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A communique to the International Community regarding the outbreak of hostilities in the United States of America;

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We, Franz Joseph of Austria, are highly disturbed by the outbreak of violence in the Western Hemisphere, in the territory of the United States of America. At this time the Imperial Government shall continue to recognize the Government of President Abraham Lincoln as the only legitimate authority over the entire territory of the United States of America. As every nation has a right and duty to regulate trade within its borders, we also recognize the Proclamation by President Lincoln in regards to the ports of the Southern United States, and direct Our subjects to immediately cease any trade or commerce with the entity calling itself "the Confederate States of America." We convey our well-wishes to President Lincoln and wish him a swift and speedy victory over the rebellion.

Signed,
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The Emperor, who governs with the Mandate of Heaven, declares the institution of revolt against ones rightful Lord and Master to be a crime most vile, and to be punishable by the way of xiāoshŏu! There can be no right of remittance granted for such sin against the lawful order and Mandate of Heaven, and all who sway to its committance are to be punished according to precepts of the xing.

His Majesty has also heard word of less meaningful revolt and treason taking place in the realm of Měiguó, and urges those choosing to commit treason upon the wielder of their Mandate to kowtow and submit to their lord and majesty!

Proclaimed to all under the Heavens, let it be known!

Proclaimed in the Era of the Xiánfēng Emperor by the Edict of Prince-Regent Gong
 
The Black Eagle along the Danube, Part I.
"Redeeming Archduke Karl's Legacy."

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Karl von Österreich, Herzog von Teschen

The Austrian defeat in the Second Italian War for Independence had triggered a debate over the readiness of the army. The Liberal papers called the Ground Forces, "Bloated and ill lead." The Conservative papers demanded more military spending. The Kaiser would chart his own course and recognized that Austria was not the power it was just fifty years ago. Russian bayonets had saved the Empire from Hungarian rebels. The French had bested Austria in Lombardy. Soon a stronger Italy would have to be taken into account. The wolves were closing in on the Danube and the Kaiser had precious little time to get his house into order.

He legacy of Archduke Karl weighed heavily on the entire Austrian military establishment. Most of it in fact, had been his own invention. He had fought in the Wars against Revolutionary France in his youth, winning accolades at the Roer and Neerwinden, distinguishing himself in spite of the incompetence of his superior officers. There he saw the full might of modern warfare, the levy en masse, and a vision for the future. He would beat Jean-Baptiste Jourdan, future Marshal of France, at Amberg and Würzburg and then completely drive the French from the Rhine at Emmendingen; where he ground Jean Victor Moreau's army into dust. His defeats at Hohenlinden and Caldiero had damped his spirits but he lost none of his stature or respect among Germans; he remained a fighting general, though one prone to caution after those losses to the French.

He would make it his mission to reform the Austrian Army into a force that could equal France's and such was his stature that his brother, Kaiser Francis II, granted him supreme command. Supported by posesing the prestige of being the only general who had proved capable of defeating the French thus far, he initiated a series of comprehensive reforms. He would adopt the French-style levy en masse, battlefield organization, and tactics. While his creation would be defeated in the War of the Fifth Coalition, it had stood up well against French forces and would be the model used by Russian and Prussian efforts to ready themselves against Bonaparte. Indeed, while his defeat at Wagram overshadowed it, his victory at Aspern-Essling was the first time Napoleon had been defeated in nearly a decade.

Among other things he had created the first modern General Staff system. His instructions on the role of staff officers are still largely valid, "[a staff officer] is duty bound to consider all possibilities related to operations and not view himself as merely carrying out those instructions... The Chief of Staff stands at the side of the Commander-in-Chief and is completely at his disposal. His sphere of work connects him with no specific unit." He had organized his staff into several sections; firstly, Political Correspondence, which handled communications with the Kaiser's ministers; secondly, the Operations Directorate, dealing with planning and intelligence; thirdly, the Service Directorate, dealing with administration, supply and military justice. At its highest point, the Archduke's staff system employed 170 and allowed him and other field commanders who inherited the system, the ability to have operations, intelligence and logistics experts be able to render advice to them at their fingertips.

The Army Law of 1861 was designed to breathe new life into a decaying system by reforming the Regular Army, managing its size, and restructuring the General Staff System; the details of which would soon be made public. Additionally, the Austrian defeats in the latest war had lead to a reevaluation of strategic thinking and tactical execution.

There was no substitute for breaking the enemy's army. The war of strategic points argued forcefully by Archduke Karl was no longer valid in a modern setting. Being overly cautious, such as Franz's actions while in command, gave up the initiative to the enemy. "Use it or lose it," would have to be the Austrian Army's new motto. Clausewitz had been proven right, holding ground was not as advantageous as grinding down your foe. Furthermore, the assignment of reserves to cover withdrawal was a waste. The results of holding fast to antiquated doctrine were Austria's defeats at Montebello and the maintenance of fixed fortifications in an era where artillery could grind walls down to paste.

The only relative of the Kaiser's with a keen interest in military advances was Archduke Maximilian. Franz's brother had tried to surpass him in everything and was more acquainted with law, art, history, geography, and engineering than Franz could ever hope to be. He was annoyed with his treatment as a second son and always sought to impress upon others that he was more deserving of the throne that his elder brother. He had been an innovative Command-in-Chief of the Austrian Navy and a competent ruler for Lombardia-Venezia but was dismissed by the Emperor for his progressive tendencies. Though, as the Emperor was becoming more and more influenced by his wife, Franz had recalled his brother from de facto exile at Miramare Castle to sort out the ground forces problems along side their other brother, Karl Ludwig. Perhaps Franz thought he could blame it all on Max if things went sideways but being the idealist he was, Max would plow ahead, enthusiastically directing reforms and backing his fiat with the authority and gravitas of a Habsburg Archduke; whatever Liberal tendencies he had would always be filtered by the fact he was born to the House of Habsburg-Lorraine.
 
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Abraham Lincoln's Dilemma
Part I
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While the United States had certainly weathered the storm of secession threats rather well in 1850 and 1854, many could somehow sense that politics would come to one explosive climactic conclusion in 1860. The buildup to that year was one of fruitful development and rapid ascent for Abraham Lincoln.

Lincoln enjoyed much of the 1850s as a private man, refusing to run for public office and worrying himself more with evidence (accepted and dismissed) in various murder trials, in which he often served the defendant. The man had run a successful law practice on and off for many years, and when the opportunity presented itself, he could not resist to try his hand at national politics. The great question of the day in politics was slavery: did the Slave Power actually exist, and, if so, could and must it be stopped? Was the Kansas-Nebraska Act a grave threat to the Union, or an enormous victory for the rights of Americans? Were negroes, if not naturalized citizens, at least people? Reality demanded answers from him, and Lincoln struggled greatly with them in this period. His own wife, whom he had married in 1842, was a daughter in a slave-owning family. Could he reconcile within himself the apparent hypocrisy of fighting against the slaveocracy? Lincoln seems to have been able to do so.

Lincoln's service in the House of Representatives from 1847 to 1849 had given him a taste of federal politics, and the death of the Whig Party and the brutal defeat of the Republicans in the elections of 1856 necessitated a new leader for that party. John Frémont's defeat then had paved the way for Lincoln to climb the ladder of national politics. But there was still some climbing left to do before his legacy in American history was sealed.

In his efforts to secure the Republican nomination for the class II senate seat in Illinois, he was successful. His acceptance speech rung with the foreboding words that all Americans seemed to share at that critical hour, of the danger to the Union the slavery question posed: "A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become lawful in all the States, old as well as new — North as well as South." There was no compromise for the Kentucky woodsman: it was a fight for the soul of the nation. The subsequent Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858, carried out in his efforts to secure the favor of the Illinois state legislature and thereby become the pre-eminent Republican senator in Washington, ultimately proved a defeat for Lincoln, but the bloody brawl between the two rhetorical giants (the other being the famed five-foot four-inch tall Democrat Stephen Douglas) secured Lincoln's spot on the Republican ticket in 1858. Abolitionists sensed that he was on the cusp of demanding a total abolition of slavery at the national level without directly implying it; "slaveocrats" warned that Lincoln, as was natural for Republicans, wished to nullify hundreds of years of tradition for the respect of private property and deny the Southern states the basis for their economic and financial prosperity and relevance. Lincoln denied both of these stances, and while arguing that negroes had the right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" -- words directly taken from the Declaration of Independence -- he refused to outright touch the concept of abolishing the forced indentured servitude of blacks in the United States. His oratorical abilities and ardent defense of personal freedom earned him a spot at the very top of the Republican Party. It was, by then, only a matter of time.

It remained impossible to unseat Lincoln as the pre-eminent leader of the moderate Republicans as the months wore by. In February 1860 he spoke at Cooper Union college in New York City, arguing against the Kansas-Nebraska Act and refusing to acknowledge the Democrat-supported right of the territories to determine the servitude of negroes. It was not an act of clarifying his position on the question, but rather of viciously attacking, in one great rhetorical essay, the Democrat's position on servitude, arguing from a position of assurance that the Founding Fathers would have agreed with him. His defense of the purpose and aims of the Republican Party -- and its very existence -- was as eloquent as his defense of the personal rights of Man, and his arguments against secession proved strikingly accurate, as would happen just ten months later. By then, with Lincoln's victory in the presidential election, the total breakdown of the Union, and the great threat of absolute dissolution, had already begun.
 
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BE ADVISED

In attempting to cut a corner, it seems that all colonial holding nations may or may not have their colonies added into their total population. If you have colonies of substantial note, you may or may not see changes to your stats.

Additional:

If you want to know the stats of the colonies you do own (such as 'colonial income') then please let me know and I can supply them to you separately.
 
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General P. G. T. Beauregard
The Hero of Fort Sumter
Born to a French Creole family on a Louisiana plantation, Pierre Gustave Toutant-Beauregard - or G. T. as he was more commonly known among as his preferred signature - was perhaps one of the most indicative of the noble spirit behind the diverse, Southern aristocracy. With the fiery blood of Italian nobility, French civility, and Welsh hardiness, Beauregard was finely cultivated as a youth, attending first private schooling within Lousiana before attending a French academy in New York City where he learned English at the age of 12. Bred and bored into him was an air of refinement that he carried with him throughout his life, perhaps laying the foundation for his persona in military service.

Attending West Point, Beauregard would graduate second in his class in 1838, favored as both an artilleryman and military engineer. Among his friends, he would develop a multitude of nicknames - Little Creole, Felix, Bory, and his favorite, Little Napoleon. Serving as his chief inspiration as a dashing figure of authority, there can be little doubt that Beauregard considered himself a contemporary Napoleon for the American South, even extending this to his manner of appearance.
On first meeting, most people were struck by [Beauregard's] "foreign" appearance. His skin was smooth and olive-complexioned. His eyes, half-lidded, were dark, with a trace of Gallic melancholy about them. His hair was black (though by 1860 he maintained this hue with dye). He was strikingly handsome and enjoyed the attentions of women, but probably not excessively or illicitly. He sported a dark mustache and goatee, and he rather resembled Napoleon III, then ruler of France—although he often saw himself in the mold of the more celebrated Napoleon Bonaparte.

David Detzer, Allegiance.
Serving in the Mexico-American War, Beauregard considered himself one of the key components in devising strategy for his superiors and in successfully leading dangerous reconnaissance missions, which in turn turned him to bitterness as his contemporaries - such as Robert E. Lee - earned more recognition. From 1848 to 1860, Beauregard mainly headed what the Engineer Department called "the Mississippi and Lake defenses in Louisiana", which in effect was the renovation and construction of fortifications all the way up to Mobile, Alabama and the Florida coast.

But Beauregard grew weary of being a peacetime officer, indulging in politics by supporting Democratic candidate Franklin Pierce and attempting to run for mayor of New Orleans unsuccessfully. In 1856, Beauregard even considered joining the filibuster into Nicaragua, offered second-in-command of the army, however general-in-chief Winfield Scott convinced him otherwise.

Finally, on January 23rd, 1861, Beauregard advanced, named superintendent of West Point due partially to political connections from his brother-in-law John Slidell. But as fate would have it, the secession of Louisiana soonafter forced his ousting a mere five days in office, earning great offense from Beauregard towards the Federal Government.


Travelling back to Louisiana, Beauregard hoped to be entrusted with command of the state army, however he was passed over in favor of Braxton Bragg. Though Bragg would offer him commission as a colonel, Beauregard would refuse, instead joining the "Orleans Guard", a militia of French Creole aristocrats. Constantly angling for advancement however, Beauregard would get into contact with President Jefferson Davis, receiving commission as the first general officer of the Confederacy and given command over the defense of Charleston. It was this appointment that would set in motion the rise of both the American Civil War and Beauregard's status in the South.

Arriving March 3, 1861, Beauregard would immediately move to inspect the status of the harbor, finding them in horrible disarray. Furthermore, in Fort Sumter, Beauregard found his old friend and mentor Robert Anderson commanding the garrison. It was with a heavy heart that Beauregard shelled the fortress of a friend, sending gifts of cigar, whiskey, and brandy, though the friendship was severed when Anderson refused the offers.

Although he lost a friend, Beauregard gained a legendary status across the South, hailed as the 'Hero of Fort Sumter', the guardian of Southern values who struck and felled the ugly sore of Unionist presence in South Carolina. Hailed in Richmond as a hero, it was then no wonder that Beauregard was reassigned to one of the most important positions for the Confederate cause. Given command of the Department of the Potomac, Beauregard now heads the Army of the Potomac in north-eastern Virginia, working alongside general Joseph Johnston of the Army of the Shenandoah.

But tensions has flared in recent times between the offensive-minded Beauregard and the cautious Jefferson Davis, who feels Beauregard to be a man with little practical knowledge or skill, seeing him as a grand strategist with little heed to reality. Time will tell if Little Napoleon earns his nickname or crumbles amid the pressure of hero worship.
 
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A CONFIDENTIAL REPORT


FROM

THE ITALIAN ARMED FORCES COMMISSION


CONCERNING


THE REGIO ESERCITO ITALIANO AND THE REGIA MARINA

&

REFLECTIONS ON


THE OVERALL STATE OF ITALY’S MILITARY READINESS

&

THE URGENT NEED FOR ARMY AND NAVAL REFORM

IN THE

KINGDOM OF ITALY


-------------------- ADDRESSED TO THE MINISTRY OF DEFENSE --------------------

1 July 1861
Generale Manfredo Fanti
Minister of Defense


Dear Sig. Ministro,

In light of the establishment of the Regio Esercito Italiano and the Regia Marina, their designation as the sole armed forces of the Kingdom of Italy, and the entrusting of these forces with the protection and security of the Italian people and state from all internal and external threats, it is the duty of this office to accurately assess the capabilities of these new organizations within the context of our overall state of military readiness. Following careful and thorough investigation, it is the finding of the Italian Armed Forces Commission that both the Regio Esercito and Regia Marina are plagued by numerous structural and organizational problems, any one of which would significantly impact our country’s ability to successfully engage in armed conflict. It is therefore the recommendation of this office that, prior to extensive reform of both our army and navy, His Majesty’s government not engage in any undue actions which might bring about a state of war between Italy and a foreign power.

The problems that exist within both the Regio Esercito and the Regia Marina are manifold. In order to detail them in the clearest manner possible, this report shall address the flaws within the army and then the navy, respectively.

Foremost among the issues facing the Regio Esercito are those which stem from the difficult amalgamation of the Armata Sarda and the Esercito Napoletano. Several disputes among the chain of command between former members of these armies have been reported [relevant documents attached], their severity ranging from the exchange of minor insults to incidences of physical violence. Furthermore, there have been reports of discontent expressed by soldiers from southern Italy, manifested in the disobedying of direct orders and other troublesome behavior. It is the belief of this office that this discontent might stem from resentment at the recent incorporation of the Two Sicilies into our state, and the rivalries that exist between those enlisted men of southern and northern origin.

Putting aside for now the serious threat to discipline, cohesion, and effectiveness posed by such infighting and insubordination among our armed forces (both on the micro and macro level), this office must emphasis the unique challenge faced by the Regio Esercito in its efforts to standardize the equipment, insignias, training and rank systems that have been carried over from the various armies of the independent Italian states. Entire divisions will require significant additional instruction in order to establish equal degrees of combat readiness among all our soldiers, and the cost needed to standardize both arms and uniforms will be immense. With regards to the latter, many of our weapons are out of date and in need of replacement – as such, it is the suggestion of this office that the Italian government either invest in the development of our domestic armaments industry or attempt to purchase them abroad. Until such necessary measures are adopted, the Regio Esercito cannot truly be considered a modern and effective fighting force in Europe.

Of equal concern to the Italian Armed Forces Commission is the state of the Regia Marina, the recently-formed naval force of the Kingdom of Italy. While this new organization has inherited a substantial number of ships, both sail- and steam-powered, as well as the long naval traditions of its constituents, especially those of Sardinia and Naples, the navy also possesses some major handicaps which this office has attempted to identify.

Firstly, the results of our investigation indicate that the navy suffers from an egregious lack of uniformity and cohesion, composed as it is of a heterogeneous mix of equipment, standards and practices, and that these differences run deeper than even those of the
Regio Esercito. Hostility between officers of the various former navies has been reported with even greater frequency than in the army, an issue only compounded by the continuation of separate officer schools at Genoa and Naples. While a unity of our land forces might be accomplished naturally over time, it is likely that divisions with the navy, if left untended, will only grow deeper and more rancorous with age. The second conclusion of this report with regards to the Regia Marina is that the pace of advances in naval technology is rapidly increasing, as is the refinement of naval tactics – taking into account our present circumstances, Italy possesses neither the shipyards or infrastructure to build the modern ships required to compete with her neighbors. If Italy is to ever become a relevant maritime power in Europe then the state must be prepared to invest heavily in both the construction of new vessels and the development of docks and shipyards.

In an effort to address these serious problems afflicting our naval forces, this office proposes [relevant documents attached] the establishment of a Ministry of the Marine, the responsibilities of which would be to advise the Prime Minister and His Majesty’s government on the state of the navy and formulate policy regarding its maintenance and improvement. We hope that this proposal will be provided to the Prime Minister's Office for due consideration.

To conclude, this report clearly demonstrates that the path ahead for our armed forces both at sea and on land will almost certainly be difficult and expensive. The issues regarding organization, unity and fundamental structure found within the Regio Esercito and Regia Marina are daunting and will doubtless prove challenging to resolve, especially in our current time of political turbulence. However, through the adoption of necessary and appropriate measures, this office believes that Italy is more than capable of becoming a major military power in Europe, prepared to confront any threat.

ELIDE PIROZZI
Chairman of the Italian Armed Forces Commission

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General Leonidas Polk
The Fighting Bishop
Born 1806 in Raleigh, North Carolina as the son of a Revolutionary War veteran, Leonidas Polk did not immediately follow in the footsteps of his father, instead attending the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. However, he would only stay briefly before transferring to West Point. Throughout his time in West Point however, another path would open before him - the path of God.

Polk would join the Episcopal Church during his senior year at West Point as matters of the faith dominated his interests. Coupled with a strong academic record for both rhetoric and moral philosophy, it was natural that Polk would venture towards a career of theology, not war. Resigning his commission in 1827, Polk joined the Virginia Theological Seminary and by 1831 he stood as ordained priest.

But even a man of God has opinions on political matters, and for Polk, these sentiments were quite clear. Founding the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee, Polk envisioned the university to be a bastion of Southern culture in direct opposition to the North. As one of his fellow co-founders - Bishop James Otey - put it:
"This new university will materially aid the South to resist and repel a fanatical domination which seeks to rule over us."

Polk was likewise a prolific slave owner, noted for having the most in his home county of Maury in Tennessee. Estimates from 1850 suggest upwards of 400 slaves under his ownership. Jefferson Davis was in fact a personal friend of Polk, and although Polk envisioned a peaceful separation of North and South, he nevertheless supported the events of Fort Sumter and the ensuing mass secession of the Confederacy.

And while Polk characterized himself as a reluctant fighter, he was quick to offer his services to the Confederacy. Despite possessing no combat service, his time at West Point and personal camaraderie with Davis led to his commission as a major general on June 25th. Although originally seeking to command the lands between the Tennessee and the Mississippi rivers, the surprise secession of Kentucky altered plans, resulting in Polk being dispatched with haste to ride north in order to organize the defense of the new, northern frontier.

Quickly beloved by the rank-and-file under his command in the new Army of Kentucky, Leonidas Polk has yet to truly prove himself in the fields of combat, and it has yet to be seen if the Fighting Bishop is deserving of his lofty offices.
 
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Natives and the Confederate Cause
Early on, the Confederacy recognized that in their struggle for Southern values and freedom, the various native tribes of the South stood as potential allies. Many, if not all, maintained a bitterness towards the Union, not simply for their oppression, but in their lack of response in shoring their livelihoods. And while perhaps the Confederates were not saintly heroes to the non-whites, in many tribes, native slave-holders held great sway and could rally behind the Confederate cause for political and economic similarity. Not only this, but the promise of a weakened central government could be rallied behind, the tribes weary of intervention from above.

And so, the Confederate administration would quickly set about courting the native tribes, Jefferson Davis penning the following letter to Howell Cobb and the Confederate Congress as a whole:

Sir: To enable the Secretary of War most advantageously to perform the duties devolved upon him in relation to the Indian tribes by the second section of the Act to establish the War Department of February 21, 1861, it is deemed desirable that there should be established a Bureau of Indian Affairs, and, if the Congress concur in this view, I have the honor respectfully to recommend that provision be made for the appointment of a Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and for one clerk to aid him in the discharge of his official duties.

Albert Pike, journalist, lawyer, and lyricist of Dixie to Arms!, was appointed Envoy to Native Americans and promptly dispatched to negotiate agreements, beginning first with the Creek and Choctaw tribes who were notable slavers. Arriving in early May, Pike was welcomed by all the tribes he visited within the south-west, even working to establish native regiments, working with those raised in 1860. With delight, the Confederates found a host of zealous volunteers from Creek, Choctaw, and Cherokee tribes, ready to fight and die for Dixie.

However, their zeal would mellow as at the time, the Confederates offered virtually no supplies to these regiments, with one Confederate officer stating "with the exception of a partial supply for the Choctaw regiment, no tents, clothing, or camp and garrison equippage was furnished to any of them." Regardless, ties between the Confederates and natives only grow closer, as word of treaties have began to surface regarding formal alliance and the outlining of policies that would see these tribes gain representation to the Confederate Congress and a path towards citizenship.
 
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An Address from President Jefferson Davis
On the Treatment of Secession and Dissent
"At the beginning of this year, I put forth the question - Are we, in this age of civilization and political progress to roll back the whole current of human thought, and again return to the mere brute force which prevails between beasts of prey, as the only method of settling questions between men?

And now it seems to myself that Abraham Lincoln has - in his quest to bring about the imposition of Northern supremacy over the Southern Confederacy - has answered this question in kind, bringing down a hammer upon the good folks of Baltimore, of Maryland, of Kentucky, and of Missouri, all which have only committed the very actions of questioning the authority of a Union they wish no part in.

Make no mistake that this matter only pertains to the Confederacy or to the South or to slave-holders; the Union has now made this a war against the states and the people themselves. For discussing secession, Governor Hicks, Mayor Brown, and yes even the entire Maryland legislature now languish in prison for daring to broach the very topic of secession. The Union has outright refused to accept the decision of Kentucky and now foments a rebellion replete with its own chosen officials. And in Missouri, we see Governor Jackson brutally beat like a dog for daring to allow his state to choose its own path forward, likewise thrown under lock and key by Unionist jailers.

And against the Confederate coast, the Union now threatens to try and strangle the life out of the farmer, even striking against the State of North Carolina even before its secession. Every day it seems that Lincoln strives to make well known his intention - that being to cripple the South and any naysayer so as to ensure that the Federal authority of which he abuses remains triumphant forevermore against the State.

It has been said and it shall be said again that all the Confederacy ask of the United States of America is simply to be left alone, to allow us to forge our own path as ordained by God and the rights established by the Constitution, in accordance with the original values of freedom and liberty forwarded by the Framers so long ago. But in return we see only the suspension of law - the Writ of Habeas Corpus now lies slain by the wayside by Lincoln - in order to crush us and keep us in chains."
 
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A letter from Colonel William Tecumseh Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman.
about the escalation of the coming Conflict.
Dearest Ellen,

It has barely been a day but I have decided to write you again. I remember having written you several days back around the fourteenth about my reservations &c. regarding service in the Army during this crisis, but I have now decided that service for this Country is the best of all possible outcomes. This will be my first real combat assignment as you know and it pains me to think of all the blood my Countrymen may shed in the coming weeks and months.

All the men are smart in their uniforms and stupidly proud. The youth and demeanor of them reminds of me, in a way, the many years ago when we first met. All the papers and the soldiers and the Politicians say that the war will be over before the summer is out, or even within the next few weeks, but I do not believe them. I still think it is to be a long war -- very long -- much longer than any Politician thinks. In their wisdom I have been called to Washington itself now and will present myself for service in the coming campaign. I received your letter dated the twenty-second and missed you dearly and still do. I am glad to hear the children are coming along fine with-out me but I assure you that their father will be along soon and trust you tell them that news.

Yrs. forever,

W. T. SHERMAN
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Kingdom of Greece
Βασίλειον τῆς Ἑλλάδος

The Kingdom of Greece is distraught to hear the outbreak of hostilities in the United States of America. We hope the conflict can come to a swift and relatively bloodless end . May God have mercy on those fighting their very own brothers.
King Othon of Greece
 
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King Cotton
While the North boasted of industry, the South boasted of cotton - and for good reason. By the 1850s, Southern cotton had accounted for 77 percent of the 800 million pounds of cotton consumed in Britain, 90 percent of the 192 million pounds used in France, 60 percent of the 115 million pounds spun in the German Zollverein, and as much as 92 percent of 102 million pounds manufactured in Russia.

This was well-reflected in Congress, as Senator James Hammond famously stated in 1858:

Without firing a gun, without drawing a sword, should they make war on us, we could bring the whole world to our feet...What would happen if no cotton was furnished for three years?...England would topple headlong and carry the whole civilized world with her save the South. No, you dare not to make war on cotton. No power on the earth dares to make war upon it. Cotton is king.

Perhaps to harmful levels, the Confederate government then rested their hopes on "Cotton Diplomacy", the notion that they held a strong opportunity to sway the European Powers to recognize the Confederacy.
Such notions could be seen even among the common folk, as the start of the American Civil War prompted many to begin to hoard cotton, greedily watching the prices soar as uncertainty spread.

However, the Union blockade and superiority of Federal ships serves as a major concern for the viability of such tactics; if the South could not transport cotton, their power would thenafter be severely threatened, both diplomatically and economically. Worry of a "cotton famine" became one of the greatest fears, not simply for the Confederates, but likewise for those reliant on Southern exports across Europe.

This is what acted as the catalyst for the appointment of Raphael Semmes as Rear Admiral, as he pushed forward a re-imagining of Confederate tactics at sea, providing the necessary leadership to break the blockade and secure the economic viability of the beloved King Cotton.
 
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The Mesilla-Tucson Conventions
Secessionism in the West
Nestled between California and the great State of Texas, underneath the brutal sun, lies the New Mexico Territory and those lands acquired by the Gadsden Purchase. Since 1856, the territorial government based in Santa Fe had expressed issue with ruling its southern portions, separated as it was by the Jornada del Muerto, a particularly harsh stretch of desert.

By 1858, the territorial legislature drafted up plans to alleviate the issue in the establishment of the Arizona Territory, with the north-south border defined by the 32nd meridian west of Washington D.C. By April, 1860 however, Congress had yet to act, so in impatience, the New Mexico Territory planned a 31-man convention in Tucson, which by July had drafted a constitution for the new territory, establishing it south of 34° N. Lewis Owings was chosen as its governor and a delegate was dispatched to Congress.

This move was not without opposition. Particularly among anti-slavery advocates, this was seen as a great mistake, as it was believed that this Arizonan Territory would aspire to be a future slave state. Such an assessment was factual, as slavery was approved by most in Arizona. Regardless, it was done, and soon enough Governor Owings ordered the raising of three companies of Arizona Rangers to defend the new territory from Apaches and bandits.

As expected, the Arizona Territory, still only a de-facto territory and not recognized in federal law, sided with the Confederate cause. For one, Arizonans sided heavily with the Confederacy in support for slavery. Furthermore, the locals had felt neglected by the Union, first by its indifference towards the very creation of Arizona, but more practically its lack of support against Apaches. Especially egregious was the closing of the Butterfield Overland Mail stations which connected the Arizona frontier colonies to the east and California.

On March 16, 1861, the citizens of Mesilla drafted a secession ordinance, which included measures to propose secession to the western portion of the territory as well. Sure enough, Tucson likewise held a secession convention on March 28, which was promptly ratified. Together, the secessionists then declared the Territory of Arizona for the Confederacy, re-electing Lewis Owings and dispatching Granville Oury with petition for admission to the Confederacy, which was happily accepted.

Now given what it deems a proper justification for ownership, the Confederacy looks to send forth a force to assert control over the Arizona Territory, seeing it as an extension that would do well to offer Confederate access into California should the need arise, as well as another source of manpower. Calling forth Lieutenant Colonel John Baylor forth from Texas, it now aims to target Fort Filmore and secure another fort for the Confederate cause.
 
The drive for Increased Parliamentary representation

The Swedish system of government was a severe contrast, lacking an electable parliament, instead consisting of a meeting of the four estates, not too dissimilar to the Kingdom of France before it's revolution, nearly 70 years prior. This had been noted numerous times and the king had been courted for many years, asking for his backing in the reform of the 'Riksdag'. However there finally seemed to be a chance with the coronation of the young King Charles XV, in 1859.

The current system in addition to being both ineffective at running the country and passing laws due to the Riksdag meeting only once every 2 years. In addition there was no 'Prime Minister' with the closest office held by a statesman named Louis Gerhard De Geer, was the 'Prime minister for Justice' one of several Prime ministers who were appointed by the king, and who seemed to be almost solely from the Aristocracy.

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The Prime minister of Justice and architect of the Bill.

However De Geer recognised the unpopularity of the situation. Due to the lack of general elections, the new towns and cities across the country lacked representation, and likewise the average peasant, while very indirectly represented could have its bloc's and bill stopped by the aristocracy's, who exploited the long gaps between Riksdags to the fullest, and held an iron grip on the establishment.

However in 1860 sweeping reforms were introduced, including the municipality act. This set out to reform the previously archaic system in which Sweden was divided into a modern system comprising of about 2500 municipalities, and it came in two parts.

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An Example of the municipalities planned in a small region of Alvsborg.

The first part set out the way a town could become a city, with the granting of a royal charter, this allowed new city's to be grown and granted the same rights and regulations quicker, bypassing the Riksdag if it wasn't in session, which was reasoned would allow for the increased growth of the new industrial sector, something the burghers were particularly interested in. In the first draft of the bill there had been 75, but by the time it had passed this number had been increased to 89.

The second part was the introduction of a new distinction in Swedish law, a Market town, called 'Köping' in swedish, this was a distinction given to large settlements that hadn't been granted City rights. Likewise it was also a term granted to an area between a town or city and the rural municipalities nearby. However at the passing of the bill there were only 8 Muncipalities that qualified.

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A map of some Swedish cities after the bill, and a later proposal's plan to link them all via railway, note the ahistoric borders of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. This was drawn by a man who refused to acknowledge the territorial loses of the great northern war. To avoid tensions an edited map was finally submitted in the plan.

Finally there was the rural muncipalities, these were based on the old church parishes. This finally separated the link between the church and rural governance, with a civil local administration set up, and the religious congregation moved to the sidelines, but staying incredibly important in local social life.

The nobility on the other hand had been sated by the reassurances that their tax exemptions wouldn't be removed, a powerful weight in a changing world, especially with talk of the stopping the usage of internal passports and travel restrictions for the poorest in society.

These bills when signed into law would come into effect on the 1st of June 1861, with it proving a popular, if not possibly flawed act. This popularity merely emboldened the youthful king and the Prime minister of laws to make a further push for reform in 1862, when the Riksdag once again met, however this time they had much grander plans, intending to finally turn the Riksdag into a bicameral elected parliament.​
 
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A Letter to the Mexican Government
The Drunk Texan in Mexico City

"Let it be known first and foremost that the Confederate States of America wishes amicable relations between our two states, that we may be bound in some sense of mutual appreciation for the principles of liberty and self-determination. We assure you that as our great President Davis has said many times, our interest is simply to be left alone, free from the oppression inflicted upon us by Yankees who think themselves superior to the Southerner.

It is my hope that you have heard news from our recent activities, our successes in rising peacefully and firmly, rooting ourselves amid the Southlands; and if you have heard that, then you have no doubt heard the atrocities committed by Lincoln and the Unionist bandits, arresting wholesale state governments, disrupting trade for states even within their Union, and promoting lawlessness wherever they may trample.

Surely then it can seen that our victory, that of the Southern cause, is one of inevitable success; and that the Unionist cause is one of irreputable ruin. By the Lord's Providence, even those of Lincoln's home state of Kentucky have seen the merit of secession and have joined compact with us!

So I ask, and I shall no doubt ask many times in the coming month, that you stand on the right side of history, recognizing our very right to determine our future free of the shackles of the North. If I may say, we stand as the contemporary Framers of our state, and as just the same back then, we seek life and liberty and above all the pursuit of our God-given sovereignty!"

- Louis Wigfall, Confederate Envoy to Mexico
 
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Europe c.1820. Prussia in blue, Austria in Yellow, Grey are lesser German states. The red line is the borders of the German Confederation

The German Question

After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 and French dominance over the German states, in particular those within the Confederation of the Rhine who were either the puppet monarchies with Emperor Napoleon's family members on the throne, or otherwise client states of the French Empire. Prussia and the Habsburg Monarchy refused to join it and thus were never members. The Confederation fared well, when Napoleon delivered military victories on the field of battle. It ultimately collapsed when many members left it, after the French defeat near Leipzig in the War of the Sixth Coalition.
At the Congress of Wien, the German Confederation was created to encompass all German states and replace the Holy Roman Empire.

The German Question was a debate on how to achieve German unification. The two prevailing ideas was the Großdeutsche Lösung (a Germany led by Austria encompassing all Germans in one state) and the Kleindeutsche Lösung (a Germany led by Prussia, excluding Austria), with the former being supported by the Habsburg Monarchy and the latter supported by the Kingdom of Prussia. There had been a growing nationalism in the German states ever since the end of the Napoleonic Wars and it erupted into a national-liberal revolution in 1848, called the March Revolution. The leaders of the revolution formed a parliament where they called for the unification of all Germans. Many of the ones that supported the Großdeutsche Lösung, argued that Austria had ruled the Holy Roman Empire for ~400 years and thus was fit to rule. A counterargument was however, that Austria would not serve the best interests of the Germans, due to the fact that they had several large minority groups, including Hungarians and Italians. In the end, the parliament offered a crown to Prussian king Friedrich Wilhelm IV, who refused the crown from the gutter, making the March Revolution unssucesful. As a consequence of the revolution, the Confederation was disbanded for ~2 years, before coming together again in 1850, in a weaker state. The March Revolution laid the first stones for a united Germany. How and by whom is still a mystery, but one thing is clear, the German Confederation was as its ancestor was, weak.
 
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The Commonwealth of Kentucky
On the Dixon-Crittenden Affair
"I have always, as Governor over the People of Kentucky, counted myself as neither a secessionist nor a unionist, though I do hold in my opinion the right of the states to secede. Instead I stand behind the decisions made through the bodies that are representative of the People. And it was the decision of the Kentucky Legislature, that very body which conveys the will of this Commonwealth, to pass Ordinances of Secession.

And so their decision is one that I shall and must stand by as Governor. As I well understand, there are some who stand against that decision, but there are a few that do so in grand defiance by dismissing the votes and procedures of Kentucky to instead forward themselves into power. Archibald Dixon and Thomas Crittenden are two such men who have seized the city of Louisville and threaten to hold hostage our entire state and those representatives chosen by the law.

This affront cannot stand, and in that I must condemn in the strongest terms the decision of Dixon and Crittenden to dismiss the lawful drafting of secession and subsequent rise of armed rebellion in the form of a false state.

As Governor of Kentucky, I call upon the Kentucky State Guard, the Enrolled Militia, and Militia of the Reserves to organize in defense of the legal and proper state government. Likewise, I shall see to it that Confederate aid is deliver quickly to protect the very integrity of Kentucky against those that seek to wipe away those ordinances by means most violent.

We can not but pray for the Lord to be merciful in the times to come, when brother is forced against brother, and when the forces of tyranny seek to abolish states themselves."

- Governor Beriah Magoffin
 
Dixie's Land

Summer was usually a month of hard labour, sweltering temperatures in cities, and a time for young children to spend slacking off from their work to enjoy their days. In 1861, this could not be farther from the truth. Labour was cut short in fields and factories across the nation, as men flocked to arms to fight their own countrymen. The temperature still rose in the cities, but they were jam packed with people as they waved their brave men off to war, destined for their respective country's capital. And those young children, well if they were old enough, some found their way into the columns of men marching.

Across the South, President Abraham Lincoln was seen as a tyrant. The man who few people in this part of the country voted for were beginning to see their worst fears come true. Southern papers giddily wrote of "Dictator Lincoln's total abolishment [sic] of responsible, democratic government" in places like Maryland and Kentucky. The northern papers too joined in, with papers in heavily-Democratic cities decrying Lincoln as a fraud, a tyrant, and a dictator sent by the devil to destroy the Republic. In Little Egypt, a region of southern Illinois, protests against Lincoln broke out. There was even talk of marching on Springfield, demanding Illinois remain neutral in the conflict; although this did not amount to anything.

More troublesome for Lincoln was the result of the Wheeling Convention, which was taking place in opposition to the Commonwealth's decision to secede. The delegates passed a resolution saying they disagreed with the move to secession, but since it had taken place there was nothing they could do about it. Previously, the convention heard a motion to proclaim itself the Restored Government of Virginia, but it was voted down. The northwestern countries of Virginia had been the most against secession, and Lincoln had hoped they would organise to form an active, Virginian resistance to the rebels, but no such measure was forthcoming. Responding to this news, Lincoln dispatched men along the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, that ran through northewestern Virginia, ensuring it did not fall to the rebels.

The papers which had so closely followed the bloodletting in Kansas just a few years prior were now faced with events that made the events in Kansas seem docile. The news of Governor Jackson being assaulted and arrested by the "Tyrant Lincoln" spread across the state, energising the southern sympathisers. To counter them, the Army of the West was formed from the existing Federal soldiers in the region, supplimented with regiments of green volunteers from Illinois, Missouri, Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Iowa. The Army of the West was placed under the command of Brigadier General Nathaniel Lyon, who continued to raise volunteers from the state to try and combat the secessionists.
[+5,000 Volunteers to the United States of America]

From his position in St. Louis, Lyon placed the city under martial law, restoring order to an otherwise chaotic situation. The state government then returned to the city (after being forced to flee north to Hannibal), and shelved the plans to hold a convention to secede. It was widly regarded as a poor move by the Unionist majority. Instead of letting a vote take place, the secessionists in the legislature staged a walk out, refused to vacate their seats, and made it impossible for a quorum to be reached. Since Missouri had not left the United States, the men were all duly elected representatives who did not engage in traitorous actions (The holding of a convention over secession does not constitute treason against the United States), then the legislature was forced to operate under the rules that they had previously operated under. No governor was appointed, nor special election scheduled. County governments became the de-facto highest civilian power in the state.
[Missouri state government functionally non-existant]

Ignoring the political problems and instead focused on the rebellion inside Missouri, General Lyon quickly moved the Army of the West along the Missouri River, beating back the rag-tag militias that were forming to oppose the United States. Back in St. Louis, earthworks were erected and a marshalling ground was formed, along with a munitions depot. This made the city a Union stronghold in an otherwise pro-Confederate location. The vital railhub was firmly in Union hands, and attempts at sabatoging it were thwarted, and the men who tried were hanged in public view, deterring any further actions taking place. Lyon reached Jefferson City by the 9th of June, and restored order the same day. What was left of the state government finally moved back, after a month on the run, with the Army of the West providing protection. Military authority reigned in central Missouri, and along the Mississippi river, Union gunboats began patrols. Fortifications were erected along the banks of the river, and the most important one being in Corinth, Illinois. The fort overlooked the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, which would hinder rebel shipping around this vital region.
[Two new Union forts along the Mississippi River. +6 Minor Vessels to the United States of America.]

This was not the end for Lyon. He pushed south, establishing order in wide swaths of land. The state government, still ineffective, was abandoned as a tool for control by the Army of the West, instead they tediously established contact with the county governments. Regardless of how the issue was resolved, the Union's control was restored in much of Missouri. For his swift actions, General Lyon was promoted to Major General of Volunteers by the middle of July.

This was not the end for Missouri's tale. Disregarding their own rules, the Missouri legislature declared all secessionist seats "vacant" (illegal), determined there was a quorum even without those seats filled (illegal), and then voted to place Hamilton Rowan Gamble as governor (illegal). Governor Gamble then personally replaced all the "vacant" seats himself, with advise and consent of the legislature (illegal). He then took the excellent move of attempting to legitimise himself to the people of Missouri. He send out letters to country governments and those who worked under him to resume their business as normal, and pleaded for citizens to accept his position at a time of "most grave threat to the State of Missouri."

It was not surprising to the casual observer that this was not well recieved in the state. Even though it could be reasonbly argued the majority of Missouri was pro-Union, the blatant disregard for the State Constitution, no matter how dire the situation, was seen as an outrage. Former Governor Sterling Price, who was opposed to secession, declared Missouri's only hope of having democratic government survive was to oppose the Union invasion of the state, effectively placing him on the side of the rebels. Price began to form the Missouri State Guard, the first attempt at creating a formal command structure to the band of militas opposing General Lyon. Price was still no secessionist. He refused to say he would attempt to restore Governor Jackson to power, or that he wanted a Missouri vote on secession. His main rallying cry was to restore the democratically elected officials of the state, and to throw the "maurading" armies of the Union out.
[Missouri State Guard formed, not controlled by the Confederate States of America.]

The first sign of trouble for Lyon came at the Battle of Dry Fork in Jasper County, situated in the southwestern portion of the state. Price's Missouri State Guard, several thousand strong, faced off against a detachment of regulars from the Army of the West. Colonel Franz Sigel was commanding the 1,100 strong force when they were beseiged by the Guard. Overwhelming numbers plus better tactics saw the Union routed, and the State Guard secured the area. The defeat was a propaganda boon to the rebels, who proclaimed the Federals could be defeated, and Missouri could be saved.
[-44 Regulars from the United States. Minor losses to the Missouri State Guard.]

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Fighting at the Battle of Dry Fork
Lt. Colonel John Baylor, along with several hundred men, departed El Paso, Texas and entered into the New Mexico territory, where he was able to gather some secessionist support. Entering into Mesilla, the Confederate flag was hoisted over the town, claiming it for the rebel states. The garrison defending Fort Filmore surrendered to the Confederates, and more men began to gather to the nascent Arizona militia. Previously little effort had been put into the organising or control of the Confederate Arizona territory, but the capture of Mesilla, and the loss of Fort Filmore, meant the Confederates were a real threat in the region. The Arizona territory was thus organised and a militia raised, causing even more concern for those in Washington.

In the Department of the Ohio, Major General George McClellan is given command over the new forces raised from eastern Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan. He was tasked with training the new volunteers, who were wholly unequipped to handle the rigors of war right out of the gate. General McClellan had a knack for forming armies, so much so that the quality of the men produced from the Department in the beginning of the summer were some of the best in the Union. McClellan also fortified Cincinnati and the southern banks of the Ohio River, denying the rebels a key region of the state. He proudly boasted in a letter back to Washington, "The industrial might of this poor little state is almost completely denied to the rebels." While his claim was tall and his boastfulness noticed, the results he produced outweighed all of them.
[-7,500 Volunteers from the United States. +7,500 Regulars to the United States.]

Some of the men that were rolled out of the Department of the Ohio were organised into the Army of the Ohio, Brigadier General Don Carlos Buell commander. Buell, a cautious man, established control in Louisville and spent several days ensuring the new state government, called the "Reclaimed Government of Kentucky" was able to function and operate without harassment. To his south, General Leonidas Polk was charged with defending Kentucky from the Union invasion. General Polk had only recently been commissioned, and was considered unqualified among the other military leadership in the country. The Commonwealth's government clamored for Confederate support, which Polk quickly offered. The Army of Kentucky was thus formed from portions of the Kentucky state militia and men from Tennessee and Arkansas, General Polk commander.
[+6,000 Regulars, +5,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States of America.]

Their first task was to organise the defense of Frankfort, the state capital. Located just fifty miles away from the Union-occupied Louisville, Governor Beriah Magoffin ordered earthworks erected and other crude defenses in the city. Polk moved the Army of Kentucky north by rail, disembarking at Elizabethtown, and splitting his force. Some went east to Frankfort, the rest stayed continued north to pressure Louisville from two sides. General Buell heard of the rebel advance, and set out a detatchment of his army south to Shepherdsville, where the first major battle of the war would take place.

Shepherdsville was a small town, situated on the north bank of the Salt River. Like many towns across the country, it was surrounded by lush farmland and the people lived a quaint, quiet lifestyle. The Army of Kentucky reached the town first, by train, and set up along the tracks and the road from east, the only two major ways the Union could attack. Buell set out from Louisville and marched his men southeast, before turning southwest along the Shelbyville Pike. With advanced knowledge that Buell was taking this measure, state militia from Lexington was sent south to Danville, where they would march quickly to Lebanon.

Polk's force was smaller than Buell's who advanced onto the field from the east. Since Polk's men were already set up, they were able to fire the first volleys into the advancing Union soldiers. Fighting went back and forth between the two sides, before Federal artillery came online, helping to provide pressure for the men to advance. The Confederate line held, despite being outnumbered. Federal troops began to pour in throughout the day, pushing the Confederates back by the middle of the afternoon and into the town itself.

Newly appointed Brigadier General William Hardee, who had been appointed to command the men coming from Lexington, arrived shortly after four in the afternoon by rail from the south. From Lebanon, they were loaded onto any rolling stock available and shipped north to Shepherdsville. The Federal forces, believing the day was theirs, continued to advance towards the town, not knowing of the fresh reinforcements the rebels received. Hardee gave the order for his men to advance along the road, threatening the positions the Federals had only just obtained through the day's hard fighting. With the advantage having switched to the Confederates, who now had their cavalry active, the order was given for a full-scale charge against the Federal lines. Buell's men became disorganised and worn out from the day's fighting, were unable to stop the charge. The cavalry cut through the Federals lines, and the command for retreat was given. This did not stop Hardee's men who continued to advance, capturing hundreds of prisoners. Federal munitions and field guns were captured, a boon to Polk's army. The battle now known as the Battle of Shepherdsville (Battle of Salt River in the North), had lasted for only a few hours, but provided the Confederate States with their first major victory of the war.
[-953 Regulars, -2,103 Volunteers from the United States. -593 Regulars, -1,720 Volunteers from the Confederate States.]

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Chaos at the Battle of Shepherdsville

Following the victory at Shepherdsville, the Confederate Congress announces a goal of one hundred thousand volunteers to enter into service to defend their country. Unfortunately for the Confederates, several Governors look on the order with suspicion, seeing as the very reason the Confederacy expanded was because of Lincoln's call for volunteers. The issue was settled when it was made clear the Confederacy's call was for defensive actions, and Lincoln's was offensive. Nevertheless, several Governors opposed it behind the scenes, hampering the recruitment of men. A poor transportation network also meant the men could get to the areas they needed to as quickly. Overall, the response to the call for volunteers was incredibly lackluster.
[+25,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States of America. +30,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States of America available in August.]

The Confederate Congress also moves for elections to be held later in the year, November 6th, so that the offices they hold, all officially provisional, could be made official. President Davis and Vice-President Stephens would head the Presidential ballot, and most members of Congress would be running for election. Uniquely, former President John Tyler announced his own standing for election to the Confederate Congress, already being a provisional member. Tyler decried the actions of President Lincoln, and vowed to stop at nothing to try and protect Virginia.

Amidst the chaos in the east, Albert Pike, who had forged an early relationship with the native tribes in the Indian Territory, formalised several treaties that brought the tribes into an alliance with the Confederate States. The natives quickly began to organise their own military groups, and much of the Indian Territory effectively transferred to Confederate control, as Federal officers in charge of regulating the land were either chased off, or killed by the natives. The Confederates forces that moved into this area were commanded by Benjamin McCulloch, whose Army of the West quickly gained strength from native fighters, Arkansans, Texas, and Missourians.
[Indian Territory transfers to Confederate States control. +15,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States of America.]

With the hasty Union retreat from Norfolk and the Naval Yard, the Confederates were able to get the yard back up and running within a very short time. The scuttled U.S.S. Merrimack was raised and put under work for a project that Confederate engineers had. Likewise, the Confederate Congress authorised the solicitation of the construction of ironclad warships from John Laird Sons & Company in Birkenhead. These two ironclad ships were secretly ordered, unknown by the British government. Only Johnathan Laird and the Confederate States knew of these soon to be delivered ships.
[+2 Ironclads to the Confederate States of America, active in the British Isles starting Autumn 1861. (Secret to all except the Confederate States)]

The Union's limited number of ships was laughably noticeable during these two months. The blockade that was set up was effective, until you got past Savannah. From Jacksonville to Houston, shipping was almost unmolested. Fast cutters left from Mobile and New Orleans, bound for Europe, bringing their valuable cargo across the Atlantic, and bringing back much needed money. Ports along the eastern seaboard still had the occasional blockade runner get through, showing how ineffective the blockade was. Several foreign-flagged ships simply slipped into the Gulf through the Florida Keys, protected by the Confederate fort Zachary Taylor. Key West became a popular stopping place for Confederate blockade runners and foreign merchants alike, as they continued onto their final destinations in the Gulf of Mexico.
[Blockade of the south weakened]

Governor Hicks was released from imprisonment by President Lincoln, along with a personally written plea for the defense of the Union. Lincoln ordered Hicks' authority restored as the Governor of Maryland, along with all of the Unionist members of the legislature (all the pro-secessionists were kept in prison for attempted treason). Both Hicks and the remaining members of the legislature questioned the move, all that had been done was a meeting called to discuss what was taking place, and potentially talk of secession. Hicks and the legislature then again called the same meeting over what had happened, and passed a resolution demanding that the state be totally neutral in the conflict between North and South. They issued an ultimatum to the President, remove all Federal soldiers from Maryland's territory by August or risk further repercussions by the state. The Maryland State Militia, on orders of the governor, then blew several bridges across the Susquehanna River, severing the main rail and road link between Washington, D.C. and Philadelphia. The resulting logjam ruined troop movements, and stalled nearly every soldier coming down from the northeast, causing panic in Washington.

The commotion in Maryland was profound, given President Lincoln further calling for another 50,000 volunteers, many of whom came from the Northeast. Congress had already authorised the motion, with the President being limited by the Militia Acts of 1792/95. Given the lack of a bridge down south through Maryland, the men began to train instead outside Philadelphia, until further orders could be given to move into Washington. Several trains did leave Philadelphia and reinforced Washington via the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, but such a trip was tedious and was a logistical nightmare for freight operations.
[+54,000 Volunteers to the United States of America. Most stuck in Philadelphia.]

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Volunteers training outside Philadelphia

The President did not stop there, however. The expansion of the Army was also authorised, calling upon 20,000 men to become career soldiers. The men would be accepted from state militias and volunteers, but they would not be mustered into service as quickly as their counterparts who answered the call to enlist only for a few months at a time.
[+20,000 Regulars to the United States of America. Available for use in October.]

The defenses of Washington, D.C. were begun with the construction of forts all around the district. The central government areas were fortified and turned into camps for the soldiers, while the more rural areas near the edge of the district had a series of forts constructed that would ensure any rebel attempt to take the nation's capital would be incredibly difficult. Construction of the forts would go on almost nonstop, as they were constantly improved and always manned.

Colonel John Magruder was promoted to Brigadier General and given command of the newly forming Army of the Peninsula, based in Yorktown. The men raised were mostly from the surrounding areas, with some coming up from North Carolina. His goal was to prevent the Union from advancing on Richmond from the east, while other commanders dealt with the northern approach to Richmond.

General Benjamin Butler was removed from his position in Maryland and transferred to the newly created Department of Virginia, which would be responsible for the entirety of the state, but for the most part centred on Fort Monroe. The garrison was sufficiently supplied and reinforcements brought in from the north. For the Union, keeping control of Fort Monroe was essential to the war effort. General Butler, however, was so focused on the control of the fort, he failed to send men much farther than Hampton. Brigadier General John B. Magruder and his Army of the Peninsula moved north of the fort and occupied the city of Newport News, and began to build up defensive works in the city, to protect against any assaults coming from Fort Monroe. Magruder also began to send men to pressure the Union lines, harassing their communications when possible and making it well known that he was there opposite Butler.

The Army of the Northwest was formed under the command of Robert Garnett for the Confederates. It was tasked with defending the northwestern portions of Virginia from further federal encroachments. The Staunton-Parkersburg Turnpike was considered a vital supply line for the Confederacy, and resources were put into it in order to maintain it. The Union, not having moved far into northwestern Virginia, didn't put up much more than skirmishes. Seizing the initiative, Garnett sends a detachment north to Morgantown, cutting rail lines, downing telegraph poles, and blowing the bridge across the Monongahela river, further hampering Union supply lines along the Baltimore & Ohio.

After constant harping by both the government and the Northern papers-especially given the loss at Shepherdsville-Irvin McDowell and his thirty thousand strong Army of Northeastern Virginia cross the Potomac River and secure Alexandria, Virginia. The city is fortified, providing an anchor from which the army can cross over into Virginia unimpeded. Leaving some men behind, now part of the Washington Garrison, McDowell's men moved west to occupy Fairfax Courthouse. Union Cavalry was able to detect a lack of Confederate forces in the region. McDowell divided the Army, with the 1st, 2nd, and 5th Divisions splitting off and marching south, crossing Bull Run at Yates Ford. The 3rd and the 4th, under McDowell, then moved into Centreville. However, scouts from P.G.T. Beauregard's Army of the Potomac were able to spot the Union soldiers as they moved, and noticed the lack of soldiers. Beauregard correctly assumed that the army split their forces, and that they would follow the rail lines. He sent word south that he would need reinforcements to try and shore up his position in Manassas Junction.


With Beauregard's forces now converging on Manassas Junction, the forces under Brig. Gen. Tyler first came onto the field shortly before eleven, attacking the Confederates who were positioned behind stonewalls on the immediate outskirts of town. Beauregard dispatched word to his left flank positioned in New Market, where cavalry moved their positions forward, cutting across and behind the 3rd and 4th Divisions, cutting them off from their supplies in Centreville, and harassing their rear. For McDowell's his plan to move into Manassas Junction undetected was blown, and having poor information from his own missing cavalry, he had the singular option to move forward, and could not retreat to Centreville.

Beauregard was waiting for the second attack from the north, and had his men spread out adequately to meet them. As McDowell's men came onto the field, the full Union Army of Northeastern Virginia was engaged with the Army of the Potomac. Word had already been sent out to Joseph Johnston, who sent a division from the Shenandoah Valley on the Manassas Gap Railroad. The fighting during the day was inconclusive, with both sides trading volleys and fields, before McDowell's men disengaged for the day, neither side willing to retreat. Both sides were disorganised, but during the night, there was nothing but the sound of trains and men marching into the town.

It was a muggy morning on the 30th of July, 1861. Skirmishes began shortly after daybreak, and full fighting did not begin until after eight in the morning. The Union and Confederates kept trading farms across the outskirts of Manassas Junction throughout the morning, a repeat of yesterday's fighting. Both sides unwilling to commit heavily, and quite frankly, not organised enough to. McDowell finally committed totally, sending heavy assaults against Beauregard's centre, which was filled with fresh troops from General Johnston's reinforcements from the Army of the Shenandoah. As the line began to buckle, Brig. Gen. Thomas Jackson's Brigade rushed in to help turn back the Union soldiers, who began to withdraw from the field. Brig. Gen. Barnard Bee remarked "There is Jackson, standing like a stone wall. Let us determine to die here, and we will conquer. Rally behind the Virginians!" As the badly battered 3rd Division continued to withdraw from the field, Jackson ordered a bayonet charge. Behind him, the Confederate line surged from their defensive positions, smashing into the 3rd Division.

General Jackson's bayonet charge at the Battle of Manassas

McDowell sounded the full retreat after seeing the Confederates decimate what was once his strongest division. Beauregard's left flank then swung north like a pivot, crashing into McDowell's right, which crumpled and folded without the support of the 3rd. The Confederate cavalry came in from the north along the Centreville Pike and helped to wrap up the last hope the Union had of even holding their positions. The Union Army broke out into a full retreat back towards Yate's Ford. The Confederate pursued them, attacking them along the banks of Bull Run before the night came. McDowell had suffered a humiliating defeat and retreated first to Fairfax Court House, but then encamped himself again in Alexandria for fear of a Confederate attack from behind, cutting him off from Washington.
[-743 Regulars, -3,559 Volunteers from the United States. -424 Regulars, -2,411 Volunteers from the Confederate States.]

While the Confederates had won the fighting over the two days, they failed to capitalise on it in any meaningful sense. The propaganda coup was immense, and it became clear to both sides that this was not going to be the quick war it was believed to be. It was clear that both sides needed to work on organisation, and that commanding large armies was a cumbersome task, and in some ways more detrimental than if the forces had been smaller.

The Confederate victory had done one thing, and that was to rally even more people to the cause of the country, volunteers flocked to join in the glory, and to throw off the Yankee invasion that was threatening their way of life. The two countries waited, and indeed the world's observers (many of which were flocking to both sides of the conflict) waited with baited breath at the next actions of the nation split in twain.
[+18,000 Volunteers to the Confederate States of America.]

 
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