characters exits the stage.

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Metellus the Younger, First Admiral of Rome, would pass while overseeing negotiations with the Illyrian tribes of Apollonia. Rome's fleet had been wounded by both Makedonia and Carthage, but the Metellian Naval tradition remained. The Etruscan Biremes became Greek Quadriremes, and Rome began its journey towards dominance of the Mediterranean.

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Decius Cicero passes from the record while on a mission to the Seleucid Empire. The empire under Antiochus the First had been shattered in 278 when Ptolemy Keraunos bribed a massive army of Gallic invaders leave his land and attack Anatolia and Syria. The Eastern provinces of Parthia, Persia, and Baktria broke from Antioch's will, and their holdings in Asia Minor were torn from their grasp. It was only due to devastating raids on the Ptolemaic Wharfs in Cilicia and the subsiquent seizure of the Egyptian fleet by the Gauls that Antiochus I maintained control of Syria. Antiochus II would fight for control of Persia and Kappadocia, but was stymied by Makedonian and Egyptian pressure. It would be up to Rome which successor to Alexander would dominate the East.

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During this period, we also see a great leap in the military evolution of the Roman Legions. Under the leadership of Faustus, the phalanx-like Camillan military had proved too unwieldy in far distance lands of Africa. The ranks were undefined and the roles too specialized, creating massive shortages in positions despite Rome's great population. With the support of the Plebians of Rome, Faustus would march upon the Senate building, and force the divisive and unpopular Princeps Senatus Aulus Brutus to give him a second consulship in a row, as well as institute massive reforms to strengthen the Legions. These would be know as the Faustian Army Reforms, finally wrenching Rome from the phalanges system and into the triple line manipular organization.

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With these reforms we see a pivoting in Roman affairs to the West. The techniques used in the creation of their new equipment originated in Hispania and Gaul, and as ideas spread towards Rome tales of their victories spread outward. In time, Rome would dominate the West.

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But for now, the Republic would be happy to prosper in peace. All of peninsula kneeled to kiss the Senate's sandals, and as Aulus Brutus, conqueror of Epirus, passed to the afterlife Rome flourished under the policies he and his compatriots had established. With his death, the last of the old guard of senators moved on, and the young statesmen took their place.

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The young statesmen were not the military innovators and geniuses their fathers were, but skilled diplomats and negotiators. They forged alliances not just with Greek Polities and Celtic Tribes, but with the great empires of Seleucus and Ptolemy, acting as mediator in the Syrian question and thus securing the Mediterranean trade for Rome.

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But this new generation was not afraid of war. In fact, in many ways they loved it more than their elders. Manius Crispus would embark on a massive campaign against the Illyrian tribes, not only attacking the marauding coastal people but also the less prosperous interior kingdoms. This campaign was incredibly bloody for the strength of Rome's foes, with entire villages being pillaged, enslaved, and resettled at the whims of Crispus in order to meld the region to Rome's wished. Crispus was harshly punished for his crimes against Rome's reputation when he returned, but his tactics had been proven, and would be used in the future against the tribes of the West.

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Crispus's two brothers would oversee the remainder of Illyria's pacification, with Servius Crispus even becoming the regions governor. For years to come the land of Illyria would be the personal lands of the Crispus family, remaining a powerful family despite Manius's disgraceful conduct.

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Numerius Crassus would apply such tactics to an even greater affect by using mostly Gallic auxilia against their own people in Cisalpine, where upwards of a quarter of the population died due to war, starvation, and disease. Rome may no longer fight in titanic struggles of dominance, but their shadow still cast a plague of death upon the land.

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But once again these brutal tactics proved successful. In place of "barbarous" Gauls the Roman poor was settled in the cities of Ravenna, Mediolanon, and Mantua, creating 3 great bulwarks against any future attacks by the Celts on Rome. Such colonies were a prelude to the great resettlements of the Civil War.

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But the new blood was not sated. A campaign would be started under Tiberius Piso to push the Roman frontier across the Alps into Transalpine Gaul. While for the expressed purpose of protecting Massalia, it was was clear that it was simply an excuse. Families were slaughtered by the hundreds. The Rhodanus River, once a artery of wealth in Southern Gaul, became a mass cemetary, with the ashes of riverside villages seeping into the water and tainting the ground.

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The pillaging would only end with the ascension of Gnaeus Flavius Adranos. A man knowledgeable of his strengths and most importantly his flaws, he understood that such campaigns only sapped the Republic of its strength without giving it any benefit. he would make peace, binding the coastal Gauls to his will by promising them protection, as well as renewing Rome's alliance with the terrified Massalians. Without Adranos's intervention, it is very likely that depopulation could have occurred at such a magnitude that there wouldn't have been enough men to man the fields of Southern Gaul, and hundreds of thousands would have died.

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But Adranos was not finished. Hoping to avoid such mass looting from ever occurring again, he used his connections with Rome's vassals to force upon the blood-hungry Senate the Adrian Reform. Often lumped in with the Faustian Reforms, this change is the first step in the long road towards Civil War. Previously, before every campaign the Roman Republic would levy the legions required from Rome, the nearby colonies, and the local Socii. However, these troops were often disorderly and even sometimes ignored orders, preferring to win loot and glory over long term gains for the Republic. With the reform, all adult men of the city of Rome of military age were to be trained every year in military organization and combat formations. Without having to drill the army before every campaign, discipline and order could be consistently achieved, and while entire peoples would occasionally be enslaved, it was hoped that the devastation of the Rhodanus would be avoided.

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Gnaeus Scipio in Patras

Despite his wisdom, Adranos was almost universally derided by his compatriots, except for one Kaeso Scipio. The son of Gnaeus Scipio, Kaeso found himself with great boots to fill without many allies due to his father's aggressive tactics. Now 40 with his own children, Kaeso knew that if he wished to bring glory to the family he would need friends. At the advice of his father, now a wise scholar in Achaea, Kaeso married his sister to Adranos, bringing the moral reformer into the family and gaining the support of Rome's Gallic subjects.

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But Rome was not free from danger, whether it be abroad or at home. The Ptolemaic Empire had broken its treaty with Rome and the Seleucids in a moment of chaos and seized nearly all of Syria. Meanwhile, the Senate sat paralyzed as Numerius Brutus son of Aulus Brutus attempted to declare himself consul without election, sparking chaos in the city and preventing any hope of intervention in the East.

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Rome was able to retake its capital, and for a short while things were peaceful, as allies drew closer and closer and new lands fell under the Republic's influence. Cities flourished, crops grew, and in the midst Gnaeus Scipio passed away. It is truly a blessing he was not alive to witness the next years events.

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Titus Sulla's first born Appius Sulla was elected in the year 240 BC. However, no Roman remembered that year by his name, as was custom.

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In Carthage, a grand revolt had been sparked after a famine combined with a decisive defeat by Gallic pirates as well as both Numidian and Iberian invasions. Ubon, Atiq, Cartenna, and Kerkouane revolted, while Gades and Carthago Nova were beseiged by foriegn powers. The empire was crumbling, and in their most desperate time the nobles of Carthage called out to their enemies across the Mediterranean Sea. Hanno the Great himself journeyed to Rome and prostrated himself before the Senate, begging for them to save Carthage. He promised elephants as auxilia, the entire Carthaginian fleet, and the placement of his nation in a subordinate alliance with Rome. The Senate couldn't refuse

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Two legions of veterans would be called to support the Carthaginians, as the Roman Armies were scattered trying to reorganize the more resistant Gallic and Illyrian tribes. This would be Rome's fatal mistake. Upon landing his troops into Carthage, Sulla decided to wait until next spring to avoid being caught outside the city without supply. In the midst of Winter, the veteran troops, who due to the shortness of time weren't trained according to Adranos's Reform, began to grow restless. These men, mostly veterans of the Mamertine War, had lost friends to the people they were now helping, and the locals still remembered the sack of Carthage, which while limited still caused great pain.

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The cause of the riot is unknown, but it is believed that small scuffle over the purchasing of food in mid December in the main Carthaginian market lead to the Carthaginian City Guard being deployed to prevent any fires. While doing this, some angry Romans came to blows with the guard, leading to the entire Garrisoning Roman Army revolting against Sulla's command. The guards were surrounded and slaughtered, after which the men turned on the people of the city. For two days the men ran wild until the small fires burning in the market suddenly exploded in intensity. Sulla and his command staff were able to flee the inferno, as did most of his men, but the city's population did not. Of the estimated 150,000 people in the city, at least 100,000 died in this inferno. Of these hundred thousand were nearly every member of the Carthaginian governing aristocracy. The city was reduced to rubble and ashes, and with it, an empire.

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Carthage could not recover. The Iberians annexed Carthaginian Hispania, and the Numidians occupied huge swaths of inland territory. The Western cities of Ubon, Atiq, and Cartenna declared independence before quickly offering Rome tribute, while in the East Thapsus was given to the Carthaginian General Hamilcar while Hadrumentum to the few surviving aristocrats who had been out of the city. In the end, two legions of rioting veterans did what the Senate could never have achieved: conquer Carthage. But in doing so, the fate of Africa and the entire Western world was forever changed.

As the embers of the Carthaginian Empire die, it is important to remember how unimaginably bloody this decade was for Rome. More than half a million souls would be cut down, for nothing more than flame scorched earth. While the old generation understood that sometimes a lesser victory means a greater reward, the new politicians would fail to comprehend this until it was too late. With the burning of Carthage Mediterranean trade collapsed, and with it the prosperity that had allowed the small Rome to fight the much greater Makedonia and Carthage. From this point forward, Rome would have to earn its conquests with the spilled blood of its sons.
 
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Well, that certainly happened a different way than I expected. But Carthago delenda est means Carthago delenda est. Now let's get those barbarians!
 
Well, that certainly happened a different way than I expected. But Carthago delenda est means Carthago delenda est. Now let's get those barbarians!

Yeah, turns out the real villain wasn't Rome, or Carthage, or Makedonia, it was the death spiral inside of us. Don't worry though, we'll still get a 2nd Punic War, just in the wrong place.
 
The West is now entirely ripe for "civilisation".
 
Delenda est Carthago
 
Apologies to everyone for the delay again. Due to a combination of factors I am not going to be able to update this for another 2-3 weeks. I am really sorry for doing this again, but hopefully once this is over I can get into a consistent habit of an update every week. Thank you so much for the nice comments and interest, it is awesome to see something I love doing this much be shared and enjoyed. I hope everyone has a nice December. Thank you for your patience.
 
No worries.
 
Interlude 1
Interlude: A World Divided (240)


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It has been just 41 years since Seleucus's death, but already his dominion is collapsing. Kappadocia, Asia Minor, and Persia have all been lost a second time, any hopes of the reintegration of Parthia have been crushed by a massive revolt, and the Egyptian seizure of Tyre has closed the Eastern Mediterranean to the Greco-Persian Empire. Chaos from the disputed succession of Seleucus II still reigns, but with their alliance with Rome some hope still remains that the Emperor will live up to his great grandfather's legacy.

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Ptolemy's kingdom has just grown stronger. With Cilicia, Phoenicia, Cyprus, and the Cyclades under their control and a strong alliance with Rhodes, Ptolemy III's naval power is truly unmatched. With the integration of Cyrene and the annexation of Seleucid Asia Minor, it is possible that Egypt will now try to intervene in the affairs of Rome

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The Western Celts remain fractured, however already reports from Cisalpine Gaul and Liguria are spreading. Many tribes now debate whether to accept Roman protection, or if resistance even in the face of total annihilation is preferable to conquest. Regardless, all of the celts will need to make a decision.

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Africa is a shattered vase, unable to hold water. The Numidian tribes move to seize Punic cities which then turn to Rome for help, all the while Carthage burns to the ground. As the pieces of a once great empire are split, it is obvious to all the rulers that Rome will not sit idle with its control over the Carthaginian cities, allowing land trade to by the kingdoms. But for now, conflict is limited to short skirmishes between isolated town garrisons and raiders.

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Illyria and Greece both display the two leading ways of Roman conquest. In the north, depopulation prevented any large scale resistance, while the people slowly recovered from the shock of the war, emerging not as Illyrian barbarians but as Romanized people, providing men and taxes to their leaders. It was a product of a brutal rule, but the results were obvious. Meanwhile, in the south Greek city-states slowly pulled themselves from Rome's crushing embrace to rejoin Makedonia. While far more populated, the people still had sparks of independence, and thus integration was incredibly slow (except in Achaea, which remained a bastion of Greco-Roman cultural syncretism). However, these cities produced more men and gold for the great city, and thus these difficulties may be considered to be worth it. This divide in methods represents the growing divide in Rome itself at the time.

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And that divide was growing more and more violent. While politics had begun to calm with the passing of Cicero, Brutus, Metellus and Scipio, the class divide had only grown. Normally, upon the conquest of new lands the plebeians were granted the new farmland to grow food on while the patricians purchased the people enslaved in the war to work their own estates. This system was always tenuously balanced, as if too many slaves were introduced into the economy without enough new land the plebeians could be left without any land themselves as cheap slaves replaced hardworking roman citizens. With the recent conquest providing a sudden influx of slaves, the elites where beginning to buy up huge tracts of land as the poor flooded into the capital. With this demographic change, tax corruption exploded in rural areas as patricians bribed the tax collectors, while the new urban poor population began to join the Roman military as semi-professional soldiers. If the situation wasn't stabilized, the entire organization of Rome would be forced to adapt.

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The Mediterranean world was now a binary world, with the Roman dominated west and the Egyptian east. These two empires had yet to come into conflict, but their new conquests left such a war inevitable. All other kingdoms would be forced to choose a side or perish in the clash of these two superpowers.
 
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Poor Seleucia. Never seems to do well.
 
Chapter 7
Securing the Republic (240-228)

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Despite the burning of Carthage, resistance still remained in the hearts of the Punic people. The "Year of Disgrace," as it came to be known, would end with a crisis as the Carthaginian refugees attempted to retake their homes and expel the Romans from Africa once more. The walls still broken from the great fire, the refugees were able to overwhelm the legions, driving them to the burnt out Carthaginian harbor, where they lay under siege for weeks.

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But in the end, the revolt was a hopeless pursuit. Three legions would be rushed to Carthage, and after storming the broken walls the five legions under Sulla would slaughter and enslave the rioting refugees, finally crushing the last embers of the Punic empire.

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The next year's consuls focused much of their rule on even further reforms to the Roman military. With the massive amount of growth which had occurred in the last four decades, Rome now had numerous Celtic, Greek, Illyrian, and Punic men who could be called upon to join the legions. This growth in non-Italic populations corresponded with a growth in the size of the skirmishers or support troops in Consular Armies, with each army including about 10,000 more accompanying auxiliaries. Tarantine Light Cavalry, Gallic Heavy Skirmishers, Greek Cataphracts, and Illyrian Light Infantry were all incorporated into their armies, displaying the Roman skill of integrating the conquered's tactics.

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Reforms would also be made to Roman system of citizenship. While the concepts of granting limited citizenship for the Socii of Rome continued to be practiced, new laws were crafted allowing any Roman soldiers to obtain full citizenship, including voting rights, if they served 25 years in the military. This increases the slow Romanization of the Socii, Allies, and Friends of Rome, paving the way for Rome's domination of the more barbaric and militarized Celtic and Iberian peoples.

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In the year 477 BCE, Rome would begin assisting Seleucus II in a series of campaigns designed to reconquer his great grandfather's empire. The first of these would be the herculean task of actually secure the emperor's throne from his infant half-brother Antiochus and stepmother Berenice, who was the sister of Ptolemy III. Failure gain victory would end any hope of a Roman ally against Egypt.

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The war was nearly won in its second year at the Battle of Antioch, where Berenice was ridden down outside the walls of the besieged capital by a reinforcing Roman army. However, the bribing of the consul Aponius Brutus prevent the exploitation of this victory, and the young adult Antiochus fled to his own capital in Seleucia. While the death of Ptolemy's sister prevent a potential Egyptian intervention, the control of the eastern provinces still gave the teenage rebel-king a strong power base.

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Finally, in the fourth year of the Seleucid Civil War, a joint Roman-Seleucid Army drove the now adult Antiochus to Persia, where he was given sanctuary. Seleucus demanded his ally support him in finally eliminating his brother, which the consul Sempronius Arvina happy agreed to.

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This Persian campaign was quickly complete, with the reestablishment of Seleucid dominance in the old Eastern Provinces. Sempronius would return to Rome with an experienced army, baggage trains full of loot, and multiple Seleucid dignitaries. Sempronius would be awarded a triumph for conquering Persia, although the territory was given to their ally rather than annex, and the two empires cemented their alliance.

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The Rome Sempronius returned to was far different the one in 237 BCE. Patricians had been able to subvert laws preventing the creation of massive estates, allowing them accumulate huge amounts of land and wealth. The elites were growing more and more wealthy as the common farmers were forced to sell their livelihoods and move to the cities to look for work. However, the Senate was much more focused on foreign issues.

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In the west, the survivng Carthaginian fleet had liberated the Balearic Islands, which were far less garrisoned than the newly conquered African holdings. The consul Julius Cicero would attempt a campaign to recover the outposts, however the superior Carthaginian Quinqueremes defeated the fleet. This maritime state would periodically raid Iberian trade, growing rich off of piracy. While never a great threat, the Balearic Republic would deny Rome access to the wealth of Southern Iberia until the Roman navy could be improved.

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However, the Roman fleet saw far greater success in Africa. Multiple short campaigns were conducted against the kingdoms of Mauretania and Masaesyli, seizing important ex-Carthaginian port cities to combat Balearic piracy. While these operations increased tensions with the Berber kingdoms, they faced little opposition and provided vital support for the Roman navy.

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In the year 231 BCE, another revolt began in Roman territory, this time in Cisalpine Gaul. The major Roman Allies in the region, upset about Roman colonies, taxation, and excessive recruitment decided to revolt before they were completely subsumed into the Republic. The consul Valerius Metellus, son of Metellus the Younger, would lead the reformed Roman armies north to finally conquer the Italian Peninsula.

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Unlike the previous invasion, little bloodshed was required to subdue the rebel tribal confederations. Depopulation sapped enemy manpower while local Roman settlements allowed Valerius to fight many battles in quick succession. After a short siege at Genua, Valerius pushed the Gauls to the Po River, crushing them at Mantua before marching west to Mediolanum, conquering Cisalpina in one last decisive battle. Valerius would be given the province for his governorship, spending most of his time integrating the Celtic tribes and building new Alpine fortifications.

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3 years after the fall of the Balearic Islands, consul Tiberius Arvina would launch a second expedition to reclaim the Western Mediterranean. Anti-piracy African bases and new Roman Quinqueremes had crushed the Balearic fleet, while intense diplomatic negotiations had won Rome the support of many local tribes.

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Rome would move their fleet to the port of Narbo in Southern Gaul, before launching a series of attacks on the Balearic cities. After a long campaign, the islands were finally captured and the tribes integrated. To reward the local Celts for helping repair Roman ships and provide intelligence on Balearic movements, the Senate granted them limited citizenship and the title Socii.

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The Roman fleet would continue its moment to Africa, capturing more important port cities from the Numidians. Despite claims that such actions were to prevent another outbreak of piracy, it was clear that Rome had a devilish plan.

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At the same time, the Roman garrisons in Gaul and Africa began to joined by auxiliaries, especially the mounted skirmishers from Magna Graecia and Cisalpine Gaul. Such light troops would be useless against the superior Numidian raiders or Carthaginian Pirates...

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But perfect for the highlands of Iberia.
 
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