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Chiang Ching-kuo (蔣經國)
b. 27 April 1910 (41 years old)

Director of the National Bureau of Investigation & Statistics, 1946
Director of the Counterintelligence Bureau, 1946 – 1948
Minister of the Interior, 1948 – present

Biography:

Chiang Ching-kuo was born in Fenghua, Chekiang Province. In early childhood he seldom saw his father and was brought up by his grandmother and mother in a Buddhist atmosphere. He was given a strict traditional Chinese education until he was 12 years of age when he left for Shanghai and Beijing to attend westernized schools. Chiang was a student activist and was involved in a number of anti-Japanese and anti-government protest movements.

In 1925 Chiang was one of 340 students elected to attend the Sun Yat-sen University of Moscow. At that time, his father was already a leading figure in the Kuomintang (KMT) which formed the first united front with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) against the warlords and foreign imperialist powers. His Moscow education was mostly the studies of revolutionary theories, Marxism-Leninism, and military science. He joined the Soviet Communist Youth League and later became a probationary member of the Soviet Communist Party.

During the course of the power struggle between Stalin and Trotsky, Chiang might have professed sympathy with the latter. He antagonized Wang Ming, then the CCP representative in Moscow. More importantly, due to his father's strong anti-Communist policy Chiang was sent to a Siberian mining factory in 1931 where he met and married his Russian wife in 1935. His classmates in the Sun Yat-sen University included Deng Xiaoping, Liao Cheng-chih, Ulanfu, and Lin Chu-han, all of whom later became prominent CCP leaders. Chiang lost his probationary party membership in 1936.

In 1937, after spending 12 years in the former Soviet Union, Chiang returned to China. Stalin decided to release him because the KMT under his father's leadership had just agreed to a second united front with the CCP in order to fight against the Japanese aggression. Upon return, Chiang spent one year in Fenghua with his mother (who was later killed by a Japanese bomb) under the guidance of Hsu Daolin, a brilliant scholarly official and aide to Chiang Kai-shek.

Chiang's political career began in 1938 when he was appointed to head the county government in Kanhsien, Kiangsi Province, and simultaneously assumed the post of administrative inspector to supervise nearby counties. He used iron-handed methods to put together a series of administrative, economic, and social reforms. He established a political institute to train administrative cadres. Chiang formally became a KMT member in 1938 and was baptized as a Christian in 1943. From 1941 to 1946 he devoted himself to the work of the youth league organization, which was conceived as an institutional arm of the KMT to recruit and train young cadres. Through these efforts he established himself as an important factor in the KMT power structure.

Early in 1946 he was appointed Director of the National Bureau of Investigation and Statistics (NBIS), or Juntong, which acted as the Republic of China's intelligence gathering force, as well as a proto-secret police. Although it would change to the Counterintelligence Bureau its functions which largely remain the same and with the outbreak of the Chinese Civil War, the younger Chiang's bureau proved instrumental, providing vital intelligence against the Communists.

His stalwart work lead to Chiang's further elevation to the post of Minister of the Interior in 1948, granting him large oversight over the nation's police forces, secret police elements, etc.; these too Chiang used with vigor in his efforts against the Communists, with great results: after extensive torture of General He Long the location of the CCP Politburo and Secretariat members was found, and in a daring raid orchestrated by the secret police all of them were apprehended and quickly disposed of, largely bringing the war to an end.

Now Chiang looks to the future, dedicated to helping the Republic of China prosper, and to protect the rule of his father, Chiang Kai-shek: the Liberator of China.
 
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Sung Hsuan-Tso
Chairman of the Chinese Youth Party
Member of the Legislative Yuan
Date of Birth: Sept 9 1908 (43)

Biography: Born in Canton, Kwangtung province, to a prominent family involved in city governance Sung was only three years old when the Qing dynasty was toppled; throwing the country into turmoil which would last for most of his life. His father was a mandarin with connections to the court in Peking, but managed to ensure his survival by quickly throwing in his lot with the Revolution; publicly cutting off his queue as a demonstration of solidarity with the new regime. It was only while Sung attended university abroad that he joined the Chinese Youth Party, which by that point had made deep inroads into the the diaspora community. Due to his family connections to the Cantonese government he rose quickly within the party ranks as the CYP attempted to expand on the mainland instead.

As the Sino-Japanese War and then the Chinese Civil War dragged on and on the CYP quietly solidified itself as the party of the moderate right; while the KMT gradually grew to become an authoritarian and militarist organisation distanced from her roots. Sung has recently risen to the helm of the Party after spending time on various administrative levels, and had used his connections to Chiang Ch'ing Kuo -- forged during the latter's time in Kahnsien, as the CYP and KMT were forced to co-operate briefly in order to pass Chiang's desired reforms -- to try and align the CYP with the KMT. So far he has been mildly successful, as the KMT has graciously deigned to allow the Chinese Youth Party the ability to gain seats in the Legislative Yuan; and Sung himself is eyeing a post on the Executive Yuan. Still, however, he has a choice to make: allow the CYP to become the KMT's servant in exchange for a guaranteed seat at the table, or fashion the CYP into a legitimate opposition party and maybe be seated at the table's head.

 
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鍾强涛
Zhong Qiang-Tao

Born 1913, Chaozhou, Province of Guangdong.

Member of the Legislative Yuan (KMT),
High-ranking member of the Sun Yee On Triad.​

Not only a political contact of the expanding Guangdong-based Triad, but one closely related to its leadership, Qiang-tao treads a fine line between politician and gangster. Born to a relatively affluent family of the area, the Teochew had many great opportunities during his early life, and went on to study Law in the French University of Toulouse. When the Second Sino-Japanese War started, however, his studies were interrupted, and Qiang-tao was forced to return to mainland China, as his father's business, that of commerce, was affected.

Since its creation in 1919, through his uncle, the now politician had contact with the Sun Yee On Triad, and used of that connection to find work related to his incomplete foreign degree on the province, in the process helping establish the crime syndicate. His father's enterprise would become, in time, a front to the organization, used to smuggle not only opioid based drugs out of the country, but also people.

Qiangtao would eventually finish his studies in the Sun Yat-sen University of Guangzhou, and become a fully integrated member of the secret society, through the years finding in its founder and leader, Heung Chin, a close acquaintance. At times acting as a learned adviser, he used of his underworld networking to progress through the civil ranks of an occupied China, and got involved with the process of driving the Japanese forces back, although not militarily.

Now furthering not only the interests of the triad, but also his own, he politically affiliated with the ruling party, and after the war, became a prominent political figure within his home-province. Although too late to properly witness Sun Yat-sen's life and death, Qing-tao's time in Europe made him see great value and wisdom in Yat-sen's proposed measures and philosophy, and would shape his career. A career which, not only because of a strong underworld backing that prospered in the post-war environment, but also by his own political merit throughout the civil war and approval in Guangdong, culminated in receiving a seat in the Legislative Yuan.

Rumors of his connections to the Sun Yee On Triad had always existed locally in Guangdong, but on a more national level they don't warrant much attention, as vile rumors are spread by and towards many-a political figures. It stands as a testament of his discipline and cleverness, however, that no real evidence has yet been discovered linking him to the triad leadership, even though he favored its members during his early career.
 
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Picture taken in 1940 as a private in the National Revolutionary Army

Name:
Liang Zudong
Born:
August 3rd, 1919
Position:
Lieutenant in the Republic of China Army
Background:
Born in the farmlands of the Hunan province to a family of farmers, Liang Zudong never thought much about the world until the invasion of China in the summer of 1937 by Japan. Zudong left his family's farm at the age of 18 to join the National Revolutionary Army. He served throughout the war with distinction and miraculously survived his entire time as a footsoldier. He was promoted for heroism against the Communist forces in Manchuria in the spring of 1946 and would quickly rise in the ranks during the Civil War. He is now a Lieutenant approaching his 32nd birthday and contemplating continuing a career in the army or going into politics. Politically he has always supported the Kuomintang but he thinks they don't go far enough. He disapproves of democracy and of the other races of China. He is jingoistic and wants to invade the Communists in North Korea. A deep admirer of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party despite their alliance with the evil and hated Japanese he wants to secure a fascist state in China that will introduce national socialism for the Han people. He believes the KMT is this force, but if that changes he may attempt to establish a new party.
 
New Jiangxi Style Society
新江西風格社會
Type: Pressure Group/Parliamentary Caucus/Internal Party Political Grouping
Parent Party: KMT

Ideology & Stances:

- New Jiangxi Style
+ The integration of state services and apparatus into an organized and hierarchical society so as to provide for the needs of China. Compulsory education, economic development, and widespread healthcare must be utilized to provide for the national well-being.

- One Party, One Leader
+ Rise of a single figure to wield supreme power, uplifting the people through his superior, sublime spirit and acting as a mentor to the masses. Under his direction would be a single party apparatus to carry out his will and assist in the reorganization of society to its betterment.

- Discipline
+ This new apparatus must endeavor to operate with honor, its membership held to the highest scrutiny as to live simple lives, their actions and incomes supervised. All cadres must be treated as equal within this apparatus. Ability must be the basis of advancement and office. Violations must be severely punished.

- Reorganization of Society
+ In return, the people and their families must invest their full faith into the nation and its leader. Society itself must undergo change as fit the needs of the nation, organized into wings that respect the proper hierarchy, from the leader, to his apparatus, to the masses. All elements of the nation must in turn find their place within this new society.

- Chinese Character
+ Recognizing its unique spirit, the Chinese Character must be defined independently from foreign influence, cultivated alongside military and industrial advancement. Our nation must be defined as indivisible and mighty, reversing the rebellions and perversions inflicted upon the nation. In diplomacy, we must seize our destiny for ourselves and in respect to the Chinese Character, not foreign character.



Informal Head:
Lu Wenyi

Prominent Members:
Jiang Ruikuan
 
Last edited:
Colonel Jiang, already by 1951 at least vaguely associated with Lu Wenyi and the YLTPP, issued a series of articles and addresses endorsing the New Jiangxi Style Society, which he formally joined within a few weeks of its platform being officially released.
 
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From the Desk of the Ambassador to China
To His Excellency, Chiang Kai-shek, President of the Republic of China

John Leighton Stuart
c/o American Embassy, Nanjing
Nanjing
China


Your Excellency,

I wish to preface this letter with an expression of congratulations, on behalf of President Truman and all the American people. Ever since the Communist Chinese rebelled against the rightful, democratic, and free Republic of China, the United States of America has supported you and your government, both through material and other means. I can speak personally for American support for your government, for in my time and capacity as Ambassador to the Republic of China, I have received countless briefs and missives from President Truman firmly outlining and establishing American support for your government. The defeat of the Communist Chinese was necessary in the President's mind in establishing stability and security in the Far East, with the advent of Russia and other communist powers throughout the globe. It came as a relief to the American people and all of Western Society when a man such as you, admirable and democratic, defeated those who would see yet another people put under a unjust dictatorial communist regime. Be assured, the President is doing all he can to oppose the illegal Soviet occupation of Manchuria and North Korea, and is prepared to do his utmost to see democracy established in Korea and beyond.

However, the President is also aware of the devastation that has been wreaked upon the Republic of China, caused by the vicious and illegal Japanese invasion of 1937, and by the Communist uprising that has plagued China for the past twenty years. To this end, and to ensure that China is rebuilt and her people taken care of, the President and his advisors have given me the authority to initiate negotiations with you and your government as to bring more aid, in the form of money and advisors in all fields to the Republic of China, pursuant to the China Aid Act of 1947. The President is more than willing to hand out a potential package of loans and grants that is equal to $1.051 billion, in addition to the $40 million already given to the Republic of China. The reconstruction and rejuvenation of the Chinese people is paramount on the mind of the President, and I eagerly await your response to the President's offer. If need be, formal details can be forwarded to your office for consideration.

Respectfully,
John Leighton Stuart
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of China
 
Approving of the group's professed preference for heavy state involvement in the economy and a strong, authoritative style of government, Chen Kao endorses the New Jiangxi Style Society in a series of public statements in the Legislative Yuan and privately requests admittance into its ranks.
 
To the most esteemed President

Your Excellency,

First of all, let me congratulate you on the continued victories against the communist traitors that still roam parts of China. Even soldiers in the airforce feel pride when the news of further victories against the traitors reaches their units. Now, since the war officially is done I hope that you and your government would look into the horrible state that our airforce is in. The equipment that we have, is a mish mash of old Soviet, American and Japanese planes. This is a problem because our pilots have to learn many different types of airplanes which will show in battle. Together with standardnizing the equipment, I believe it is also important to modernize the airforce so that our enemies are not allowed to bomb our cities freely. While I know that the economy of our proud country is suffering, I hope that you and your government will take this into consideration.

~ Chow Chin-kai
 

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Ma Ruogang
First Lieutenant in the Army of the Republic of China
Date of Birth: 18 November 1925



Biography: Born in Yichuan, Ningxia on the 18th of November 1925 two years before the civil war that would tear the nation apart.Ma Ruogang's Father was a teacher in the local missionary school while his mother taught Arabic at the local Mosque.His Father was shot by a communist soldier during a failed attack of Ningxia when Ruogang was seven leaving Ruogang an Orphan.Ma Ruogang's mother barely managed to provide an education for her son.He enrolled in the Missionary School his late father taught at an act of charity made by the Principal of the school who had been fond of Rugoang's Father his English education was also complimented by an Islamic Education provided to him by his Mother.Ma Ruogang dropped out of School at the age of sixteen to join the war effort against the Japanese. He was sent to the front line where he faced a full-on Japanese Onslaught filled with death and gore he came back from the front line scarred and battered retiring for a year before rejoining the army.By 1948 he had been promoted to that of the First Lieutenant Ruogang in the same year he was promoted his regiment was transferred to guard Nanjing.
 
Hengli Kang applies quietly to the Tridemist movement, seeing as the ideals of the movement largely embody his own within the KMT.

A day later he would be one of many to give a speech on a local party congress in wartorn Qingdao, Shandong province.

People of Qingdao, People of Shandong, People of CHINA

Before I begin what will arguably be yet another uninteresting speech that will bore those attending this party congress to death, I must thank the armed forces of the Republic of China. They have at last expelled all foes to a modern and democratic China from most of China's rightful territory, be they affiliated with the Rising Sun or the Hammer and Sickle. We can have this congress and the opposition can have their congresses because China breathes free from foreign oppression. At last we finally totally breathe free. This town, this province,this nation, ancient be its history and noble be its inhabitants, can now speak freely at last.

It is thus I move on to more practical matters. While many at this congress would advocate for state control over our most important industries, I find such an approach to the economy to be only counterproductive. The polarized world we find ourselves in has shown us two extremes, that of liberalism, where the economy has barely a regulation in the way of the rich and the elite, and those with wealth rule the country, and that of socialism, where there is no freedom at all and the entire economy is in chains to a central directory in five year plans of the state. We must not look to extremism, certainly not after having faced off against both, first under the Qing, where it was truly European businesses that ruled our nation, and not the people or China, or against the forces of Mao Zedong, who sought to chain us to the same creed much of eastern Europe has now fallen under, where individuals have no say in economic policy of the state. That is why the Kuomintang, and China, must look to moderate. While we must nationalize certain key industries such as those employed for military purposes and transport of the people, we must also not enslave and enchain the remainder of our industries. Business owners that are not under national control should be forced to keep to certain regulations such as but not limited to a minimum wage or working conditions. Moderation is key to solving many of the problems the Republic of China is facing, certainly economic ones. Class differences are unavoidable, but it must be our goal to ensure all those with a keen mind and the will to work can contribute their assorted part in the rise of China as a nation from the ashes.

As such we come to the international standing of the Republic of China, and more notably, its yet unrecovered land. In our time of weakness and foreign rule, these provinces of Tibet and ''East Turkestan'' seceded from our Republic in a bid for independence. Yet this is hardly proper as we are all Chinese. These rebellious movements should be crushed before long, and their people and cultures restored to the fold. China is richly diverse, and to abandon it in favour of such nationalist dreams is not only counterproductive but threatening. A China divided can once again fall to foreign influence and rule, or even the dictatorships the like of the Soviet Union and the Empire of Japan, that we fought so hard against for so many years. We must reunite China fully and stand strong and united, for if such is not archieved, it will surely spell the end of the very state all those gathered here love so dearly.

Hengli Kang leaves under loud clapping
 
The Hùnxiě Girl Part I

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The Neighbourhood where Ma Ruogang lived in Nanjing

Ma Ruogang had from young wanted to have a bakery of his own a dream born out of his desire to feed his Mother.When his Regiment had been transferred to guard Nanjing two years ago he had been given a villa to be shared with two other officers of his rank a cantonese officer named Wei Lingxin and another Hui named Hu Guanyu.The villa was placed in one of the districts primarily occupied by the middle class a Temple of the Goddess of Mercy was placed nearby with a steady stream of worshippers. Ruogang was buying food at the nearby bazaar when he noticed a beautiful girl about the age of Eighteen on her way to School she wore the uniform of a local missionary school Ruogang hadn't seen her before (then again this was his second visit to the Bazaar).The Girl was quite tall for a Chinese woman roughly the same height as Ruogang and her nose and chin indicated european ancestry her skin was pale in colour but not quite so that she would be mistaken as a European. Ruogang was enchanted by her foreign appearance and her beautiful features deciding to approach her the next day she went through the Bazaar.
 
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John Leighton Stuart, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of China,

I give you my most sincere and humble apologies for the long delayed response to your letter. Your congratulations are most warmly received, and all of China is grateful for the assistance America provided us during our years of conflict with both the Japanese Imperialists and the Communists. We greatly appreciate your continued offers of support, against the Soviet occupation of rightfully Chinese territory and the other communist agitators they support in east Asia. The restoration of democracy and freedom in opposition to Soviet imposed communism is a most righteous objective, shared by both the Chinese and American peoples.

Now I must again offer apologies for the nature of this letter, for your addressed your letter to the honorable President Chiang Cai-Shek, but are receiving this response from myself instead. I assure you, this is no snub to the United States of America or its ambassador. Indeed, the nature of this letter is actually a sign of how greatly we value American friendship and strong relations between our nations. The President is currently suffering from a most dreadful ailment that leaves him indisposed, and incapable of giving you a proper response. Fear not, his health is not so threatened that his life is in danger, he is expected to make a full recovery, however the time it would take for his full recovery is too long to wait to give a response to the United States, our greatest friend and ally. As a long time associate and friend of President Chiang, I can say with confidence he would not wish for China to become paralysed and incapable of action on his account.

The matter of greatest import that cannot be allowed to wait is your offer of a loan to China. As you most accurately laid out, China suffers significantly from the recent wars and atrocities committed by the Japanese and Communists. The need for rebuilding is great, and such measures require no small amount of funds, well beyond the current capacities of our government at present. Thus I can inform you, based on previous private discussion between President Chiang, myself, and other major government ministers, we have the greatest interest in your offered loan, and will gladly consider it and examine further details on the full nature of the loan.

Bai Chongxi, Minister of National Defense for the Republic of China