[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1861 Mk. IV

[Harpsichord]

The Empire of Brazil and His Majesty’s government look with great worry at the events unfolding in Uruguay. The recent violence which once again fill the nation of Uruguay puts tens of thousands of citizens with Brazilian origin. The government has furthermore broken several treaty obligations to the Empire of Brazil, such as imposing taxes on imported cattle from Brazil. The failure of the Uruguayan government to prevent the killing of Brazilian citizens along the border and the burning of their property has gone on for too long.

The Empire of Brazil can longer stand idly by as the stability in the region, and the southern half of the continent as a whole, is put in danger time and time again by the actions of Uruguay. As such we send José Antônio Saraiva as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Uruguayan government along with a list of demands which must be met, and if they are not then the Empire of Brazil will respond accordingly to restore order and stability within the region, we have the utmost wish that the government of Uruguay will comply with these demands immediately for the safety, stability and friendship between our two nations.

Spoiler: Demands:

1: The Government of Uruguay must remove all taxes and tariffs upon cattle and meat imported from the Empire of Brazil, as per previous treaty.
2: The resumption of payment of debt as outlined in previous treaties.
3: Increase border guards and police to prevent further murders on the border between the Republic of Uruguay and the Empire of Brazil.
4: The punishment of any person who has partaken in the murders along the border.
5: The reaffirmation of free navigation by both nations on the Uruguay River and its tributaries.
6: The protection of any citizen of Brazilian and Portuguese origin within Uruguay from the current civil war.

Firstly, allow me to express deep concern of behalf of the Argentine government at the development of violence within Uruguay and the risk it poses to stability within the region. I and my government utterly condemn the actions of an isolated group of insurrectionists in their attempt to overthrow the legitimate and elected government of Uruguay; that this band of outlaws are currently fugitives from Argentine law only strengthens our conviction that the rule of law must be restored across the Platine basin. Secondly, the Argentine Republic recognises as legitimate several grievances outlined by the government of Brazil. In these two regards, Argentina stands besides the Empire of Brazil.

However, I must express surprise that my Brazilian counterpart has seen fit to immediately reach for an ultimatum towards the Uruguayans, rather than negotiations as is the norm between nations. I also question the timing of this ultimatum; no doubt I am mistaken, but to an unknowing outsider it may have the appearance of forcing the submission of a neighbour at a moment of weakness; this is to say nothing of the possible reciprocal grievances of the Uruguayans. In the name of peace and friendship, I offer the services of myself and my government to mediate between the Empire of Brazil and the Republic of Uruguay to achieve a mutually satisfactory settlement. Finally, I also call on my counterparts in Brazil and Paraguay to condemn the banditry of Venancio Flores and the fugitives he proclaims to command.

Nicanor Molinas, Minister of Foreign Affairs

​

 

[MastahCheef117]

A speech by Congressman Thaddeus Stevens in the United States House of Representatives.
following the receipt of the Two-Power draft agreement, as transcribed by the Clerk of the House.​

CONGRESSMAN THADDEUS STEVENS : Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to address the House for one minute, and to revise and extend my remarks.

[grumbling from several House Democrats]

SPEAKER SCHUYLER COLFAX : Without objection, so ordered.

[Stevens takes to the front and speaks]

T. STEVENS : Mr. Speaker, I speak today not of the ongoing effort to destroy the Southern rebellion, nor to speak at length of the need to preserve this precious Union. I speak today to ask those Gentlemen among us whether they would wish to see these United States heeled at the behest of foreign powers for the sake of peace. Would they wish to see tens of thousands of young patriots dead for nothing?

[Calls of 'No' from Republicans; various Democrats shouting in return]

S. COLFAX : Order in this House!

T. STEVENS : In order to preserve this Union, some would suggest surrender to the rebels. They would suggest a peace – amicable peace. Yet there can never be amicable peace with those that commit treason! And these foreign powers, which have petitioned the Senate with their draft 'treaty', would see this Union torn asunder. Who here would have it?

[Louder 'No's from Republicans; Democrats begin yelling both at Republicans and one another. George Pendleton (Ohio) stands]

CONGRESSMAN GEORGE PENDLETON : Mr. Speaker, I cannot bare to stand this jingoism!

S. COLFAX : Order!

T. STEVENS : Mr. Speaker, I yield the remainder of my time, for there is a Republic yet to be saved.

[Cheers from Republicans, further shouting from Democrats]

__________________________________​

A speech by Senator Charles Sumner in the United States Senate.
Following the receipt of the Two-Power draft agreement, as transcribed by the Secretary of the Senate. ​

VICE PRESIDENT HANNIBAL HAMLIN : The Senator from Massachusetts.

SENATOR CHARLES SUMNER : Mr. President. I rise before you with the receipt of a draft agreement between the governments in Paris and London recommending a cessation of hostilities between the Government of the United States and the persistent rebellion in the twelve Southern states so afflicted. It may not come to my Democratic colleagues, as it seldom does, but this cannot be tolerated. We have enjoyed good relations with the British government – strong relations – even in the wake of that war which ended in 1815, and which forged the careers and legacies of so many a great American patriot. It cannot be forgot that, were it not for Britain, this Republic would not exist; nor would I or any of the other gentlemen in this chamber exist. Before the restitution of our beloved rights in 1783, this people found themselves on the precipice of absolute destruction. The reduction from a brief tyranny in the tumult of war back to tyranny was an ever-present threat from the moment the first shot at Lexington was fired until the surrender of General Cornwallis on the shores of Virginia, not very far from where General Ord stands today. And again, in 1812, when the rights of our seamen to serve on their vessels without interference from foreign Powers were violated, the United States went to war, intent on protecting its rights and vanquishing the oppressor. In the days after the horrendous defeat at Bladensburg, too, there was a moment where too many of our forefathers waited for the inevitable collapse of this Union. And yet the cause of republican liberty was so forcefully championed by patriots that it shone through the murky waters of European colonial rule once more. And again, today, this Republic stands on the precipice of annihilation; where, against the bold and determined patriots – our fellow countrymen – stand the rebels intent on preserving outdated abominations of institutions and of usurping the very concept of rule of law. The United States were forged upon the very principle of a nation of laws. A republic of laws and of order, rather than an anarchic popular will, is what we have; it was what was ordained by God; it was what has persisted all these years and has brought great prosperity and liberty to its people. This is all under threat of being undone.

[Senator Saulsbury speaks from his seat]

SENATOR WILLARD SAULSBURY : Mr. President, this infernal traitor to peace and goodwill among all people would see our Southern brethren destroyed! He is a supporter of the inept administration which unfortunately presides –

H. HAMLIN : The Senator from Delaware will come to order immediately.

W. SAULSBURY : – over this Union, as wretched as it has become –

H. HAMLIN : Immediately! The Senator from Delaware shall come to order at once!

C. SUMNER : The Senator from Delaware is incapable of permitting himself to realize the necessity of one united Republic instead of two disparate in form and in belief.

W. SAULSBURY : I will s–

[Several Democratic senators nearby convince Saulsbury to cease talking]

C. SUMNER : Mr. President, I will be but brief from here on out. The foreign Powers which have presented us so kindly with this treaty fail to realize the nature of this Republic. Theirs are nations of two-thousand years of political centralization. Ours is one of common necessity from our founding. Mr. President, our common necessity today is survival. The Union must be maintained. It must be restored at all costs, or it shall doom forever the fate and future of this noble people and of liberty-loving republics the world over. One good senator I knew did indeed say: liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable!

[Cheers from Republicans; the war Democrats applaud kindly, while the Copperheads, feeling indignant, attempt to shout down the others]

 

[Mikkel Glahder]

~GM approved~

The Vote on the Bundesexecution against Holstein​

The speaker of the Bundesversammlung said: "I hereby open the vote on Prussia's proposal of a Bundesexecution against Holstein, on the grounds that its overlord has violated its obligations."

After the vote, the results on the vote of a Bundesexecution against Holstein were:
Aye: 59
Nay: 2
Abstentions: 9

The speaker rose: "With 59 votes for, 2 against, and 9 abstentions, there hereby exist a Bundesexecution against Holstein. This allows the member states of the German Confederation to act militarily in Holstein on behalf of the Confederation."

 

[MastahCheef117]

A declaration from Secretary of State William Henry Seward to Envoy Lord Lyons and French personnel at the British embassy.
regarding the joint Two-Power draft agreement.​

Your Excellency & all concerned parties,

Listed below is a list of grievances laid humbly at the feet of Her Majesty Queen Victoria and His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III, following actions or deliberate inactions made by Their respective governments, over the course of the last two and one-half years, with regard to relations with the United States of America and her people, as well as the ongoing Southern rebellion and rejection of law and peace.

--

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the French Empire, have elected to interfere directly in the domestic matters of an independent and foreign Power on the American continent;

The aforementioned Powers have refused to recognize the territorial integrity nor the sovereignty of the United States;

whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted rebels, in large number, to enter occupied territory in Mexico, thereby violating that nation's sovereignty, and then cross back into the United States of America, forcing the surrender of an entire army;​

The aforementioned Powers have elected to support, either directly or through deliberate inaction, armed rebellion in a foreign Power, which heretofore had maintained good relations with their respective governments;

The aforementioned Powers have not allayed the concerns, eventually realized, of the United States Government regarding the sale of arms and vessels of all types and in great numbers, by unrestricted private citizens, to the Southern rebellion, thereby assisting in the killing of American citizens, including those set on the preservation of the Union;

whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted the private sale of hundreds of cannon and thousands of muskets and rifles to the Southern rebels;
whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted the private sale of various vessels of war to the Southern rebels, which have then gone on to destroy the property of the United States Government and her people, as well as seize the property of other governments, most in Europe, on the high seas;
whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, through these acts, have allowed cross-Atlantic trade to be harmed at the expense of a great host of nations, as the Southern rebels, before these sales, did not have the capabilities to harm international trade to such an extent;
whereby the French Empire has overseen the sale of vessels of war that have contributed to the destruction of property of the United States Government and her citizens, as well as the death of her citizens, with full knowledge of the potential of such acts;​

The aforementioned Powers have not answered the call of the United States Government to restrict in totality these sales, and have preferred to do nothing other than to prolong the rebellion, and therefore the deaths of American citizens;

and whereby the question of the survival of the Union has now become more dire because of the inaction of the aforementioned Powers and their refusal to cooperate in efforts to end the rebellion and restore proper peace and rule of Law;​

The aforementioned Powers have waited to the point that, attempting to have the war reflect well on them, in their supposed efforts to restore peace to the Continent, they have recognized illegitimate rebellion as legitimate and have tried to jeopardize the stability, economic, political, and otherwise, or even the very perpetuation, of the Union;

The aforementioned Powers have chosen to dictate the domestic and foreign policy of the United States Government through their joint declaration, which demands an end to efforts to destroy the illegitimate rebellion;

whereby relations between the United States and these two powers, heretofore strong and stable, are now irreparably injured; ​

The aforementioned Powers, in the name of peace and amity among nations, have elected to forcibly force a sovereign Power to seek armistice with illegitimate rebels and an end to the war, which heretofore they have done nothing to help conclude through refusing to aid the Southern rebellion;

whereby the aforementioned Powers have instead aided said rebellion through sale of arms, diplomatic recognition, and continual pressure on the United States Government to end all efforts to restore the law and order, under the United States Constitution, to the areas afflicted by rebellion;​

The aforementioned Powers have contributed to the political instability of the Mexican state, contributing to the boldness of the rebellion;

The aforementioned Powers have, by their intervention in Mexico, jeopardized the stability of the Mexican state;

whereby an illegitimate rebellion has been established with the full support of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to usurp control of the country and displace the legitimate government of President Juarez;
whereby this illegitimate rebellion has caused many deaths in Mexico and threatens the economic and political stability of that country for years to come;
whereby this illegitimate rebellion, should it succeed, will irreversibly harm relations and commerce between the peoples of Mexico and the United States;
​

It has been and is the policy of this Government, that the only terms acceptable are a complete surrender of the rebels, a restitution of lawful authority to the rebellious States in question, a renewed loyalty to the Constitution of the United States, and a full, total, and permanent restoration of the Union.

Therefore, by the power vested in me by the United States Senate, whose powers to do so come through the Constitution of the Union, I hereby relay the administration of the President's refusal to accept the document proposed.

Yours,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD
Secretary of State of the United States

 

[Sneakyflaps]

The morning following the vote and declaration of the Bundesexecution, King Christian IX made an announcement to the Danish people and the world as a whole, flanked on each side by his Ministers.

“The voice of the German people as a whole has made their will clear, as has the Danish people, and as the monarch and sovereign of both the Danish people, and our subjects in the German Confederation it is our duty to seek the best for both people. As such we renounce the claim to the duchies of Holstein, Lauenburg, Stormarn and Dithmarschen along with our customary title of duke of Oldenburg for ourselves and our descendants and abdicate our position as duke and head of state of all that is previously mentioned.

We seek nothing but cooperation with the German Confederation and we hope that this shall give them the governance, prosperity and peace that they desire, and to bring the world and Europe as a whole to peace and stability.”

 

[Noco19]

​

Excepts from the Confederate Congress
A Whooping Chorus​

News of the Franco-British draft treaty was met with nearly unanimous relief from the Confederate Congress, as it had been the long held belief by many that foreign intervention to protect the precious "King Cotton" would spell a quick halt to the encroaching Union blockade while scoring a tremendous political blow against Lincoln and his Republicans. Whether one stood for or against the political agenda of Davis, they were united in their desire to see the Confederacy become unburdened by this war, whether it be to allow their swift return to the plantation or so that they may begin plans for their future power-plays in an emergent state.

House Representative from Kentucky George Washington Triplett would state heartily:

"Lincoln proved hisself an opponent of the rights entailed to Man and is paying the price! Kentucky stands proud among the Confederate States to shout down the Republican program of abolition and of abrogation. And now we are vindicated by the world at large, who see fit to recognize our cause as the righteous one. We stand at the threshold of peace - if only Lincoln would listen to sense!"​

This sentiment was well-shared, that now was the beginning of the end for the war, with little faith that it would be at the hands of a Republican. The likes of McClellan hardly registered as an improvement by the Confederate Congress, but it was believed that at least an empowered Democratic Party would have enough sense to realize the futility of fighting the South.

House Representative from Tennessee John Bell, seen as the face behind Whig opposition to Davis, helped foster the unity in Congress, speaking uncharacteristically well of the Davis Administration.

"We have achieved nothing short of a miracle to have affected the sentiments of Europe in such a way; the path to defend our States lies in the pursuit of this peace at every turn. Our prosperity must be secured now while the Union reels from our victories on the field."​

What little dissent that existed came from the likes of the Fire-Eaters who brashly proclaimed that the South could easily lick the North and that they should push for more. A letter from Senator Louis Trezevant Wigfall would arrive from Mexico City where had been engaged as Envoy to Mexico, reading thusly:

"Now I have seen firsthand the ability of the British and of the French to disperse the Republican forces in Mexico, and I hardly doubt that they could likewise destroy the Yankee Republicans. Why should we accept this set of affairs when the Union is on its heels and we could just as easily bring liberation to Missouri and Maryland who have suffered like dogs under Lincoln?
We need not be worried with those who stand alongside shoe-shiners as equals, but instead should concern ourselves with how best to grieviously cripple the Union while securing ourselves future lands for which to plant the seeds of slavery. Give me a command, give Joe Johnston an army, and we'll whip those Yanks before they realize what's coming for them!'​

Needless to say, Wigfall's fervor was noted but ultimately drowned out in the sea of ecstasy that was the Confederate Congress. Such enthusiasm spilled into the Confederacy as a whole, attracting fully stocked enlistment centers and cheerful gatherings beneath the Battle Flag and the Stainless Banner. Certainly, 1864 was shaping up to be a year of merriment for the South.

 

[Noco19]

​

Meade and Yancey
The Confederates in South America​

As the dynamic duo of Slidell and Mason made waves as major Confederate diplomats in the pursuit of recognition, it was little wonder why another pair of Confederates were greatly overshadowed - the Confederate delegation to South America.

When the South seceded, it brought with it a great number of former American dignitaries and officials, two of which stood as Richard Kidder Meade Jr. who had served as Minister of Brazil from 1857 to 1861, and Benjamin Cudworth Yancey Jr., who had served as Minister to Argentina from 1858 to 1859. The two now were sent back in similar positions now under the name of the Confederacy, the former seeking stabilization of Confederate-Brazilian relations and the latter hoping to score yet another recognition.

Meade was a Virginian-born lawyer, serving at first as a State Senator and then a House Representative to the U.S. Congress until his ambassadorial appointment President Buchanan. When the Civil War broke out, he would very quickly offer his services to the Confederacy, working to help organize the Confederate headquarters in seized Fort Sumter. Afterwards, he would be commissioned a major, where he would grow to serve on the staffs to at first Magruder and then briefly Longstreet before his appointment by Davis to Brazil.

Yancey was likewise a lawyer, born and raised in South Carolina before becoming President of the Alabama Senate and thenafter Minister of Argentina. Brother to the more notable William Lowndes Yancey, the two were both striking Fire-Eaters, and thus as the war broke out, Yancey would join Cobb's Legion as a major.

The two now having traveled from Mobile to Brazil and Argentina, it had yet to be seen what they could achieve, especially as they stood unknowingly at the beginning of what appeared to be increased tensions in the region.

 

[Cloud Strife]

Troubles in Europe, 1864

​

The Geheimer Rat was a body comprised of the Kaiser's closest advisors. While this Privy Council had declined in actual power with the rise of Federalism, the State Councillors were relied upon by the Kaiser to provide him with frank, honest advice. Not all members of the council held government rank, some were only regional officials, but all were men who had the ear of their Emperor. Below the family circle of the Kaiser's uncle Archduke Rainer Ferdinand, Max, and the Kaiserin was another troika comprised of Agenor Gołuchowski, Ferenc Deák, and Anton von Schmerling; this "lower circle" was comprised of the de facto leaders of the Austrian German, Hungarian, and Polish factions. In the first part of the 1860s they had moved the federal experiment forward and charted a course of sustained gains and moderation. This troika would now become the "Big Four" as Leopold von Thun und Hohenstein returned to the Kaiser's good graces. Thun und Hohenstein was a Czech education reformer and a member of the high nobility. He had spent the last four years after being forced by events to resign from the Education Ministry leading the newly formed Bohemian Diet.

In 1849 Thun und Hohenstein was appointed Minister of Religion and Education, which he held in 1860 under the centralizing administrations of Schwarzenberg and Bach. He threw himself with great energy into the task of building up an adequate system of schools. He summoned experienced teachers, Protestant as well as Catholic, from Germany, established middle and higher schools in all parts of the empire, superseded the antiquated textbooks and methods of instruction, and encouraged the formation of learned societies and the growth of a professional spirit and independence among the teachers. He insisted on the use of the German language in all schools of higher education. He lost the confidence of the Kaiser when he proposed a larger role for the Church in state run education but now was back as a privy councilor on account of his proven loyalty to the federalist system and the need for a popular Bohemian in the Kaiser's inner circle.

Together, the Big Four were given the thankless task of advising the Kaiser on pressing foreign affairs. The Foreign Minister, Rechberg und Rothenlöwen, found his department overwhelmed by simultaneous crises in Congress Poland, Romania, ongoing troubles in North America, and now a possible war in Northern Germany. The Imperial Government had been more focused on moving forward domestic legislation and parts of the planned agenda had to be moved aside to deal with the dark clouds looming ahead. In North America the Franco-British ultimatum had hardened Austrians support for the Union; the markets of the Empire were fully opened up for export of war material to the United States. Prussia deciding to call a quick vote to authorize intervention against the Danes was unexpected only in its swiftness. Berlin would reap rewards or the whirlwind. Austria's efforts towards Northern Germany would now shift towards ensuring the scope of any potential conflict would be contained. Seeing that the Danes had abdicated control of their lands in the German Confederation, Austria mulled if it should contribute forces as part of a Pan-German mission as authorized by the Federal Convention.

Meanwhile in the Empire's Polish areas Gołuchowski would enlist the influential magnate Alfred Józef Potocki to find ways to mitigate any spillover from Russia's troubles in Congress Poland. So far, Austria's Poles were quiet but plans were made to amalgamate the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria, the Grand Duchy of Kraków, and the Duchies of Auschwitz and Zator into a single "Kingdom of Vistulan Poland," a new flag with the red and white Polish national colors, and the ability to raise a "home guard" similar to the Hungarian Honvéd or the Austrian German and Bohemian Landwehr. This represented a major victory for Gołuchowski who had sold Polish support for federalism upon gaining such advancements in the condition of the Polish lands.

Romania's decision to build a modern army was more straightforward in requiring a response and in this area the Magyars would have their way.

 

[Harpsichord]

Meade and Yancey
The Confederates in South America​

As the dynamic duo of Slidell and Mason made waves as major Confederate diplomats in the pursuit of recognition, it was little wonder why another pair of Confederates were greatly overshadowed - the Confederate delegation to South America.

When the South seceded, it brought with it a great number of former American dignitaries and officials, two of which stood as Richard Kidder Meade Jr. who had served as Minister of Brazil from 1857 to 1861, and Benjamin Cudworth Yancey Jr., who had served as Minister to Argentina from 1858 to 1859. The two now were sent back in similar positions now under the name of the Confederacy, the former seeking stabilization of Confederate-Brazilian relations and the latter hoping to score yet another recognition.

Meade was a Virginian-born lawyer, serving at first as a State Senator and then a House Representative to the U.S. Congress until his ambassadorial appointment President Buchanan. When the Civil War broke out, he would very quickly offer his services to the Confederacy, working to help organize the Confederate headquarters in seized Fort Sumter. Afterwards, he would be commissioned a major, where he would grow to serve on the staffs to at first Magruder and then briefly Longstreet before his appointment by Davis to Brazil.

Yancey was likewise a lawyer, born and raised in South Carolina before becoming President of the Alabama Senate and thenafter Minister of Argentina. Brother to the more notable William Lowndes Yancey, the two were both striking Fire-Eaters, and thus as the war broke out, Yancey would join Cobb's Legion as a major.

The two now having traveled from Mobile to Brazil and Argentina, it had yet to be seen what they could achieve, especially as they stood unknowingly at the beginning of what appeared to be increased tensions in the region.

​

Having previously been Minister Resident to Argentina on behalf of the United States government, the appearance of William Yancey Jr. in the Confederation was not an unfamiliar, nor altogether unwelcome, sight. Just as the Confederates of America were now seeking recognition of their nascent nation, the federales of Argentina had only recently toured Europe cap in hand for the same goal (despite decades of independence, Argentina had only gained a formal constitution in 1853, and disputes between the interior and Buenos Aires had caused some confusion in foreign courts as to which was the legitimate government).

The federal government having been previously based in Parana when Buenos Aires operated as an independent state, the Confederate delegation no doubt welcomed the move of government to Buenos Aires (Parana, while accessible, is nevertheless several hundred miles upriver) and the distinctly more cosmopolitan, indeed European, nature of the city. Having previously been acquainted with Governor Urquiza (who during Yancey Jr.'s former posting had been President, and indeed during 1864 extended an invitation to the Minister Resident personally inviting him to Concepción del Uruguay), the Confederate diplomats would find themselves dealing with an altogether different man in the form of President Derqui.

An intellectual and idealist, at a time when the leadership of Argentina had been predominantly caudillo, President Derqui found the Confederate delegation to be an interesting conundrum. The outlook of the federales was on the face of it ways inclined towards that of the Confederates; both champions of a distinctly federal approach to nationhood, and both supported by a primarily rural population against mercantile and capitalist interests. The President was also keen to curry favour with the United Kingdom and French Empire, both having a history of intervention in the Platine region and particularly the former having significant economic interests. Yet in his conscience, as with many of his educated peers, Derqui found the institution of slavery a heinous one. He also had private concerns regarding the previous interaction between Yancey Jr. and Urquiza, and little wish to see American ports closed to Argentine goods.

It was thus that the Argentine President provided the Confederate with a response that may generously be called nuanced; Derqui extended to the Confederates a recognition of their belligerent status against the United States, provided written assurance that ships flying the Confederate flag would be welcome in the ports of the Argentine Republic (this having been de facto true for some years now), similarly sought to assure the delegation that trade between the two confederations would continue to operate freely, and formally invited Yancey Jr. to establish on behalf of the Confederacy a permanent residence in Buenos Aires. In short, Derqui did all to recognise the Confederacy without formally extending recognition. The Confederate delegation were left with partial satisfaction, while the President hoped he had avoided sacrificing much needed political clout at a time when the situation in Uruguay was worsening.

 

[Frymonmon]

Prussian occupation of Holstein​

Since November of the previous year, tensions in northern Europe had slowly been growing to a boiling point. The German Confederation saw the actions by the Danish government as unacceptable to the continued, and began to assert their refusal to negotiate with the Danish, as well as to spurn the attempts of other European powers to mediate in the affair. For the Prussians, this was a German matter. Their claims were backed up by the Austrians, voting in agreement with the Prussian delegation on action against the rouge states.

A final vote took place on 18 January 1864. A resolution was passed authorising the German Confederation (really just Prussia) to engage in military action against Holstein. The Prussians moved swiftly, with a force of thirty-five thousand under the command of Generalfeldmarschall Friedrich Graf von Wrangel moving into Mecklenburg after the Bundesexecution passed. By the time King Christian IX made an announcement renouncing his claims to Holstein, Lauenburg, Stormarn, and Dithmarschen, the Prussians had crossed the border into Holstein.

The Danish had already pulled out of the territory, and began to establish positions to the north of the Eider. Most other German states joined the Prussians in the action, protecting the Prussian rear, and going about the business of ensuring that the newly occupied territory was administered properly. There was but a single skirmish during the occupation, where Prussian soldiers shot at Danish soldiers from across the Eider river, killing one Danish officer and severely wounding two Prussian soldiers. Tensions were even higher than they had at the start of the year, with many fearing that a full-scale war was soon to erupt between Denmark and the German Confederation.

Product of Canada​

 

[jacob-Lundgren]

​

There has been an uprising inside the farthest western corner of the Russian Empire, centered upon the lands of Congress Poland. The Russian army is being mobilized and moved into position with great skill to crush this revolt. There will be some small measure of mercy offered to those currently resisting that put down their arms swiftly. This policy is focused solely upon the citizens of the area that are not of nobility. They are being misguided and misused by a revolt done to enhance the power of petty members of a degenerate noble class that are noble in title only.

By order of the Tsar, those that are caught leading the resistance will face severe penalties including but not limited to, imprisonment, forfeiture of land and estate, confiscation of wealth, banishment from the Empire, exile to Siberia and death. Their families are automatically considered to be co-conspirators unless they cooperate with the Imperial government, under such circumstances they may receive back a large portion of any confiscated property. As well to prevent further abuse by the local nobility, serfdom is hereby begin abolished in the lands of congress poland. All lands seized by leaders and officers of the uprising will be turned over to any former serf that cooperates with the Imperial government. This will be handled after the revolt is crushed and will be sold at low cost.


Regarding the events in Denmark, the Russian government is unhappy and concerned. The recent move to change the functions of the Danish government and appearance that land was being forcibly united into their Kingdom would be deeply unsettling to order and stability of northern europe and the baltic region. The news was warmly received that, it appears at least, the issue of the formerly danish controlled lands of the german confederation might already be resolved. A peaceful end would be the preferred ending, understandably europe being the situation it is, this might not be possible. In the event of further armed conflict the Russian government will make its position known. For now we simply hope talks will resolve any lingering issues.

The Tsar was disturbed greatly that french and british arms are being exported to the lands of Romania. This will only further serve to inflame tensions. We are left to hope that a more wise course of action will end up taking hold.

And finally we again must make clear that there is not a united front view by the great powers of europe upon the American rebellion. The French and British are acting in a manner that does inflame tension, in a manner that has shown it will lead to further death and suffering. This being the very issue they have claimed to cherish. Their actions have only served to so far to cause more death and prolong suffering. We are left simply hoping that the suffering will not spread further by their rash actions. That somehow acting in a misguided manner will end up bringing more fruitful results than expected. We again show our support to the United States and hope their struggle for order is brought to a successful conclusion.

​

Alexander Gorchakov ~ Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire

 

[Sneakyflaps]

His Majesty’s government find it most disturbing, alarming and distressing that despite the abdication of the German Ducal titles, and the withdrawal of the Danish army. That a regiment under Prussian Command still proceeded to fire upon Danish forces on the Danish side of the border in Slesvig is most problematic as they had no cause or reason, and in the event killed a Danish officer. We can only condemn the unneeded violence shown without cause or reason.

 

[Kho]

In al-Waqa'i' al-Misriya, 1864

Yā 'Abna'a Misra Hibu!
[Ye Children of Egypt, Rise Up!]

by al-Sayyid 'Abd Allah al-Nadim, under the pseudonym of al-Sayyid al-Khateeb al-Hassani al-Mohammadi al-Hashimi al-Qurashi al-'Adnani
​

This article took Egypt's educated elite by storm following the Egyptian victory at Alexandria, and word of its content spread quickly by word of mouth through cafes and mosques, diffusing through the wider population. Not weeks after its publication, word reached Cairo that fellahin had been witnessed singing and dancing to the poem at the article's end - the content and meaning of the article may not have reached them, but nothing moved Arabs like a poem.

Sons of Egypt! Children of the imemorial beginning of mankind - conquerers of history! You who vanquished the Mongol hordes and crushed the crusading firinja! You who opened the black Sudan and spread the protection and glory of Islam even to the farthest South. You amongst whom Joseph dwelled, honoured and dignified, and you whom God has blessed with the Nile and with seas and with fertile soil beneath your feet and waters clean and pure, who has protected you from the searing sun and from the wrath of the skies. You whose loins have brought forth many great men and women, and many great minds and leaders, and many inventors and spiritual guides. You, whose lands are home to the oldest and most prestigious universities known to man, who rose up and lit up the world with knowledge when all were in deepest darkness clad. Egypt- Mother of the World! You who built mountains that withstood the test of time, and which today awe every tyrant and every would-be-conquerer! Egypt- wellspring of civilisation! You who taught the oldest Greeks, who were before your glory as infants and babes. Egypt- pearl of East and West alike! Do you not see how every conquering tyrant passes by and cannot find his crown complete except that Egypt should be its centrepiece jewel?

For you, oh Egypt, I bend my knees and kiss your soil - I clutch your earth in my hands and I shed blood and tears; aye! sear my skin and flay my flesh from the bone! While there is yet an Egyptian heart beating in this chest, in every Egyptian chest, Alexandria shall not fall. Cairo shall not fall. Port Sa'id - even if every firinji from every corner of hell should settle himself there! - shall not fall! So long as Egypt beats within these our hearts, they shall not fall. No cause is left abandoned which yet has those who fight for it! And Egypt, byt he will of the Most Glorious, Most Powerful God, shall always have - as it has always had - brave sons and daughters who will fight for it even if they must march through the testing straits and even if the enemy should spread his mist of darkness and blot out every star and the moon and the sun. We have Egypt in our hearts! We have God at our backs! The very Universe sighs with indignation at tyranny and oppression, and She herself gives you support and strengthens you hearts. This is an ultimate law of nature and the universe: never will misjustice prosper!

You children of Egypt, you Muslims and Copts and Jews, you blacks and whites, unite you all and stand up as one before the oppression and tyranny of the firinja, this your nation is one nation, Egypt is in your veins hearts, and you are blessed in worshipping one God, and you are blessed in the serenity and peace God has created amongst you. So do not be deceived into complacency as some of your forefathers were, and do not think the peace of today is perpetual and that the wolves kept at bay by force of arms will not strike should those same arms falter. This is your country, and if you want that to remain so then you must fight for it! Egypt for Egyptians- that is our rallying call! Egypt for Egyptians, that is our slogan and the desire of our hearts and souls!

Has there reached you the news from Alexandria? The news of the Pasha and his men- who withstood the assault of the troops, who pushed them back and drove them to the sea. And has there reached you news of Egypt's fleet, when it raided and fled, and raided yet again? And has there reached you news of how the firinja landed and the Pasha and his men all thought themselves undone - and the world tightened all around them and the earth seemed as though it would swallow them from their dismay. Did you not see when the Victory of God came to them and the troops were scattered and Egypt rose triumphant? This is Egypt, and this the victory most are ignorant of. And if we are thankful, then God shall increase us, and if we are faithful and true, then He shall give us after this victory more victories. So rise up, ye children of Egypt, keep it Egypt for Egyptians, keep it Egypt strong and free.

Oh you sat beneath old Egypt's sun
Drinking the Nile and eating her black soil
Hear from me what her brave sons have done
They stunned the world, forced monsters to recoil
In Noble Alexandria, their plots did thwart and foil

They crossed the seas, they came to our coasts
They brought their sons, they brought their ships and guns
They fired thrice, they let loose all their hosts
And met real men, they met then Egypt's sons
A score of men, ten scores of men, one thousand turns and runs
​

 

[99KingHigh]

A declaration from Secretary of State William Henry Seward to Envoy Lord Lyons and French personnel at the British embassy.
regarding the joint Two-Power draft agreement.​

Your Excellency & all concerned parties,

Listed below is a list of grievances laid humbly at the feet of Her Majesty Queen Victoria and His Imperial Majesty Napoleon III, following actions or deliberate inactions made by Their respective governments, over the course of the last two and one-half years, with regard to relations with the United States of America and her people, as well as the ongoing Southern rebellion and rejection of law and peace.

--

The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the French Empire, have elected to interfere directly in the domestic matters of an independent and foreign Power on the American continent;

The aforementioned Powers have refused to recognize the territorial integrity nor the sovereignty of the United States;

whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted rebels, in large number, to enter occupied territory in Mexico, thereby violating that nation's sovereignty, and then cross back into the United States of America, forcing the surrender of an entire army;​

The aforementioned Powers have elected to support, either directly or through deliberate inaction, armed rebellion in a foreign Power, which heretofore had maintained good relations with their respective governments;

The aforementioned Powers have not allayed the concerns, eventually realized, of the United States Government regarding the sale of arms and vessels of all types and in great numbers, by unrestricted private citizens, to the Southern rebellion, thereby assisting in the killing of American citizens, including those set on the preservation of the Union;

whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted the private sale of hundreds of cannon and thousands of muskets and rifles to the Southern rebels;
whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has permitted the private sale of various vessels of war to the Southern rebels, which have then gone on to destroy the property of the United States Government and her people, as well as seize the property of other governments, most in Europe, on the high seas;
whereby the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, through these acts, have allowed cross-Atlantic trade to be harmed at the expense of a great host of nations, as the Southern rebels, before these sales, did not have the capabilities to harm international trade to such an extent;
whereby the French Empire has overseen the sale of vessels of war that have contributed to the destruction of property of the United States Government and her citizens, as well as the death of her citizens, with full knowledge of the potential of such acts;​

The aforementioned Powers have not answered the call of the United States Government to restrict in totality these sales, and have preferred to do nothing other than to prolong the rebellion, and therefore the deaths of American citizens;

and whereby the question of the survival of the Union has now become more dire because of the inaction of the aforementioned Powers and their refusal to cooperate in efforts to end the rebellion and restore proper peace and rule of Law;​

The aforementioned Powers have waited to the point that, attempting to have the war reflect well on them, in their supposed efforts to restore peace to the Continent, they have recognized illegitimate rebellion as legitimate and have tried to jeopardize the stability, economic, political, and otherwise, or even the very perpetuation, of the Union;

The aforementioned Powers have chosen to dictate the domestic and foreign policy of the United States Government through their joint declaration, which demands an end to efforts to destroy the illegitimate rebellion;

whereby relations between the United States and these two powers, heretofore strong and stable, are now irreparably injured; ​

The aforementioned Powers, in the name of peace and amity among nations, have elected to forcibly force a sovereign Power to seek armistice with illegitimate rebels and an end to the war, which heretofore they have done nothing to help conclude through refusing to aid the Southern rebellion;

whereby the aforementioned Powers have instead aided said rebellion through sale of arms, diplomatic recognition, and continual pressure on the United States Government to end all efforts to restore the law and order, under the United States Constitution, to the areas afflicted by rebellion;​

The aforementioned Powers have contributed to the political instability of the Mexican state, contributing to the boldness of the rebellion;

The aforementioned Powers have, by their intervention in Mexico, jeopardized the stability of the Mexican state;

whereby an illegitimate rebellion has been established with the full support of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to usurp control of the country and displace the legitimate government of President Juarez;
whereby this illegitimate rebellion has caused many deaths in Mexico and threatens the economic and political stability of that country for years to come;
whereby this illegitimate rebellion, should it succeed, will irreversibly harm relations and commerce between the peoples of Mexico and the United States;
​

It has been and is the policy of this Government, that the only terms acceptable are a complete surrender of the rebels, a restitution of lawful authority to the rebellious States in question, a renewed loyalty to the Constitution of the United States, and a full, total, and permanent restoration of the Union.

Therefore, by the power vested in me by the United States Senate, whose powers to do so come through the Constitution of the Union, I hereby relay the administration of the President's refusal to accept the document proposed.

Yours,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD
Secretary of State of the United States

Mr. Secretary,

I confess on behalf of myself, and behalf of Her Majesty, that we are deeply grieved to see the rejection of the peaceable terms placed before the United States of America. It is no surprise that the whole energy of my country is devoted to the humanitarian cessation of hostilities; the Government of Her Majesty has only the sincerest wish that there be an end to bloody strife when it proves more futile then the purposes of its continuation. I must make it clear to you in the strongest possible terms that we reject the grievances presented by your government, and express our wholehearted support for the adoption of the armistice as presented to the United States of America.

Mr. Secretary, you accuse in the most defamatory terms the recognition extended by this country to the Confederate States of America. Allow us to make it quite clear the position of our government; in the Laws of your country there is an ambiguity afforded to the stratification of governance that affords certain public Rights to the devolved tiers of administrative status. We would not think it wise to dictate to your Government the laws of which you are assuredly aware, but we take into account the advice of your former Executives, such as the esteemed President James Buchanan, or the esteemed President Tyler. We understand it is the principle of the present administration to consider the matter of departure from the United States of America as a point of illegality, but insofar as the lawyers of observation can discern, and considering the absolute devotion to which my country places on the rule of law, we have not been able to find any matter in the body of your country, not even since the start of the conflict, which asserts or Illegitimizes, the governmental divorce. But this is not the purpose of our declaration to your country.

For the past years now Her Majesty's Government has viewed a conflict with no discernible outcome, with no material benefit, with no legal precedence, with the senseless destruction of innumerable Human lives, with negligible, nay, absent attempts at the abolition of slavery, and in the sum nothing to show but misery and woe for the people of North America. Mr. Secretary, the proposition delivered to your government was designed by neither combatant, and we will condemn, wholeheartedly, the side-by-side violations of the declared Armistice by the United States of America and the Confederate States of America. We consider, Mr Secretary, the terms of that armistice to be in effect, and we will continue to condemn, and consider options, to ensure that the armistice is recognized and observed by all parties. A humanitarian resolution is the only resolution.

Mr. Secretary, you have condemned the interaction of our industries with that of the United States of America and the Confederate States of America, but this is only the consequence of the designation of belligerent status to both nations, and so it is the prerogative of our private enterprises to supply both sides, which it has done freely without endorsement from Her Majesty's Government. In fact, Mr. Secretary, the only action to which Her Majesty's Government subscribed was the former purchase of your government bonds, before the illegitimate actions of your Treasury Department, and the seizure of those ships illegally noted as directed towards the Confederate States of America. Neither action could be considered to the detriment of your government, and it is the belief of my Government, that they were much to the advantage of the United States of America.

Mr. Secretary, as to the grievances presented with regard to the Empire of Mexico, I must simply refer you to our previous comments on the matter, to which are non-negotiable. I would only say that it is the sovereign privilege of a nation to defend the rights of property of its citizens insofar as they are concerned with external matters, and that the United Kingdom has every intention to fight for the rights of Her Majesty's subjects.

Mr. Secretary I conclude with a sovereign plea on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, and inform you that we shall condemn all violations of the Armistice, and as previously referred, consider options insofar as to the best means for the ultimate resolution of peace, and ask that you reconsider the proposition of Her Majesty the Queen and His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French in the interests of a happy and durable reconciliation of relations.

Sincerely,

Richard Bickerton Pemell Lyons,
2nd Baron Lyons, 2nd Baronet, of Christchurch
Her Majesty's Ambassador to the United States of America.​

 

[99KingHigh]

The Empire of Brazil and His Majesty’s government look with great worry at the events unfolding in Uruguay. The recent violence which once again fill the nation of Uruguay puts tens of thousands of citizens with Brazilian origin. The government has furthermore broken several treaty obligations to the Empire of Brazil, such as imposing taxes on imported cattle from Brazil. The failure of the Uruguayan government to prevent the killing of Brazilian citizens along the border and the burning of their property has gone on for too long.

The Empire of Brazil can longer stand idly by as the stability in the region, and the southern half of the continent as a whole, is put in danger time and time again by the actions of Uruguay. As such we send José Antônio Saraiva as Minister Plenipotentiary to the Uruguayan government along with a list of demands which must be met, and if they are not then the Empire of Brazil will respond accordingly to restore order and stability within the region, we have the utmost wish that the government of Uruguay will comply with these demands immediately for the safety, stability and friendship between our two nations.

Spoiler: Demands:

1: The Government of Uruguay must remove all taxes and tariffs upon cattle and meat imported from the Empire of Brazil, as per previous treaty.
2: The resumption of payment of debt as outlined in previous treaties.
3: Increase border guards and police to prevent further murders on the border between the Republic of Uruguay and the Empire of Brazil.
4: The punishment of any person who has partaken in the murders along the border.
5: The reaffirmation of free navigation by both nations on the Uruguay River and its tributaries.
6: The protection of any citizen of Brazilian and Portuguese origin within Uruguay from the current civil war.

Firstly, allow me to express deep concern of behalf of the Argentine government at the development of violence within Uruguay and the risk it poses to stability within the region. I and my government utterly condemn the actions of an isolated group of insurrectionists in their attempt to overthrow the legitimate and elected government of Uruguay; that this band of outlaws are currently fugitives from Argentine law only strengthens our conviction that the rule of law must be restored across the Platine basin. Secondly, the Argentine Republic recognises as legitimate several grievances outlined by the government of Brazil. In these two regards, Argentina stands besides the Empire of Brazil.

However, I must express surprise that my Brazilian counterpart has seen fit to immediately reach for an ultimatum towards the Uruguayans, rather than negotiations as is the norm between nations. I also question the timing of this ultimatum; no doubt I am mistaken, but to an unknowing outsider it may have the appearance of forcing the submission of a neighbour at a moment of weakness; this is to say nothing of the possible reciprocal grievances of the Uruguayans. In the name of peace and friendship, I offer the services of myself and my government to mediate between the Empire of Brazil and the Republic of Uruguay to achieve a mutually satisfactory settlement. Finally, I also call on my counterparts in Brazil and Paraguay to condemn the banditry of Venancio Flores and the fugitives he proclaims to command.

Nicanor Molinas, Minister of Foreign Affairs

​

​

Her Majesty's Government has appointed my person to serve as arbitrator in developments regarding the Empire of Brazil and the Argentine Republic, and compensation for the previous injuries done to British property in recent years. We hope that we may come to a fruitful resolution and settle with tranquility and good faith any outstanding issues in the region.

The Rt. Hon George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon​

 

[Harpsichord]

A brief history of the political movements within Argentina

Since the independence of Argentina, it's leaders had gathered into two loose and violently opposed coalitions; Unitarios and Federales. The former was led primarily by the porteños of Buenos Aires and their provincial allies, who sought to unify Argentina under the central authority of their city and favoured liberal, mercantile interests. The latter was a motley collection of rural and provincial interests, gauchos and caudillos who sought to preserve their autonomy and develop their internal economies. For decades these two opposing sides had fought a vicious civil conflict that stymied the nation; periods of peace proved temporary, the defeated utilising them to rebuild their strength for the next inevitable round of conflict.

Following his victory over the unitario Juan Lavalle in 1830, Juan Manuel de Rosas ushered in an era of relative stability under his rule. Nominally a federale, de Rosas nevertheless ruled with an iron fist that often put the interests of his private purse above that of the nation. During his rule many of the former unitarios were forced into exile (many travelling to Chile and Montevideo) or killed, and with Buenos Aires under his personal rule the movement was virtually ended for a time.

Yet de Rosas' authoritarian policies caused growing resentment, and ultimately military opposition came from his former federales allies. Justo José de Urquiza, caudillo and governor of Entre Rios, led the 'Large Army' formed of gauchos from the littoral, and with support from Brazil and the Uruguayan colorados overthrew the dictator. His victory and subsequent establishment of a federal constitution in 1853 (the first drafted since 1826, and the first to be widely accepted by the provinces) held promise, but was summarily rejected by the province of Buenos Aires which established a rival government. The State of Buenos Aires was led by the Generation of '37 (and principally Bartolomé Mitre), a group of intellectuals that had opposed de Rosas and largely saw themselves as apart from the unitario-federale divide. In spite of this, they were overwhelming porteño themselves, and thus many de facto adopted the unitarios position while others become a part of the growing autonomista movement that advocated independence for Buenos Aires.

Ironically, it was the withdrawal of Buenos Aires from the Confederation that forced Urquiza, now President, to adopt a policy of free trade and thus abandon what had been one of the key principles of the federales. From this point onwards the effective difference between federales and unitarios was simply one of allegiance, the former to Urquiza and the latter to Mitre, whose primary contention was control of the customs that Buenos Aires collected.

Following the Battle of Cepeda (1859), Mitre had been forced to back down and concede to the reintegration of Buenos Aires, though on terms generous to the separatist province. As a conciliatory gesture Urquiza stepped down, and in the subsequent election Santiago Derqui, one of few federale intellectuals, won the Presidency. For eighteen months the unitarios gathered under the protection of Mitre, and conspired to weaken the federales grip by dividing Derqui and Urquiza and assassinating federale governors. Yet Urquiza proved not only to be a competent general, but also an efficient schemer. Seeing their efforts defeated, the porteños felt they had little option but to repudiate peace and attempt to secede once more. Mitre acquired new firearms and mercenaries (particularly the Uruguayan colorados, who now find themselves opposing their former ally), yet the ensuing Battle of Pavón (1861) was a crushing defeat for Mitre and his coalition, and cemented the supremacy of the gaucho cavalry.

Aspiring to unite the nation once and for all, Urquiza and his federale allies spent the following years violently crushing unitarios opposition, many of whom fled with their colorado allies to Uruguay to continue the fight there. President Derqui meanwhile has sought to secure his own political allies, moderate federales and those porteños that chose allegiance rather than exile, in an effort to avoid simply being a puppet of the Rian caudillo. Yet despite their differences, Derqui and Urquiza are united by their mutual desire for unity in Argentina, and stand firm in their commitment to the Confederation.

 

[Sneakyflaps]

The Empire of Brazil welcomes the statement of both the British Empire and the Republic of Argentina, we are more than happy to attend any negotiation as to the future stability of the region, so that old grievances can be put to rest. We are more than happy to meet with diplomats of both previously mentioned nations, and of course of those from Uruguay of which the whole issue stems from. We are also more than happy to provide grounds in Rio de Janeiro where diplomats of all four nations may attend or at another location if the respective governments of our neighbors prefer. We furthermore thank the Argentine Republic for agreeing and recognizes many of our grievances with the Republic of Uruguay, and their support in the coming issue.

In regards directly to the British diplomatic message, we naturally welcome any delegation sent by the British Crown. Though we refrain from agreeing to grant the delegation from Britain the powers to arbitrate our dispute with Uruguay, while they also claim injuries to have been done to British property.

 

[Dadarian]

Sir Casimir Gzowski

The Poland Diaspora and Canada
Prologue
​

The history of the Polish people in Canada is neither a long nor a definitive one by 1863. The first Pole in British North America was a fur merchant from Gdansk by the name of Dominik Barcz who settled in Montreal in 1752. He was followed five years later by a deputy land surveyor Charles Blaskowicz. This type of odds and ends immigration would continue through much of the history of British North America, with few exceptions such as the settlement of Polish mercenaries from Saxony and Switzerland following the American Rebellion. The first large settlement came in the form of the Kashubians in 1858, who fled Prussian repression in Kashubia to people Renfrew County in Upper Canada, forming the first ethnic Polish community in British North America.

But the most important individual would be one who emigrated in 1841, a railroad engineer by the name of Casimir Gzowski. He worked on numerous canals (such as the Welland or New Baltimore) and railways until 1863, when he was commissioned by the Western Canadian government to survey the Red River Colony in search of a viable route in which to establish a railway. This led the knighted Pole to discover a magnificent, open area dominated by lakes, game, forests, and open fields. Immediately returning to Toronto, he made an impassioned plea.

The Poles of his homeland, he argued, were a distinctly repressed people. Individuals not unlike the blacks of Halifax, of the Marylanders of New Baltimore. Individuals of worth, merit, and place. His plea continued, let them settle the West! The United States of the South, a distinctly hostile and aggressive people and government, may have numerous issues with the natives. However, they used the violence of the gun over the open hand of friendship. The history of the Canadas are dominated by friendly relations, the Micmaks of Nova Scotia, the Iroqouis Confederacy, the Cree. The richest of the Hudson Bay Company are built on the cooperation of whites and Indians. To which, let the Poles settle the West. Let them be the vanguard of Canadian wealth, power, and bring about civilisation to the open plains.

This speech received much applause in the Legislative Assembly. In the definition of the Canadian Dream (much separate than the repressive and morally poor American Dream) a single man, a Pole, had the opportunity to save his people and give them a new land to call their own.

 

[Dadarian]

The Charlottetown (L) and Quebec (R) Conference Members

The Twin Conferences and the Idea of Canadian Confederacy
Prologue
​

Confederation was a conscientious term in many parts of the Maritimes, the Canadas, and the West. Why should Quebec be dominated by the English? Why should the Martimes tie itself the West? Why should the West care about Canada? These cynical questions were tossed about, alongside many more. However, even in the wake of these questions, the desire for a responsible government for all, for defense against American threats, of a unity only found by those loyal British subjects that sought their own place in the world broke the surface and Confederation as an idea arose to the fore.

For years, men such as Joseph Howe, Albert Smith, Antoine-Aime Dorian, and Edward Palmer dug in their heels and complained. Railing against calls of unity, they tried their best to see a disunited set of colonies, reliant on the British and governing solely themselves. However, even the mighty oratory of these men could not oppose the call that came to Toronto, Quebec, Halifax, St. John, Fredericton, Charlottetown, and Victoria. The first official Conference began in Charlottetown in September of 1864. Over two dozen men, from as far off as British Columbia, were invited to the event, however due to travel difficulties, the BC delegation arrived a week late to attend the Conference.

In Charlottetown (even though a circus was coincidentally in town, taking up the city's attention and hotel space) was dominated by undefined talks surrounding the idea of Confederation, and in essence pitching the very idea to the Maritime delegates (Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and PEI being the most opposed at the start). However, thanks to the guile of Kingston delegate and MLA for Canada West, John A. MacDonald, the Conference found itself awash in champagne and port, which left more than a few blurry nights and did much to calm down the nervous and slightly hostile Martimers.

The second conference, taking place in Quebec in the following month of October, was even more packed than Charlottetown. The inclusion of the BC delegation alongside with members of New Baltimore forced the Conference to take place in a new, larger hotel. John MacDonald's tactic of immense amounts of liqour and flattery resulted in a productive meeting. However, as the members returned to their (sometimes far flung) colonies, the result of these two conferences, and their 72 Resolutions Regarding Confederation (soon sent to London) was yet to be seen.

 

[Frymonmon]

British Intervention in the War of Secession​

As 1864 began, tensions between the United States and the United Kingdom were at a breaking point. A joint declaration by the United Kingdom and France sought to enforce an armistice and negotiations between the United States and the Confederate States, to which the United States promptly responded with a list of grievances against the United Kingdom. Diplomatic tensions were high, and diplomats worked behind the scenes to try and alleviate the situation.

It was not to be, however. At the request of the Prime Minister, the Cabinet met in the early part of the year, and debated the situation about British intervention on humanitarian grounds. The Prime Minister listed his concerns over the Emancipation Proclamation, believing it will cause a race war and social discontent. He noted the Confederate entrenchments was a huge detriment to the Union forces, which were not that much larger than the Confederate forces. Intervention was agreed upon, allowing Gladstone and Lord Russell to present their plane to the French Government, who agreed upon the plan of battle.

The Royal Navy set to sea for Nassau in late January, arriving there to link up with the extant French fleet and British fleet. They charted a course for the Home Isles, before reaching pivoting to sail towards New York Harbour. The main contingent of the Royal Navy rounded Montauk and began to steam into Long Island sound, making their way towards Fort Trumbull in New London, with an evey of subduing it and moving into New York City.

Col. John Chatfield, recovering from wounds sustained on the assault against Fort McAllister in Georgia, had been assigned to Fort Trumbull for the training of volunteers in the Fort and its subpost of Fort Griswold. It was a clear, crisp morning in February when Col. Chatfield was first notified that there were a large number of ships approaching the mouth of the Thames River. Believing they were Union ships, he had cannon loaded for a salute. Seeing as they were British, he still nonetheless was going to go forward with the salute, until the British ships opened fire, sending a shell plummeting into the side of the fort. Immediately, he ordered the guns trained on the ships and ordered them to fire with all they had.

Fort Trumbull in New London, Connecticut
​

As the battle began, Ordnance Sergeant Mark Smith quickly dispatched a telegram to Hartford about the British assault, Governor Buckingham was distraught, immediately contacting Washington, and declaring a State of Emergency within the state. The War Department gave the Connecticut Governor temporary command of all Union soldiers in Connecticut, and Governor Buckingham responded by loading volunteers from their camps in Hartford and New Haven to be dispatched to New London by train. Ten thousand new soldiers were on their way to reinforce the fort, accompanied by the 2nd Connecticut Heavy Artillery Regiment. The network of telegrams raced up and down the eastern seaboard. Governor Cozzens of Rhode Island issued a similar state of emergency, and sent reinforcements to Fort Adams in Newport. Every coastal state down to Maryland enacted similar measures, while New York Governor Horatio Seymour called up thirty-thousand men, ten-thousand of which were dispatched to Plattsburgh, aimed at Canada East. The other twenty-thousand were dispatched to the cities of New York and Brooklyn, as well as Staten Island.

As the engagement in New London was underway, the smaller Royal Navy detachment sailed to just beyond the range of the batteries protecting New York Harbour, and fired a salvo, clearly heard and seen by the people of the city. New York Mayor Fernando Wood called it, “The most devastating sight” he had ever seen. The Mayor, Governor Seymour, and Mayor Martin Kalbfleisch of Brooklyn all called out any forces under their disposal to engage in the defense of New York Harbour and the surrounding area. Battery Weed, Fort Hamilton, Fort Lafayette, Fort Schuyler, Fort Jay, Fort Tompkins, the (unfinished) Fort at Willets Point, and Fort Wood were all put on high alert, with expectations of an imminent British attack.

Back in New London, the beleaguered fort stood up against the British fleet for hours, despite the near total force of the Royal Navy pounding away at it. Col. Chatfield refused to give up his position, calling for further reinforcements should they attempt a landing. After half a day’s fighting, it was finally too much. The fort had been reduced to a state of nearly complete destruction. Despite hoisting the white flag of surrender, the British kept pounding away at the fort, aiming at all remaining cannon, to neutralise the fort’s ability to even be occupied. Col. Chatfield retreated his men from the fort, and watched as the Royal Navy departed, having turned Fort Trumbull into little more than a pile of rubble. His gunners did score several hits, however, and sunk three British ships.
[-3 Steam Frigates to the United Kingdom.]

The Royal Navy then moved to Old Saybrook, pummeling the location of an old fort, some guns at been set up there in fear of a Confederate ship sailing into Long Island, and the Royal Navy blew them apart and ruined the ground, giving them near control of the eastern Long Island Sound. News of the invasion spread rapidly. The Union warships in New York harbour were quickly put to sea, an unfinished monitor was towed to the East River, where it would serve as a floating battery, her propulsion system not working. Chaos erupted in New York and Brooklyn, the war had come to their doorstep, and now it seemed all too real. Police, Firemen, and militia in general gathered for the defence of New York. William Rosecrans, formerly the head of the Army of the Potomac, was made commander of the impromptu Army of the Hudson, officially commanding all Union forces in northern New Jersey, southern New York, and Connecticut. New of the British assault spread rapidly and Rosecrans (conveniently already in New York) knew he only had at most a day to prepare. Thousands of Union men came into the city by train, all railroad lines having all operations suspended with the U.S. Military taking control of them. One railroad boss protested the move, refusing to bow to support “Lincoln’s War.” Horatio Seymour had the man jailed, and the railroad placed under the control of the Government of New York.

One benefit of the British movements came in the form of the Draft Riots, mostly by poor Irish catholics, turned into anti-British riots. Many even pledged to defend the city, what had been a riot against fighting a war in the South for the freedom of the slaves became a war to defend their homes from the tyranny of the British. While ragtag, the defenses of New York, Brooklyn, and Hudson County were formidable. The United States had one distinct advantage. The British plan of attack was based around circumventing the harbour defenses on Long and Staten Islands. Erroneously believing the only fortress defending the East River approach was the unfinished Fort at Willets Point, they had indicated they would be landing men at Greenpoint, the northernmost neighbourhood of Brooklyn. Similar landings would take place at Port Jefferson and Huntington.

With knowledge the British were entering into the sound, Rosecrans made a crucial decision, he ordered the bulk of his men into Brooklyn to defend the city from any land-based assault. The first landing at Port Jefferson was undertaken by five thousand British and two thousand Frenchmen. They occupied the town, and quickly made moves to occupy Setauket, East Setauket, and Mount Sinai. The occupation force requested to quarrel with the people. The British commander, Col. Arthur Fremantle, made it clear to the people of the area: Britain was not at war with the United States - it was simply enforcing the armistice it had progulumated.

Royal Navy at anchor outside Port Jefferson, New York
​

This reasoning was clearly not accepted by many, as anti-British activities were taking place almost immediately after the occupation. Farmers and citizens with their own guns began to fire at the British, who responded by firing back, killing several civilians in the process. The situation was much the same in Port Jefferson, where the citizens even put up a fight to prevent them from landing, but it was to no avail. By the time the British and the French had finished landings in these two locations, twelve British soldiers, three Frenchmen and twenty-two American civilians had been killed.
[-12 Regulars to the United Kingdom, -3 Regulars from France, -22 Population from the United States.]

The third landing point was to be right alongside New York City, in northern Brooklyn. As the Royal Navy steamed towards the East River, headed by the vaunted HMS Warrior. While it may have been clear when the Royal Navy pounded the Connecticut coast, it was a foggy day in New York, with a light snowfall. At the tip of Throgs Neck, Fort Schuyler’s garrison, the 20th Independent Battery, New York Volunteer Artillery, listened in anticipation for any movement or sounds, punctuated by the whistling of the fog signal coming from Throgs Neck Light. All commerce and naval activities had been suspended due to the suspected British invasion. When the dull thudding noise of the HMS Warrior’s engines broke through the fog, giving an indication of an approaching ship. The cacophony of the Royal Navy soon joined in, assuring the gunners that this was not a friendly force.

Taking the initiative, and not following the orders to wait to identify the ships, Captain B Franklin Ryer of the 20th ordered his men to fire. At 1342, New York time, Fort Schuyler opened up on the Royal Navy. Every gun roared to life, catching the British, who were not planning a fort being there, off guard. They had first believed that it was the unfinished fort to their portside that was firing, despite being able to see the flashes of their cannon to the starboard side. This was confounded when the Fort at Willets Point, though unfinished, had several guns that came online, raining down fire from their interlocking batteries. As any naval man would know, slowing a ship and turning it around was a mighty task, turning around an entire fleet at near full steam through a narrow channel was even harder.

American gunners were relentless, despite the thick fog they were landing what seemed like every shot. The British gunners could barely see where to aim, and to confound matters all lighthouses in the area went dark. It was not long before the first ship exploded. Pounded on both sides by the forts, a wooden steamer had her gunpowder deck breached, exploding with such ferocity that the ship was split in two. The still sinking stern swerved to her starboard side, slamming into another ship, leaving a huge gash in her side. Three ships then ran aground, and two others rammed into each other. The rest of the fleet was able to turn in Eastchester Bay, and made their way back into Long Island Sound, retreating from the American fortifications.
[-4 Steam Frigates, -3 Minor Vessels from the United Kingdom.]

The HMS Warrior was trapped in the East River, along with a smaller frigate and two auxiliary vessels. With little other options, they dropped anchor midway between Rikers Island (the sight of a military camp) and Fort Schuyler. The British invasion force nevertheless began to march towards Brooklyn, unaware of the disaster at Throgs Neck. As the sun set that early February day, the entire world soon learned about Throgs Neck, and the British actions in Port Jefferson and Huntington. Newspapers across the United States called it the “Shots heard round the World,” and on February 18th, the following day, an entire nation woke up enraged.

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