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The Last Sermon Of Thampan in the Nagpur Church
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(The first converts singing psalms in the street outside the church)
"O believers of Nagpur do not stray back into the practice of idolatry, worship only God do not become like the people of Babylon who strayed from God and his light they created idols of stone to worship and fornicated in their unholy temples. They tried to build a tower to reach god but because of their evil, God struck the tower down to punish Babylon he made them speak in many tongues making them not understand each other and so they spread to places like Europe,Arabia and the Indus Valley.Remember that you are God's workmanship you are the light of the world in the darkness and idolatry of India and the unholy practices of the hindu's such as their veneration of false gods and worship of men. I will be travelling to Mandu in the Malwa Sultanate I will spread Christ's mercy to the people in Mandu do not weep for this is a good day for the followers of Christ in India I will leave Brother Kurian in charge of the Church of Nagpur and Two nuns Mariam and Rahel to educate the worshippers in Portuguese and to expand the church for the growing congregation."
 
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Birth of Miyan Mahmud Mirza

Towards the end of the year 1557, Baz Bahadur, Sultan of Malwa was wintering at Gwalior, having taken up winter quarters to conserve both supplies and men for the upcoming campaigns. Whilst snow wasn't an issue as such, the horses needed feed and the men needed to be fed and rested if this campaign was to continue. Though inexperienced in war, even Baz Bahadur could see that this war would not be a short and glorious one, and though the Mughal armies had seemed invincible and unstoppable before now, he'd at least managed to give them a black eye for his troubles.

Still... victory for either or any side did not seem like it would come soon, and even the poetic prince was forced to acknowledge it to himself that he might have to spend month after month away from the now refurbished Mandu which was according to letters from his beloved Rooptimati growing into quite a centre for poetry and artistry. None of those glorious monuments was what he missed however. What truly tore his heart apart was each hour kept from the side of his eternal love and soul mate, so for what seemed like the hundredth time he read the brief letter that had arrived from Mandu only hours prior.

He had a son.

An heir to carry on the legacy imparted by himself and his father to the future.

A healthy boy by all accounts, carrying with him his mothers beauty, and the looks of his father. Forcing back the tears of joy, Baz Bahadur Khan, Sultan of Malwa strode out of the palace he'd claimed as his command centre in Gwalior, raising the letter above his head as he looked down to the men on the courtyard; a mixture of Malwese troops and Suri garrison; and let out a roar,"I have a son!"

The eruption of cheers might've been pre-determined, but in that moment, Baz Bahadur was glad enough for that, and he was happy.

All was right in the world.​
 
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To My Lord the Sultan of Malwa currently residing in Gwalior

I feel such joy that can only be outmatched by the shepherds that were told of the coming of Jesus the Messiah or Isa Masih in the Islamic religion I sitting here in the Nagpur Church am praying for the welfare of the child and hope that he will become as Courageous a Sultan as you. I pray in this small church that he will beat back the Moghul invaders from overrunning our subcontinent of india whether we are muslim or hindu or christian we must join together to fight back the Moghuls and their Emperor Akbar.I propose that a new office named the Ministry of Portuguese Affairs be made I also propose i be made Minister in this department of the Government this will be important as Spices such as chilli are becoming popular and the portuguese want pepper to sell at home in Europe they also possess advanced musketry and cannonry need I remind you.

--Purēāhitan Thampan Nasrani Priest residing in Nagpur
 
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To Purēāhitan Thampan, Christian Priest
We thank you for this generous sermon, and too pray that our son might grow to become a lion among men.

I also grant you commission into court so as to foster better relationships with these merchants of Portugal. Go with god, and serve us well.
 
A letter arrives at Adil Shah Suri's camp, along with a sizable amphora of honey.

To the rebel of Bihar,

Greetings upon this fine day.

I write to you from the city of Sialkot, now restored fully to the Emperor's lawful rule from the wretched grasp of an outlaw and petty bandit of the nearby hills. Though he had misled many fine soldiers into believing that he was some kind of local ruler, they soon understood his true nature when he fled from the city at the first sight of danger, leaving behind those who had eaten his salt without even a farewell. Fortunately, the Emperor has many allies among the hill tribes and they received the fleeing thief appropriately, with only the finest nets and ropes.

As this hill-thief aped regal airs and martial virtue, I felt that it would be appropriate to punish him in accordance with the traditions of his people as regards desertion and betrayal. Unfortunately, while I found many such punishments in both the local traditions and those of his people, I could not quite match his crimes to any historical punishment, such was the magnitude of his error.

As such, I felt it was most appropriate to make use of them all.

The hill-thief endured the scourge with surprising equanimity, though he did weep and wail when he was touched by the hundred knives. His resolve, it must be said, began to waver as his limbs were stretched by heavy stones attached to ropes and I detected a certain unease as he approached the drowning pool. However, I was greatly surprised when he, confronted with the pit of scorpions, was entirely unmnanned. He begged and pleaded to be spared their poison and their tiny little legs and continued to do so for a length of time that I found frankly tiresome.

For a time I found amusement in how he, without even the slightest prompting, began to revile that which he had held dear. First he started with his wife, who as I recall is also your sister, and confided to me certain intimate details which I quite blush to recall. Then he moved on to you and your entire family, for whom he had harsh words that do not bear repeating, though I found "goat-spawned bastard and lover of sheep" to be almost poetic.

At last, he forswore his former loyalties and begged to be allowed into the Emperor's presence so that he might swear eternal loyalty as his vassal. Unfortunately, as a condemned criminal I could hardly allow him this indulgence, and so I brought him before his former men, whom he had so callously betrayed, to pass sentence upon him. The call was unanimous for his death.

And so now, as the hill-thief's brother-in-law, I pass that portion of his remains which could have been effectively preserved unto you. The remainder have been thrown into a ditch, where they were ignored even by the wild dogs. Please enjoy the honey with my best wishes; I expect that it shall have a most unique flavor.

I must close this letter, but I call upon you, in the name of our shared faith and love of the Almighty, to abandon this course of unlawful rebellion and resume your natural submission to His Imperial Majesty the Emperor Akbar, whose mercy and justice are almost without limit. Should you fail in your prostration before His Majesty, the only course left to you is that of your brother-in-law, who died so ungracefully and so far from God's light.

May you find peace.

Adham Khan.

Within the amphora is, naturally, Sikandar Shah's well-preserved head.
 
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With the teachings of the Ubaydah Baba came a wave of growth for his Ha'iyya Order, as even among the high echelons of Kabul bureaucracy, converts could be found. To this, the Ubaydah Baba claimed that no surprise was had on his account, for Allah directly spoke to him, telling him of the holiness of the city and its people. While hinted before, this marks the first time the Ubaydah Baba spoke of a direct link between he and Allah in public, the first revealing sign that he bore greater power and purpose within the course of spiritual events than previously thought, perhaps less an seeker of truths, but a deliverer of them from on high. In the wake of this, the Ubaydah Baba proclaimed thus.

"From Allah it is known that the city of Kabul stands as the Medina of this modern day, a respite from the ignorance of the world, an oasis of Truth when others wallow in the darkness of sin, and it is this city wherein great Helpers shall be found, willing to accept the Truths of the World and understand the fundamental teachings. As Allah and the Prophet Muhammad declared the righteous peoples of Medina the Ansar (trans: Helpers), so too am I blessed with Ansar who follow the Truths I hold, Kabul the first greats among many greats.

For the adherents of the Ha'iyya Order, no lesser term shall be permitted than Ansar for their designation; the title of Dervish is inferior and disallowed from usage amongst my followers, for respect of the wishes of Allah, and set by the precedent of the Prophet Muhammad."

In effect, the Ubaydah Baba ruled that his followers would thus far be known as Ansar, to distinguish them from other Sufi orders that likewise used the term dervish, and likely as a means to elevate their status above others.
 
To the Maharata of Mewar,​

This fruitless struggle has to end and it can only end if both of us are satisfied. This is why I am making you this offer: if you stop protecting my unfaithful kinsmen in Merta, I shall stop hindering your campaign against the Suri and recognize your conquest of Ajmer when it happens. The past cannot be undone with single stroke, but one as powerful as this might do much to mend the gap between us Rajputs.

Rana Maldeo Ji Rathore

To the Muhammad Adil of the Suri,​

If thank you for entrusting Ajmer and its defence to me, but alas I doubt I will be able to keep stalling the Mewaris for much longer. The issue of Merta might be on the verge of getting resolved, and my armies will be needed there and will thus be unable to assist your forces in Ajmer. I thus won't be able to support it any longer. I wish you luck in your campaigns against your Afghan kinsmen.

Rana Maldeo Ji Rathore
 
To the Maharata of Marwar,

Although our peoples have had a troubled past I find your offer to be fair and made in good faith. Therefore I will accept it. May Merta prove an easy and effortless endeavor for your people and let the past remain there. Peace has always been a struggle for us Rajputs as we as proud as we are courageous however I am glad today that both sides have taken a step forward towards peace and tranquility.

Rana Udai Singh
 
Gondi Invasion of Malwa
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Gondi tribal warriors and Rajput nobles of Garha-Katanga invaded the Malwa Sultanate under Rani Durgavati’s leadership

Baz Bahadur decided to turn Gwalior into an operational base for his combined Malwa-Suri force, which was drilled to become a more cohesive force. Many of the troops, and especially their officers, wondered with whom their loyalty should lay, the Suri Sultan of the Malwa Sultan. Nevertheless, Adil Shah had appointed loyal men to command the garrison, and thus they were aware of the tensions, especially after Bahadur ordered local Afghan irregulars on rather dangerous reconnaissance missions. He also dispatched a further force of Malwa infantrymen back deeper into the Sultanate, obviously anticipating something. Over the early spring, Malwa and Suri cavalrymen raided the countryside south of Agra and the Mughals under Atgah Khan attempted to drive them off each time, yet they managed to escape with some loot to present to their Sultan. Atgah Khan also launched retaliation raids to counter the Malwa, and attrition was high among both forces.

After having witnessed the Sultan of Malwa going to a full war with the Mughals on the side of the Suri, the Gondi Queen Rani Durgavati decided the time was ripe for revenge, to avenge the invasion of her lands attempted by Baz Bahadur just a few years before. Despite of some opposition from some leading courtiers, eventually the Queen managed to persuade enough of her subjects and vassal tribal chiefs to support the effort, one of the crucial supporters being the Haihaiyavansi Rajputs. Indeed, the example of Marwar and Mewar Rajputs, who both had used the Muslim war to further their own interests, was used as the final justification to the nobility. Over the winter the Queen recruited a considerable addition to her army and in March crossed into Malwa territory, first taking the Sultanate’s sparse garrisons by complete surprise.

The invaders marched on Bhelsa, which fell after a short siege, opening the way for Gondi and Rajput raiders to hit deep into the Sultanate. Many Muslim farms and properties were sacked, as the Gondi leaders actively tried to make the Hindus rise up in revolt against the Afghans and local converts, gaining a number of peasant irregulars to the army. However, effective Malwa defence of a series of forts and cities on the river Parbati prevented the Queen from marching straight to Ujjain, though links between Baz Bahadur and his capital were severed. Due to the rampage of the invaders, and lack of administration, most of the central Sultanate fell into anarchy. By summer the Gondi had regrouped and were able to cross Parbati to besiege Ujjain, leaving a force to occupy the garrison of Bhelsa.

At Sialkot Adham Khan rewarded the Gakhar tribesmen with one gold rupee each, a very generous reward for their services in defeating Sikandar Shah. Then he proceeded to allow some of the surrendered Afghans to rejoin his army, but split them among the various regiments. After that he quickly toured Punjab to make sure that all the cities were properly garrisoned, before marching east to join the war against Suris and Malwa. Twenty cannons, some of them of a new lighter model, were added to his army from the foundries of Delhi and Agra, and he arrived in Agra in March, ready to assume command of the southern campaign from Atgah Khan, who now became his subordinate.

The arrival of the large Mughal army, just like the invasion by the Gondis, came as a devastating surprise to Baz Bahadur and the Suri commanders. As they initially marched out of the fort to confront a new heavier raid, they quickly found their armies outnumbered and outmatched by the well-disciplined Mughal force with plenty of artillery. Fought south of a river crossing northeast of the city, the battle proved to be a devastating blow to the armies defending Gwalior. Mughal matchlockmen and cavalry dealt heavy blows to the Suri irregulars and the more disciplined Afghan counterparts. The new light guns proved their worthiness in battle against Malwa elephants, even though the artillery of the Malwans, though inferior, caused mass casualties in Mughal ranks. At the end of the day, the Mughal advantage became unbearable. After the death of senior Suri officers, the army slowly shattered, with a part of it fleeing towards Gwalior while pursued by Mughal cavalry; Baz Bahadur barely fleeing west with his life and a small retinue of warriors.

Adham Khan proceeded to put the remaining demoralized Suri troops under siege in Gwalior, taking over most of the infantry and artillery of Atgah Khan’s army. Atgah Khan himself moved south with a group of cavalry and irregulars, distinguishing himself with daring raids deep into Malwa territory, made fairly easy by the Gondi invasion further south. Nevertheless, these raids that reached a day’s journey from Chanderi earned him some fame and much loot, most of which went to Mughal treasury.

Baz Bahadur managed to escape with a core group of cavalry and mounted Afghan loyalists, allowed to flee through the Bundi Rajput’s territories after paying a ransom. Arriving at Mandu as Rani Durgavati began to besiege Ujjain, Baz Bahadur found his realm on the brink of destruction, yet still possibly salvageable. After the rather surprising Gondi endorsement of Hindu radicalism and the expulsion of Muslims from the occupied territories to the East, thousands of Muslim residents of Ujjain and Mandu flocked to take arms, bolstered by the full mobilization of the Afghan elite in defence of their status and very existence. Some in the court also hoped that the wanton acts of the Gondi Queen could be used to win Mughal aid in restoring the honour of Muslims in the region.

In Rajasthan, Rana Maldeo Rathore of Marwar accepted the offer of the Afghans of Nagaur, recruiting them to his army and allowing Muslims to live without restrictions as his subjects in the city. Most of the Afghan leaders were supportive of such a deal mostly due to having witnessed what was about to happen to their kin in Ajmer. This was a considerable economic success and also provided the Rajput ruler’s army with very experienced warriors. Seemingly there was also a deal in the works between Marwar and Mewar Rajputs, but when Maldeo Rathore marched upon Merta to claim his rightful possession, he noticed that his relative Rao Jaimal wasn’t going to give up the city without a siege, and had in fact recruited more soldiers and prepared for it in advance.

After the long and bloody siege, Ajmer finally fell to Maharana Udai Singh. How much of this was due to his personal intervention and how much was due to Rana Maldeo’s decisions to suddenly withdraw support to the besieged Suri garrison could be debated. After the garrison’s surrender, Udai Singh gave a promise to the locals to respect Islamic rights, as the city for example hosted an important Sufi shrine. The treasury and loot was divided between his men and a part going to rebuilding the badly damaged walls of the citadel, with a tiny share spent on replenishing losses of the campaign.

In the Gangetic plain the Mughal-Suri war was rather quiet. A new, heavier Mughal force arrived to Gorakhpur, successfully ousting the small garrison and leaving behind one of their own. Adil Shah Suri had prepared a strategy, the conditions of which were never met as the Mughals under Bairam Khan continued a new more cautious policy. After compelling Gorakhpur to surrender, Bairam Khan further fortified Lucknow before moving back across the river close to Kanauj, and marching safely to besiege Prayag. Though having been able to avoid large losses of men or territory, apart for Gorakhpur and the approach to Prayag, the Bengali Sultan greatly criticized the Suri handling of the war. But despite of Mughal forward garrisons close to Jaunpur, no decisive attack upon the city was in sight, proving that Adil Shah had at least managed to prolong a war that had seemed like a lost one already years ago.

[Gondwana: -7,000 rupees, +1,000 irregulars, +1,000 inf, +500 cav, +25 elephants]
[+250 irreg, +500 inf, +500 cav to Marwar]
[+200 cav, +500 inf to Mewar]
[+500 inf, +750 cav to Mughals, +20 cannons, -10k rupees]

[Malwa: -250 inf, +1000 irregulars, +250 cavalry (defending Ujjain and Mandu)]
[Gondwana: -500 irreg, -500 inf, some irregulars and loosely allied peasant revolters, much loot]

[-250 irreg, -500 inf, -250 cav to Bairam Khan, 7,500 rupees loot from Gorakhpur]

[Suri-Malwa army at Gwalior destroyed, Baz Bahadur flees to his capital with surviving 1,000 cavalry and 1,000 infantry, Suri garrison besieged at Gwalior]
[Mughals: -1250 infantry, -500 irreg, -750 cav, -5 artillery, -10 elephants]
[+7,000 to Mughals (raid)]

GM NOTE: Ended up doing a surprise family visit over the weekend, so sorry again. War orders for the other half of the year, and orders in general, due on Thursday at 23:59 GMT. Also please remember that I reduced the amount of personal orders from two to one, thanks.

Map, July 1558
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To the traitor Jaimal who keeps bringing shame upon all of us truthful Rathore,​

You're but a worm, far from deserving the ink I'm using let alone my time. You're a as traitorous as your pig of a father was but it seems even scum such as you ought to be given a chance at redemption. At last do what you've been urged to do for so long and kneel. Hand the city your decaying branch of the family has been occupying for so long and I shall show you mercy. You certainly know that these walls can't shield you forever and the day will soon come when you stand in chains in front of me should you fail to submit in time.

Cease this futile attempt at secession and strife within the family and return me what's always been mine by right. Otherwise, we'll both be forced to see this through its inescapable end.

Rana Maldeo Ji Rathore, sole ruler of the Marwari Rajputs
 
A letter is dispatched to the Emperor's court at Delhi.

Most revered and august brother,

A thousand blessings upon you on this day.

In your name, I am victorious upon the field of battle. Commanding a combined force, I have driven the Malwan army before me and utterly annihilated their forces and those of the Suri rebels. Only a shattered remnant was left, fleeing before your armies, having cravenly abandoned the field and their comrades. Alas, the goat-spawned Suri lickspittle known as Baz Bahadur was among those who scurried off the field and I am told that he has fled headlong into his own lands. I regret that I could not present you with his head.

Nevertheless, I have shattered the blade poised beneath our vital areas and secured the southern frontier, with the assistance of the imperial forces in the area. To discourage further Malwan misadventures, I have detached a small force of raiders and cavalry under Atgah Khan to engage in retribution against the Malwan lands as a response to their lord's poor judgment and even poorer taste in friends.

All that stands before me now is the great fortress of Gwalior. Though its walls are mighty, those who cower within are but few and their resources minimal. If it is God's will, I should have favorable tidings for you very soon.

May you continue to find health and prosperity.

Your brother,
Adham Khan.
 
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Thampan setting up his private chapel in his residence in Mandu
Thampan was setting up his private chapel when one of his converts from Malwa named Baasima Sinha came in paying respect to the various icons in the chapel before telling Thampan " Father Thampan !! the Mughals have defeated Baz Bahadur's army the Mughals are now Sieging Gwalior and the Wretched Rani Durgavati of Gondwana has invaded while the Sultan Bahadur was fighting in Gwalior how are we to proceed Father ? My brother is still in Nagpur what if she kills him and the other Christians of Nagpur ? "Thampan grimaced he had already heard from his own sources about the disaster at Gwalior but news travelled slow and the capital was only alerted a week after the battle. This put a dent in Thampan's plans to establish a Metropolis centred in Mandu with churches in Nagpur,Bhelsa,Ratanpur and Ujjain. Thampan sighed before responding " My son I have already been talking with several of the Sultan's Ministers but we have not decided what to do the council is divided some want to flee,The pious want to fight the Rani and the Warriors agree while there are some who want the Sultan to escape the capital with his child Miyan Mahmud Mirza." Baasima then cries into Thampan's hands " Father please my brother what must we do ?"Thampan blinks out a tear before calming him down and explaining to him the concept of retribution or in Hindu terms Karma telling him that because of her crimes in killing Muslims and persecuting of christians that she will go to the deepest pits of hell where demons will torment her forever. Baasima looked like he was smiling when he walked out of the chapel thinking of Durgavati's torment in hell obviously satisfied with Thampan's answer.



 
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There was little hope his worm of a cousin would agree to his terms, but he had to make the offer. Later, when the traitor would be at his mercy he would be able to explain him why he had erred and why he should have submitted. He could hardly wait for the moment to come - he knew the city wouldn't hold long but he was growing impatient - and he almost unconsciously gave his personal elephant a look. Georges was a frightening beast and he knew that Jaimal would end up begging for mercy. It would be too late of course and Georges would give him the punishment he and all of his kind deserved but the show would most certainly be entertaining.

An Afghan soldier stood close-by and Maldeo couldn't help but feel slightly insulted by his presence. Sure, they had offered him their loyalty but they were still Afghans, invaders and infidels. Letting them go would have been a slight on his honour, letting them join his forces was such an oddity he didn't know how to feel about it. However he knew it had been a necessity: the Mewari dogs were untrustworthy and had no doubt given his cousin help and told him they would come to his assistance. In fact, they were so untrustworthy he didn't know whether they'd betray him or his cousin but there was no doubt one prominent Rathore would end up with an hopefully metaphorical Mewari dagger in the back.

Chandransen, his only son who was worthy of the Rathore legacy, was busy organising the troops. It was good to see marriage hadn't weakened him and he remained as active as ever. Chandransen needed to act that way to convince his father he was right to favour him over Udai Singh and Maldeo liked it this way: he could rule and leave all all the unimportant bits attached to his position to his diligent third son. The young man looked worried though, perhaps his father should go to him and see what the issue was. It couldn't be dire, after all with Chandransen and Georges at his side, he was invincible.
 
Battle of Sehore
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Afghans of Malwa tricking a Gondi elephant driver at Sehore

In the regions captured by the Gondi warriors, Rani Durgavati had ordered an administration set up. While in the eastern regions, which were inhabited by Gondi tribes, this was rather easy, in the central regions it was very hard to find Hindu collaborators, as many were vary of a Muslim revenge, either by Mughals or by the Malwa if they somehow managed to retain the territories. Thus, some areas were promised to the various warriors and Rajput clans that had helped with the conquest, causing some ire with the local Hindu notability. The moves to establish the new authority were preceded by expulsion of Muslim landowners and confiscation of vast properties. Meanwhile small watchtowers and fortified camps were constructed north of Bhelsa in case of a Mughal invasion, but one never materialized. Instead these acted as a barrier against Chanderi which still housed a Malwa garrison. An attempted raid on Bhelsa from there was easily repulsed by the troops that had retreated from Sehore.

As the siege of Ujjain bogged down due to the Gondi lack of expertise in siege warfare and the availability of artillery on Malwa side, the Queen was forced to call in reinforcements in the form of the Army of Bhelsa. Meanwhile Baz Bahadur was determined to fight back, reinforcing the fort of Mandu after the arrival of more supplies brought by merchants from the south of India and from Gujarat. The promotion of trade with other realms didn’t go exactly as planned due to the war, but at least it offered the garrisons with some needed supplies, especially gunpowder from Gujarat Sultanate. After ensuring that Mandu wouldn’t fall too easily, Baz Bahadur took command of his mobile forces, local irregulars and Afghan cavalry. He opted to move in all silence through the hilly terrain southwest of Malwa, able to sneak into the rear of Gondi forces before turning north, defeating many of the roaming bands and random Gondi troops, and finally taking the Army of Bhelsa by surprise as it was marching towards Ujjain. On the fields near Sehore, at about two thirds of the voyage from Bhelsa to Ujjain, Baz Bahadur destroyed the Army of Bhelsa, utilizing his local troops, Muslim volunteers gathered along the way and the efficient cavalry in routing the poor Gondi warriors and the few elephants the army had at hand. Most of the men were killed, and only a handful made it back to Bhelsa. Rani Durgavati was briefly forced to lift the siege of Ujjain in order to pursue Baz Bahadur, but failed to catch him, as he returned to Mandu along the same hilly paths. Continuous raids and disturbances in the rear greatly hampered the siege, and Ujjain still stood against Rani Durgavati’s ambitions at the end of the year.

Adham Khan had to besiege Gwalior only till August when the Suri officers decided to surrender, having been promised a part of the city’s treasure and safety in Mughal service. Indeed, Adham Khan was able to use the situation to his favor, he had alleged that both the Malwa and Suri had abandoned the garrison to their fates, Suri having abandoned them to the Malwans, and the Malwans only having used the troops of the garrison to further their own interests before fleeing south to defend their homes from the vengeful Hindu queen. After the conquest, Adham Khan created a new garrison army, mixing troops from Gwalior with his own loyal men recruited from Hindustan and Punjab, as well as some Moghul warriors who had traversed the whole way from Kabul, in order to create a balanced and loyal garrison, as a counter to any possible Malwa restoration. Adham Khan decided to not pursue further war against Malwa for now, noticing that the Hindus of Gondwana were doing decently and wearing down the once mighty Afghan warriors. Instead Adham Khan drilled his men hard and by the September of 1558 begun a march towards Bihar to join the regent in dealing what could very well be the final blow to Adil Shah Suri.

Maharana Udai Singh recruited a number of Muslim mercenaries, as well as a new force of vassal Rajput cavalry and moved from Ajmer towards Merta, which was by now besieged by Rana Maldeo, who wanted to have his city as promised to him. But with Maharana Udai Singh arriving to the help of his cousin Jaimal, Maldeo was forced to lift the siege. The Mewari army was constantly harassed under the skillful leadership of Maldeo’s son Chandrasen, who effectively exploited the army’s slow movements along the main road leading from Ajmer to Merta. Recognizing the superiority in numbers, Maldeo didn’t give battle, and allowed Udai Singh to visit the city, pray in local shrines and collect the taxes. But as he was returning back to Ajmer, the Mewaris started erecting small wooden forts along the road linking the two cities. This enraged the Marwaris, who now considered the Maharana’s ambition as one aimed to undermine the whole Rathore clan and steal its territory using Rao Jaimal as a renegade puppet. Thousands of Marwari warriors from the countryside mobilized and assaulted some of these forts, burning them down and killing the Mewari occupants, while Rao Jaimal was denounced as a traitor of the worst kind. The two mightiest Rajput states were now decisively on a course of war.

[Gondi Army of Bhelsa destroyed, Malwa troops briefly block route between Ujjain and Garha-Mandla proper, siege of Ujjain still ongoing, +1,250 trade income to Baz Bahadur]
[Parts of Malwa annexed to Gondwana, 5,000 rupees of seized property]
[Gwalior falls to Adham Khan, +3,000 to Mughal treasuries]
[Series of skirmishes between Mewari and Marwari Rajputs along Ajmer-Merta road]
 
Night of Blood at Prayag
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Suri elephants and barges during the night-time assault on Bairam Khan’s siege camp at Prayag

As Bairam Khan was besieging Prayag, he ordered Atgah Khan who had just arrived from Gwalior to take his small mobile force to Gorakhpur and proceed to harass the so-far untouched Suri possessions. Backed with some cavalry from the main Mughal Army, Atgah Khan managed a series of raids just as daring and successful as the ones on Malwa fortresses he had committed a few months prior. The Mughals came increasingly close to Patna, tying down a Suri force that had just been recruited in the region and was due to join Adil Shah at Jaunpur. Troops recruited closer to the stronghold and at Benares managed to join Adil Shah, though. The fact that there was now a Mughal force pressuring the road between Bengal and Jaunpur greatly worried the Bengali officers and especially the Sultan Ghiyasuddin, who had already voiced his concern regarding the management of the war.

On a surprisingly rainy day in September, a messenger from the west arrived to encampment of Bairam Khan outside of the besieged Prayag. The rider presented himself as a royal envoy from Agra, handing to Bairam Khan a letter, detailing a grave situation in the far west of the Empire, a Safavid invasion of Kabul nonetheless. Bairam Khan felt that something was iffy about the letter, as none of the ones he had been receiving from Agra’s governor had warned about this. Such a sudden assault, when the two empires were supposed to enjoy excellent relations due to the friendship of Shah Tahmasp with Akbar’s father Humayn, seemed very unlikely. Nevertheless, Bairam Khan decided not to worry too much, since he knew that the army of Adham Khan was further west, and more than competent enough to face off any invasion from the west. The rumors however spread widely in the camp, thanks to a few officers who couldn’t keep their mouths shut, and had effect on the morale, especially when coupled with the horribly rainy weather.

That night, Bairam Khan and the whole Mughal camp were awoken by sudden roar of artillery breaking through the continuous sound of rain. Suddenly a huge fire broke out in the camp, as Suri troops utilizing barges and artillery started a night assault on the camp. Suddenly it became obvious that this was more than a daring raid by the besieged troops, as the volume of troops soaring to attack across the Ganges. Mughal troops rushed to defend against the attack, but the darkness and pure surprise greatly hampered the efforts, as the attackers were joined by the garrison troops. But the crossing of the Ganges also proved hazardous for the attackers, as despite of the shallow water near Prayag, the crossing involved a decent enough obstacle, and some barges, especially those carrying elephants, were obviously easy targets to the first Mughal artillery and matchlockmen to organize.

The chaotic, confusing and exceptionally brutal battle dragged on for hours, as men fought hand-to-hand in the camp. Bairam Khan found himself fighting off Suri assassins, receiving light wounds, while the famous Mughal Amir Ali Quli Khan, hero of Panipat, perished in unclear conditions. Soon, however, the decision started to turn disastrous for the Suri, as the Mughal artillerymen managed to squash the barges, trapping a number of Suri troops on the wrong bank of the river, before Mughal forces massacred them. Both Adil Shah and Ghiyasuddin, who was more or less shocked by the fatal tactic, were present at the battle following it from the other bank, as Mughal artillery started to return fire on the crossing encampments. The destructive chaos was furthered by claims of Mughal troops crossing the river, which resulted in Suri artillery pounding their own retreating warriors. Many of the most loyal officers and bodyguards of Adil Shah had perished and he rushed on horseback to inspire his troops. Then, a lucky shot by a Mughal matchlockman knocked him off his horse. By now, the Bengali Sultan gave order for his troops to abandon the battle, and prepared to retreat towards Benares, also issuing similar orders to the Suri troops.

The Mughal army was also badly bloodied, and had lost many of the great officers and artillery specialists. Bairam Khan, despite of his wounds, commanded the battle which had now turned into a storming of the fort of Prayag. The whole city was in flames, which kept growing despite of the heavy rain. By the next morning, the Mughal camp but also the city of Prayag were a smoldering ruin, with Mughal troops occupying the citadel. Thousands of lives had been lost for both armies, and Bairam Khan was unable to pursue the fleeing Suri troops, not knowing that Adil Shah was in fact on the verge of death, having been rescued by a bodyguard after being trampled by retreating Suri troops. That night he was brought to the Suri army camp, now under the command of Ghiyasuddin Bahadur Shah. Shortly after arriving at the tent of Bahadur Shah, without any loyal men at hand, he was killed with a simple slash of a sword, though it was likely that he would have died anyway. The body was thrown to the river, and Ghiyasuddin announced that he had finally gained revenge for the death of his father, and had himself declared Sultan of all Suri realms by the army, by now consisting mostly of Bengalis. The loyalists of Adil Shah present were given two options, either to join the new unified Suris under Ghiyasuddin, or follow the fate of Adil Shah. Many joined, but many good officers were also executed. Then Ghiyasuddin packed up and moved to Benares. Sher Khan Suri, the son of Adil Shah and commander of the fort of Chunar denounced the news and declared himself the only legitimate Suri ruler, even though he didn’t hold anything else apart for the fortress and its immediate surroundings, while the loyalty of the reinforcements at Patna and the garrison of Jaunpur remained unclear.

The day after the battle and capture of Prayag, an envoy from Agra’s governor Raja Todar Mal arrived to the remnants of the camp, presenting a pile of boring documents to Bairam Khan. But most importantly, there were letters from Kabul from an old friend of Bairam Khan. And on top of that, the envoy hadn’t heard about any invasion either. Two weeks later the army of Adham Khan arrived to Prayag, and the Mughals marched on to jointly besiege Jaunpur, the garrison not even exactly knowing who they were fighting for. Despite of that, the Suris fought fiercely and were still in control of the fort by the year’s end, while Ghiyasuddin was busy establishing his rule over the Bihari half of the Suri territories, managing to gain the loyalty of Patna’s garrison, but failing to convince Sher Khan Suri to surrender. What he planned to do next remained to be seen.

[Bairam Khan moderately wounded, will have a permanent limp, Adil Shah Suri dead, a lot of NPCs on both sides dead]
[Ghiyasuddin usurps the remaining lands of Adil Shah, Sher Khan Suri in control of Chunar fortress]
[Very heavy casualties to both armies]
[12,500 loot to Mughals from Prayag (determine fate), Jaunpur besieged (with most of the Suri treasure there), some treasure with Sher Khan at Chunar, some seized by Ghiyasuddin]
 
1558
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Workers preparing plantations at one of the estates now belonging to Amir Adham Khan

To help him in both waging war and administering the realm, Wakil Mutlaq Bairam Khan proceeded to try and learn the local Khariboli Hindi dialect of Delhi and its surroundings. He also hired many Khariboli speakers to his retinue and army, in hopes of using it to an advantage. This was a rather baffling affair, as Persian, the language of Bairam Khan, had been used as the language of administration in the region already for centuries, even by many Hindus. Bairam Khan, obviously noticing the reforms of Raja Todal Mal, decided to order them implemented in larger parts of the Empire, or at least in Delhi, Panipat and Meerut, which were the first places it took root in. Despite of considerable opposition, the uniformity of weights and measures was imposed on the local merchants and artisans, easing administration.
[+5,000 income to Delhi, +1,500 trade]

Raja Todar Mal continued to administer Agra with diligence and high efficiency. But he was noticeably annoyed, angered and according to closest Hindu friends even furious due to what he considered a lack of appreciation and recognition by the Mughal court. Despite of all his attempts to gain favor, he had been ignored by the court, and an invite he had so long waited never arrived to him. Thus, maybe it was the reason behind an array of weird bureaucratic documents, rulings and requests sent from the city administration to the regent and the court. After delving through the stacks of paperwork, it was deduced that nothing of interest had actually happened in the city.

Indeed, the silence of the royal court of Akbar was rather peculiar, not only to Raja Todar Mal. Many soldiers and officials started to question if Akbar, who no longer was just a little boy but almost a grown man, in fact had much interest in managing the affairs of the state, or if he just wished to enjoy the safe luxury of his palace while his troops fought to restore the Empire. Likewise, the royal begums, judges and all sorts of officials in Kabul grew tired of the city, hoping to see the glories of Hindustan themselves, instead of just reading about them in the letters. The continuous presence of much of the state’s higher institutions and royal and some Amirs’ families in Kabul led to some rumors concerning the safety of the Empire, while in Central Hindustan the various commanders had a more prominent role than the actual Timurid family.

In the region of Central Hindustan that was now becoming the home of the Moghul generals and their families, both Atgah and Adham Khan sought to seal their family influences and incomes. Adham Khan had his aides and servants tour the countryside of Delhi and Punjab where he had gained some considerable fame. They purchased estates, horses and small foundries and manufactories producing fine metal objects, including armor and sword, befitting of Adham Khan’s status. Most of the wealth he had acquired from his campaigns went to this, but very likely it would be returned quite soon, as the management seemed rather skillful, with various investments already made over the autumn. Already having a good estate and mansion close to Delhi, Mir Muhammad Khan, Atgah Khan’s brother, and de facto administrator of the family properties, ended up finding a local zamindar’s daughter as his wife, gaining influence in the Delhi countryside for the family.

Udaipur already had a wide number of mines, producing and refining minerals and metals ranging from zinc to marble and from asbestos to copper. Maharana Udai Singh took a great personal interest in these mines, foundries and workshops and personal sponsored many of the local artisans and manufacturers, increasing his tax profits from the region. Another new favorite project of the Mewari was related to administration. He had come to realize that the Mughals, Suri and other Muslim dynasties were far more stable and advanced than the Rajputs mostly due to their far superior administration. The Maharana put his second son Jagmal in charge of the project, which eventually caught the attention of the vassal rulers of the complex confederacy that was Mewari hegemony. The backlash was imminent, with the Raos of Dungarpur and Banswara, the two southernmost districts, being the primary opponents, along with some members of the Mewari Sisodia clan. They regarded this planned centralization as akin to treason, and as an attempt by the Maharana to seize further wealth and power for himself. Thus the whole project was quickly tuned down, with only very minor and barely operational bureaucracy in Udaipur and the recently conquered Ajmer, and noticeable drop in the year’s tax incomes from some areas. While not touring mines or leading troops, Udai Singh closely studied news of the Suri-Mughal war, and made notes of the Muslim militaries, consenting that they were indeed superior to his own in almost every aspect.
[-5,000 rupees, +1,500 taxes in Udaipur]
[+750 salaries, +500 income in Ajmer, angered vassals, -1,500 rupees less tax income this year, for some reason]

The ruler of Marwar took a completely different approach to the administration problem. Instead of forcing a new centralized structure top down, he utilized the local chieftains and village rulers, and the survey he had ordered in the state over the past year. Offering minor stipends to members of local families, clans and associates of strongmen, he created a network of local acquaintances that helped in relaying information to him, and aided in tax collection, troop recruitment and such. While this part time profession was in no way a bureaucracy, it gave Rana Maldeo Rathore a network of loyalists and allies all over the realm, who could be expected to fulfill his orders. The Rana also paid visit to his new city of Nagaur, speaking nicely of promotion of trade, tolerance of the new Afghan Muslim subjects and integration as one of the leading cities of Marwari realm.
[+750 salaries, +500 income Jodhpur, +500 Nagaur (internal trade)]

The Queen of Gondwana sought to find a Hindu guru to tutor his son the Rana Vir Naryan. As rumors of her wisdom and noble Rajput lineage were widespread, the young Hindu philosopher Madhusūdana Sarasvatī from Bengal decided to take the offer, having been approached by Gondi nobles while travelling Odisha. He arrived to the Gondi court in Garha and started to tutor the young prince, after having received a small compensation. The sponsorship of Durgavati also allowed him to write and compile his own treatises and studies in the Gondi court, in hopes of gaining fame and waiting for the war to end before making his way to the more prominent centers of Hindu thought in Hindustan proper.
[-100 rupees]

Jalal, the brother of Ghiyasuddin Shah of Bengal, invited the Portuguese governor of India to visit him at Jannatabad. However, once the letter reached Goa, the governor had been replaced with a new one, Viceroy Constantino de Braganza, who was too busy handling other affairs of the vast colonial empire. Instead a minor official from Chittagong was hosted by Mirza Jalal. However, this slight disappointment didn’t slow down Jalal, who was able to seal some further trade deals, and more importantly promised to start adapting Portuguese scales and weights in Bengal to improve mutual trade. The Portuguese, after hearing of extensive fortification work in Bengali cities, even offered a few engineers and advisers, planning one of the most sophisticated walls in Asia for the city of Jannatabad.
[+2,000 trade, +250 salaries (adopting new weights), -10,000 rupees, extensive fortification work underway]

Discontent against the rule of Muhammad Isa Tarkhan had silently spread in Sindh, especially after a huge spending spree was followed by a year of inaction. Thus, in the summer of 1558, the governor of Bhakkar, Isa Tarkhan’s own cousin Mahmud Koka declared himself a Sultan as opposed to the Mirza Isa Tarkhan, and seized control of the province after minor skirmishes with loyalist garrisons. At first Isa Tarkhan feared that Kokaltash would march all the way south to Thatta, but these fears seemed to be proven untrue after no indication of southwards movement was received that year.
[Pretender Sultan Mahmud Kokaltash revolts in the north]

The Sufi shaykh Ubaydah Baba continued his presence in Kabul. After having carved out a good number of followers of the Ha’iyya in the upper class and bureaucracy of the city, Ubaydah Baba quickly started to persuade them to be more active in the promotion of the Ha’iyya truths. Morals and even laws shifted in the city, much to the dislike of the traditional religious establishment, as low-level bureaucrats half-openly endorsed wine and other luxuries condemned by the orthodox religious interpretation. Indeed, some Kabuli bureaucrats served in double roles as high administrators and in positions of power in the Ha’iyya lodges, by now there were several, of the city. As the Ha’iyya slowly entrenched itself in Kabulistan, the traditional religious authorities, but even the other Sufi orders, such as the Chisti or Suhrawardiyya grew wary of its power. An important Chisti shaykh from Lahore in fact travelled to Kabul, hoping to debate Ubaydah Baba, allegedly at the behest of the de facto Chisti leader, Shaykh Salim Chishti.

The Sikh Guru Amar Das used his personal wealth to improve the city of Goindwal. A few new public buildings and wells were built, but the funds of a guru were rather limited. In addition he started to give sermons to travelers, in hopes of making them convert. While Goindwal was by now a rather known city, and the Sikh hospitality, and warm langar soups attracted some travelers and aspiring converts, more would be needed to make Sikhism a more prominent faith recognized even at the level of Punjab, or by the Mughal administration. Some Mughal troops, notably the ones under Adham Khan, had passed close to Goindwal in the past campaigns, and at least he and his officers were aware of the new faith.

The Priest Thampan arrived in Mandu only to find a city at war, having left his student Kurian and a couple of nuns in charge of the church at Nagpur. The ten converts and the priest were received hurriedly but warmly by Baz Bahadur, before the Sultan had to rush to another campaign. But before he did, Thampan was appointed as a diplomat to the court, receiving a tiny salary and official honors, becoming one of the first Christians to serve a government in northern India.

GM NOTE: War orders due Wednesday 23:59 GMT. Another rule change, not sending orders for two turns will result in expulsion from the page. The rule is in force from this past update onwards, so quite a lot of people need to be more active the next turn. Similarly, not ICing at all might or might not have some repercussions regarding the success of certain actions.
 
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Padishah of the Moghul Empire, Abu'l-Fath Jalal ud-din Muhammad Akbar;

I write to you now in the hope that peace can be secured between our two lands. With the claimant Adil Shah removed from this earth, there is no need for any hostilities between the Suri's of Bengal and the Moghul's of Delhi; I propose that instead we unite in friendship, and allow order and stability to return to Hindustan. To such an effect, I invite a representative of yourself to meet with me in the city of Patna where any issues extant between our realms can be settled amicably.

Sultan of Bengal, Ghiyasuddin Bahadur Shah II
 
Regent and Wakil Mutlaq of the Moghul Empire, Bairam Khan,

The conflict between my father and your Empire took the lives of many good men for little gain, and the treacherous snake Ghiyasuddin has used the chaos following my father's death to butcher even more good men for their loyalty to my father and myself. Rumours spread like wildfire that he was even personally responsible for the death of my father, an act of kinslaying most vile. As I write, he tries evermore to take all remaining land that my father held, and would surely kill me if he had the chance. His insatiable lust for power blinds him even to the bonds of kinship, such a man can never be trusted. As I am well aware of the famed Moghul generosity, I see the best course of action is to seek reconciliation with your Empire. My father was quite mistaken to seek the assistance of Ghiyasuddin to fight a futile fight against you, and I wish to assist you in continuing the war against the Bengali. I am certain that as my father's son I still hold enough sway over the garrison of Jaunpur to convince them to cease their resistance against Moghul rule.

What I offer is recognition of Moghul domination of Hindustan, and to serve your Empire in its campaigns against the traitorous kinslayer, Ghiyasuddin. In exchange I ask that I be allowed autonomy over my current holdings, and potoentially other lands of the Suri you see fit to grant me. Let us end the bloodshed between us, and move on to face the real enemy, the untrustworthy Ghiyasuddin, who would sooner sell his own family for personal gain than uphold a fair deal. Any deal you make with him is one you were surely come to regret.

-Sher Khan Suri
 
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A painting of indian dhobi's washing clothes

Thampan was strolling through the Bazaar in Mandu when he saw a shophouse that was near to a well perfect to set up a dhobi ghat ( Dhobis wash clothes for a living ) He had been thinking of a way to fund his small but growing community there was no church so the Indian Christians had to pray inside thampan's small chapel located in his apartment given to him by the Sultan. Seeing a Man sitting on chair outside the Shophouse he asks the man " How much for the shophouse ? " The man smiling offers a price " 100 rupees sir " Thampan takes out a bag of coins putting it in the man's hands.The next day a sign is put up outside the Shop and and there are groups of woman with miniature crosses hanging from their necks washing and drying clothes for the local villagers and some merchants

येशू अनुयायी
धोबी घाट
(Nasrani Dhobi Ghat)


 
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To His Beatitude the Patriarch of Antioch, Patriarch Ignatius Nemet Aloho

Your Beatitude I am a Priest of the church that is residing in India I have converted about a hundred of the Marathi people in Nagpur and now have been built one church in the city of Nagpur your Beatitude. I am now a minister at the court of the Sultan Miyan Bayezid Baz Bahadur Khan serving as a diplomat for the crown of Malwa to strengthen my position in North India i recommend that you consecrate me bishop as it will give me more authority and respect among the indian leaders. Here are other reasons why it would serve the will of the church for me to be consecrated Bishop Firsty I will be respected by my peer from other religions as equal to them Secondly the church in Kerala is in distress they may soon be wiped out by the Catholic Portuguese in Goa who view us as heretics this calls for strong leadership your Beatitude. Also I could have become a catholic if i wanted to but I stayed faithful to Christ Jesus and followed the rulings of the Syriac Church I ask that you please remember my loyalty to the Church your Beatitude.

Priest Thampan of the Church in Nagpur
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The Syriac Orthodox Church Flag
 
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