[Forum Game] Diadochi – Fate of an Empire

[Mathrim]

Is the still as determined as before to execute his nephew? Unlike half the court I'm not blinded by his tricks and I never believed Miltiades was a paragon. I didn't get to meet him before his death but as far as the reports I received were concerned, there was nothing exceptional about him.
What is with you all tonight? Have we given up on secrecy? Can't we talk about this in a subtler way or at least someplace else? I value discretion and this is neither the place nor the manner to speak of this subject.
There are many unsaid truths in this palace, and I'm glad I get to stay in Pergamon most of the time. I am still amazed to see that men can laudate a kinsman whose blood is on their hands, but I gues it shouldn't srprise me they would be willing to even sacrifice children at that point.
I asked for subtelty, not for obvious and dangerous comments, brother.

The emphasis on the last word didn't please Attalos. There were times he didn't want to be part of the family. But he didn't have a choice, he was one of theirs now. Even if he wasn't the one called Philadelphos and if he would have gladly made him retract his remarks, Ariarathes tried to appease him. He was a worthy ally.

Now that we're done with mindless comments in the open, how about we go to your quarters to discuss what you asked me in private? I would offer you to share y wine but I fear you might turn down the offer.

The look Attalos gave him was half scared and half amused. They left the feast, along with other guests. Archelaos had retired to his room half an hour earlier and his supporters felt compelled to do the same as if emulating him was a proof of loyalty that would be rewarded. His brother was completely obvious to such petty manoeuvres that formed the complex court protocol and wouldn't even bother to learn who showed support this way. He wasn't a bad man, but the court he had built proved too tiresome for him, to Archelaos it was a tool, to Ariarathes it was a box where he had to carefully choose and shape his tools. If only he was the king. No need to fret over that, he had other things to deal with.

The wine was good. It had been brought from Pergamon and directly served by one of Attalos' bodyguards. They were nowhere to be seen, but he knew they couldn't be far. After taking a sip, he said:

They won't be executed and should get out his prisons soon enough. I think I've made him realize what he was about to do, and I assume he'll announce his decision tomorrow. Or maybe he'll simply free them without notice, I don't know for sure.
To say I'm supposed to send my own Eumenes here. The idea doesn't exactly thrill me, that's certain.

He was almost begging him to say what came next. They both knew what he'd answer, but he still had to ask.

Perhaps he could come to Herakleia then? The city is far from the intrigues of the city, I am proud to say that he would be able to receive a proper education, closer to home. And Archelaos couldn't complain, as he said your boy had to come to get his education in Anatolia itself, not in Sinope. I don't see any downsides to this idea, the more I think about t the better it sounds to my ears.

 

[Dadarian]

Κάρανος
​

Karanos patted the pony. It was to become large, much larger than it's father and grandfather. Pleased, he turned to the stablemaster.

"Your work is excellent, I'm quite pleased at the result, continue the good work."

With a bow, the stablemaster smugly went about his work as Karanos left the stables.

 

[Mathrim]

How frightened he was, he was nothing like Mithridates. His own boy had always been sure of himself, perhaps even overconfident. He had always expected obstacles would be pushed aside and that nothing would ever hinder him. He had been wrong, and perhaps Miltiades' son was wiser than Mithridates had been, in a way. He didn't look much like his brother, he simply a scared child trying to stay as close to his mother as he could, as if she could ensure everything would be fine. How foolish. He was in Greece when Miltiades was this age, but he doubted he had ever been so cowardly. He wasn't a threat, but what he represented could be. Phanaerete herself wasn't looking for ways to escape, instead she was angry, angrier than she had been after the death of her husband. She had been grief-sicken back then, now she was furious. Amusing.

The king has seen fit to free you. Follow these men to your new quarters, I will announce you Archelaos' decision very soon.

Ariarathes felt compelled to let them go, because Archelaos seemed to take delight in seeing their misery. He had to make him back down.

- Brother, you have seen how helpless he is. We both have too much blood on our hands already, let us not fall so low.
- I have given you an order. And regardless, what would you want to do with him? I can admit that he doesn't like he would want to oppose Philippos, but even so ambitious schemers will try to use him against my son. I cannot allow that.
- In that case, let us think some more. You're Archelaos Philadepelhos, you are kind towards your brothers and in-laws, this kind of reaction isn't you. As he is he can be both a threat and an asset. He represents Miltiades' legacy, and Miltiades means almost as much as our father when it comes to the legitimacy we have been building. We need to come up with a way to would make him unable to ever threaten you or your son, but that would ensure he lives and acts in a way that benefits us.
- Us, brother? Why do you want him to live so badly? Boys die; I can attest of it.
- I think I have found something. Miltiades had much credit across the sea, his mother is a princess, isn't she? Let us make him king of the Bosporans. This way, your benevolence and love for your family will be shown, you will gain an ally and a tributary and he will become unable to ever press his claims, after all he couldn't hope to rule Anatolia from his barbarian lands. Think about it.
- That's what I'll do. For the time being, you take care of him. I will send you teachers who will report to me to make sure he remains as inoffensive as you claim he is, but I don't want him to grow up close to people would would misuse him. And I don't want to see him grow up at all, to be entirely clear. Keep him far from my sight, and either make him king and kill him. Regardless, he isn't to set foot here ever again.
- Certainly, brother. I must take my leave now.

 

[DensleyBlair]

((If one were considering joining this antique boogaloo, what would one be best served doing?))

 

[XVG]

Siege of Venusia

To continue the war against the Romans and their few Italic allies, Pyrrhos started to rally his forces at Taras. Ships dispatched from Epirus and Syracuse brought in reinforcements in thousands. These included an army sent by Philippos from Macedon, mostly made of Thessalians under the command of Triparadeisos. In Epirus, Illyria, Thrace and all the other regions under the influence of Pyrrhos, thousands were recruited and sailed to Magna Graecia. Troops and regiments that had showed their skill and loyalty at the fields of Kroton, Thurion and Heraclea were updated to new royal regiments, enjoying better pay and privileges. Pyrrhos was preparing for something far grander than merely protecting his brother-in-law from the Romans. Indeed, rumors about the purpose of the war started to spread, not only in Epirus but also in Macedon, Thrace and Syracuse. Soon the whole Greek world knew of this new conqueror, bent on securing the rights of the Greeks of the west – just like Alexandros had done in the East. This somewhat eased the costs of pushing thousands of new men into service, but Pyrrhos nevertheless had to spend a good amount of silver to pay his new men.

Around Taras and Heraclea Pyrrhos had assembled twenty-three thousand men of his own army, now joined by about three thousand Syracusans, five thousand Greeks from Taras and other poleis of Magna Graecia, several thousands from the tribes of Bruttia and Apulia and finally eight thousand more men from the Macedonian force under Triparadeisos. The preparations took a longer period of time from fall 276 to the winter of 275, but Pyrrhos was eager to move to the field as quickly as possible, in hopes of catching the Romans off guard that campaign season. Thus the force of over forty thousand men set on a march deeper into Italy. The first target was to be Venusia, the main Roman stronghold and base of operations in the south. Time had come to end that threat to Magna Graecia.

However, Archagatus didn’t exactly share the interest in going on the offensive. He did recruit more troops in Sicily and march them to Bruttia, but refused to march on into Roman territory, despite of having a considerable force at his disposal. In Sicily proper he propped up a series of forts facing the Carthaginian part of the island, receiving harsh condemnation from the Carthaginians, who sent an envoy to Pyrrhos warning about the possibly hostile actions of the Sicilians. Last year’s consul Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges travelled to Carthage, again trying to drag them into the war. If Pyrrhos could still persuade them to not take part remained to be seen.

The Romans had other threats apart for the Greeks. The escalation of the war in the south had made the whole Samnium rise up in revolt, and three legions under L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus had to march into Samnium in early spring, while other three under Manius Curius Dentatus prepared to leave Lucania for Venusia. Two legions had to stay in Latium to guard against the Etruscans, as the Romans feared that the Etruscans could once again renew their alliance with the Gauls and Samnites and turn on Rome. Luckily for the Romans no real Etruscan attack materialized, yet the two legions had been tied up for the whole year anyway. The Romans under Caudinus initially won a victory against the Samnites at Tuticum, prompting Dentatus to set march from Lucania towards Venusia. However, a week into his march, Pyrrhos was already at Venusia and had put the city under a siege.

While Pyrrhos could easily match Alexandros Megas in the diversity and skill of his men, he had one major shortcoming. Alexandros was a famous besieger, and Pyrrhos simply lacked the expertise for such endeavors. Thus the defenders of Venusia held easily until the arrival of the consular army of Dentatus a few months later. Thus early spring the battle of Venusia was fought, with the Romans having to fight off the Epirotes in order to relieve their garrison. This of course enabled the Epirotes to pick the ground, and the farmlands surrounding the city proved to be excellent for their phalanx. The Roman legions broke one after one at the mercy of the experienced Macedonian and Epirote phalanx, while the Italic socii and Bruttian and other allies fought each other on the flanks. The Tarentines were briefly routed by a Roman legion, and Pyrrhos had to give up the advance on the center to recover his flanks. In the end the only slightly larger Roman force was beaten and Pyrrhos ended up victorious on the field, taking far less casualties than at Heraclea. However, with most of the Epirotes still made up of traditional hoplites, the few heavy phalanx regiments ended up taking very heavy losses, having to plug the hoplite lines regularly. Thus after the battle Cineas remarked the need to further improve upon the core of the new Hellenistic warfare, the phalanx. The battle also proved a few more shortcomings, namely in the Romans ability to use their flexible maniples and socii allies to outflank and surround groups of hoplites. The fighting in Italy might require the employment of even further locals as allies and mercenaries.

After the victory at Venusia, Pyrrhos marched on, leaving a force to besiege Venusia, which would fall by the autumn and clear supply routes from Taras. In late summer Pyrrhos linked up with the Samnites and attacked Romans near Capua at Telesia. The battle ended up in a rather easy victory and the rout of the badly battered consular army of L. Cornelius Lentulus Caudinus, who withdrew to Latium. Dentatus had regrouped in Lucania, but now with Pyrrhos and the Samnites threatening Capua; he made a hasty retreat northwards, thus freeing the Greek poleis of Elea, Poseidonia and others from Roman domination. However, in a few settlements Roman garrisons remained, and the Lucanians continued to fight the Syracusans who had moved in from the south to restore authority. Now, the Romans faced a grave threat to Campania, and pulled out their legions to not make the same mistakes ever again. The next year they would certainly face Pyrrhos closer to Rome, and with a large united army. Meanwhile the Syracusans under Archagatus started to slowly re-establish themselves in Elea, but also at Thurion, Croton and Heraclea, as Archgatus ordered public buildings repaired and walls rebuilt.

Pyrrhos proceeded to besiege Capua by fall, while his Samnite allies turned north to oust Roman garrisons from the mountainous Samnium. With no sight of another Roman army grouping to face him that autumn, Pyrrhos spread his control over large parts of Campania. However, a Roman garrison was still holding out in the Greek polis of Neapolis, and several other Roman colonies and allies were still holding out in the region. None of them posed a real threat, however. On the other hand the upkeep of the army of Pyrrhos, even though the Epirotes had captured a sizable Roman treasure at Venusia, proved to be a huge burden, and thus he had to refrain from recruiting as many replacement troops as he had wished earlier. Nevertheless, the victories at Venusia and Telesia hadn’t been as costly as the one at Heraclea, and now Pyrrhos could rely on the Samnite allies too. If his goal indeed was Rome, there still was a long way to go. And quite much depended on how long Capua, and the Roman garrisons of Campania in general, would still stand.

[2k phalanx -> v phalanx, 1k LI -> VLI, 1,5k MI -> VMI, -10k D.]
[A good chunk of men sailed across (check stats)]
[+1,5 LI, 2k MI, 2k phalanx, 1k LCAV(in Epirus and Thrace), -60k D.]
[+500 phalanx, +1,5k LI, +1k MI, +500 LCAV, +250 HCAV to Archagatus,-40k D.]

[-1,250 LI, -1,000 MI, -500 phalanx, -250 V Phalanx, -250 VLI, -500 VMI, -500 LCAV, -500 HCAV, -250 VCAV to Pyrrhos]
[-250 MI, -250 LCAV to Archagatus (army with Pyrrhos)]
[-500 phalanx, -250 HCAV, -250 LCAV to Army of Thessaly]
[-500 LI, -500 MI, -250 LCAV to Archagatus]
[-25k D. to Archagatus, 5000 tribute restored]

((If one were considering joining this antique boogaloo, what would one be best served doing?))

Contact me in a PM and let me know who you would be interested in joining as. In other news, the update shall be up shortly.

Spoiler: map

 

[XVG]

1st Half of the 126th Olympiad
(276 - 275 BCE)

Philippos wished to acquire more royal lands, the main source of Macedonian Royal income for centuries, in order to bolster his incomes. After the Celtic invasions, a lot of land had been left free, and was thus acquired by the Kingdom. Attempts to purchase large estates from Macedonian nobility however failed to the greatest extent, with only a handful of estates acquired on high prices.
[-40k D., +10,000 royal income]

Philippos also ordered an expansion of the Macedonian army, and mounted a very daring raid against the Celts of Tylis. However, the route into Thrace was the worst possible. The Macedonian army ended up ambushed and suffering heavy losses in the passes of the Rhodopes, as local Thracian tribes either refused to help them or outright betrayed them. With losses of hundreds of fine cavalrymen, the Macedonians retreated without even properly facing the Celts. Earlier experiences against the Celts were put to use, as the Celtic thureos shield was adopted by two newly raised Macedonian regiments, known now as the thureophoroi. With javelins, swords and spears, the thureophoroi could operate both as skirmishers and as a light phalanx, an important addition to fill in the gap between these roles. They were also far more flexible and faster than the traditional hoplites. Surely useful for further campaigns in the rugged terrain north of Macedonia and south in Greece.
[+1,000 LCAV, +1,000 HCAV, -35k D.]
[-500 LCAV, -1,000 LI]
[2,000 VMI as thureophoroi recruited, -20k]

Antipatros had more of his soldiers paid with land granted in Paionia. However, apart for a few, none of them had real interest in actually staying in the barbarian kingdom, as many of the remaining Greeks wished to earn a fortune and then travel back to their normal lives in whatever polis or region they originated from. A series of raids were launched by Antipatros towards the Celts that had settled in Thrace, but like the Macedonian raids these mostly failed to even reach the Celtic settlements deep behind the mountains. Luckily, the Paionians didn’t suffer the same fate as the Macedonians, though. The relations with the neighboring Thracian tribes still soured, due to the Thracians not wishing to be the marching ground for yet another large scale Celtic invasion.
[Some phalanx, MI and CAV paid with land instead of money]
[-250 LI, little to no loot]

The Dardanians built a number of new hillforts and other such better equipped settlements to fend off possible future Celtic attacks. There was none in the sight, however. The Autaritae and Ardiaei on the other hand weren’t exactly friendly with the Dardanoi, but neither did they have anything foolish in mind.
[-10k, ‘forts’]

The Boeotians disbanded half of the federal army over the year 275, sending home many of the soldiers that had bravely fought in the dashing capture of Thespiae. Rest of the army settled in a series of villages and fortifications facing Attike and the remaining pro-Ptolemaic poleis. The remaining tyrants received even more visible and lavish aid from Lagos, increasing the ire between Lagos and the new independent Greek coalition of Boiotians, Phokians and Locris, but also with those he had negotiated the deal with in the first place. In Boeotia proper, walls that had been weakened by years of siege and warfare were repaired, abandoned lands cultivated again and irrigation infrastructure was rebuilt.
[-7,5k D to Boeotia, +2,500 income next turn]

Multilingual stelai (Greek and Imperial Aramaic) were erected by Basileus Leonnatos in the more tribal and Persian-influenced interior of Bithynia, as he attempted to further introduce Greek laws and customs on the Bithynians. The administration was also further expanded in the region, making Bithynia into a real Successor kingdom like all the others, with special similarities with Anatolia in customs and culture.
[+2,500 law and order cost, -15k D., +2,5 hegemony]

The poleis north of Thracia, along the coasts of the Euxine in the edges of Scythia, finally organized themselves more closely after some persuasion from the Bithynian King. They established a common yearly meeting and Istros, and created a small joint army and fleet. Their closer co-operation proved beneficial to the Bithynians too, as trade with Byzantion grew, and the Bithynians could reach deeper to the markets of the Getai and Scythians via the now more powerful cities.
[+2,500 trade]

Basileus Archelaos had plans for a new city to be built, as in his opinion the interior of Anatolia lacked them. Not that he was wrong. Mithridateia was established close to the Salt Lake in Cappadocia, on the bank of river Halys. By naming the city after his deceased son, Archelaos wished to pay him respect but also to be able to focus on something else, namely the setting up of the new settlement. Thus he did his best to invest as much time and money as possible into it. In another news, the army of Anatolia was also expanded with two new regiments of phalanx.
[-70k D., Mithridateia under construction 2/6, +2,500 trade, +2,500 taxes next turn, +7,500 taxes in 3 turns]
[+2,000 Phalanx, -25k D.]

Demetrios certainly still worried about the Ptolemaic activities in the Aegean, and ordered his son to continue training to become the navarchos of his fleet one day. Together with the old Ptolemaios, cousin of Demetrios’s, they held meetings with the officers of the Greek islands and cities under the protection of the Asian kingdom, most notably Rhodes. Thus, the Antigonids hoped to rely on the aid and expertise of the navies of their allied subjects.

The Persian Royal Road served as an inspiration for a new project initiated by Demetrios to finally solidify his realm made up of various regions, of the urbanized Greek coasts and the tribal Anatolian hinterlands. Work was begun on a road connecting Demetrias on the old Royal Road to the main capital of the Antigonids at Stratonikeia. This would certainly improve the trade and internal economy, but also guarantee a faster march to the border with the Eumenids. In addition, work begun on a road connecting the port of Halicarnassos with Stratonikeia.
[-50k D, road work 2/6, +2,500 trade in 1 turn, +5,000 taxes in 2 turns]

Ptolemaic influence in Upper Egypt was further solidified from Ptolemais Hermiou. Expeditions of Greek engineers travelled to the gold mines of Upper Egypt, expanding and improving them by introducing new techniques and mechanical machines. Tariffs on the river trade route, as well as on the trade with Nubia and desert oases was also better enforced. The amount of caravans travelling towards Nubia almost doubled over just two years.
[-35k D., +2,500 trade, +5,000 mining, +2,500 trade in 2 turns]

Antiochos established cities in the regions of Mesopotamia, Babylonia and Syria that had previously missed large scale Hellenistic settlements. These included Apamea in Mesene, Apamea in Sittacene, Seleukia on Hedyphon in Babylonia, and the refoundation of a previous settlement as Antiochia Mygdonia in upper Mesopotamia, as well as Nysa-Europos on the Euphrates. In addition to constructing these vast new settlements and relocating populace to them, Antiochos established two new regiments, a phalanx and heavy cavalry one, stationed in Babylonia, mostly in the garrisons of the new urban centers.
[-175k D., a lot of cities founded, 2/8, +2,500 taxes every turn for 4 turns, +2,500 trade in 2 turns, +5,000 trade in 3 turns, +2,500 royal income in 2 turns, +5,000 royal income in 3 turns, +5,000 taxes in 5 turns]
[+1,000 phalanx, +1,000 HCAV, -35k D.]

Karanos ordered new horses to be bred, called the ‘Median horses’. However, Western Media was already home to arguably the world’s finest breed of horses, the Nisaean horses, so many of his advisers mostly questioned the whole idea of the project. Nevertheless, the King would soon have stables full of excellent war horses, yet insisting to call them Median instead of Nisaean, much to the confusion of his court and historians. In addition to the sudden interest in horses, King Karanos arranged some royal marriages and engagements. The marriage of Artemaios, a bastard son of Peithon, to a more than twice his older daughter of Demetrios very obviously was only a desperate attempt at creating an alliance by blood by either side. Artemaios’s boasting of now being married to a princess greatly irritated his brothers and more or less everyone in the court.
[-10k D.]

Concerned about the Scythian and other nomadic invasions of Parthia in the past years, Basileus Philippos travelled to his own frontiers, instructing his officers to construct a series of border fortifications and colonies. However, because most of the border was in fact desert, the new colonies were simply located along the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, as well as in the few regions of Margiana that could actually sustain a permanent residence for soldiers. This however helped show the royal presence also on the frontier regions, and somewhat improved the tax collection there.
[-15k D., +2,5 hegemony, +2,500 taxes]

GM NOTE: Stats, map, characters are all up-to-date.

War orders due 18th at 23:59 GMT. Normal orders due 20th at 23:59 GMT​

 

[Sneakyflaps]

To Karanos, Basilius of Media, son of Peithon

I hope that your health is well, that the gods favour you and that fortune does not abandon you. Our two families have often been at odds, and as such both of our states have suffered in the past, until our great fathers’ ended the hostilities some decades ago. Since then there has been peace between our two realms and our to families, trade has prospered and we have both benefitted.
I write to you today in hopes that we may bring our families closer, and that the past may die with it and that a new friendship and stability in the Eastern region may be formed between us by this. As such I wish to ask for the hand of your daughter, Drypetis, to my son and heir Seleukos for a marriage between our families.

- Antiochos, Basilius of Arche Seleukia, son of Seleukos

To Archelaos, Basilius of Anatolia, son of Eumenes

Grettings Archelaos, I wish to congratulate you on the success of your diplomacy in regards to Ptolemy. I will admit that I was surprised that it succeeded without war, certainly as we hear about more and more conflict evolving in Greece, Celts invading, Greeks invading Italy, seems as a never ending conflict.
I also wish to send you my condolences for the loss of your son, I am sure he would have been a great man worthy of you. I grieve with you, and hope that you have found consolation in your family.
In light of the recent tragedy that has befallen you; I wish to offer you the hand of my daughter, Apama, to marry your son and now heir, Philippos, when they both come of age.

- Antiochos, Basilius of Arche Seleukia, son of Seleukos

 

[Julius Maximus]

Koinon of Boiotians

The newly appointed Archon now oversees a much-improved Boeotia, as city defenses are rebuilt and agriculture across the region reestablishes itself, he feels good about internal affairs yet bitter about foreign affairs. He brought an advisor to him to discuss pressing issues.

"Well, we seem to have helped stabilize Boiotia, the lower-class citizens can finally look over their crops without fear of blood and fire running rampant across the lands. Maybe we can even look for a positive in our coffers, we are bleeding coin with the army still mobilized."

The advisor agreed with the Archon, and gave note of the situation in the south:

"We obviously must improve our treasury my Archon, continuing to de-mobilize the Federal Army to acceptable levels is needed, not only for our coffers but to replenish the Polis with manpower. Even with Lagos attempting to antagonize us by sending lavish gifts in the south, we must remain vigilant in our cause."

The Archon paused for a moment, thinking of the advisors words, and requested an audience with one of his trusted infantry commanders:

"Ah, my friend Aristandros, it has been some time since I last saw your face, if I remember it was at Thespiai a few years ago as we kicked the vile Tyrant out."

Aristandros nodded with a smile and replied:

"Yes, Lagos must have been pulling his hair out the moment it reached his ear. But, that is obviously not why you summoned me, what troubles you?"
​

The Archon grabbed an old outline of what appeared to be a fortification, Aristandros then read it's location:

"My Archon, is this...?"

The Archon grinned and said:

"Yes, it is, and I want you and 250 of your best men to defend it and oversee it. You are dismissed"

Aristandros took a deep breath and left the room, with both a feeling of excitement and nervousness in the Archon's orders.​

 

[Revan529]

((Letters are private, obvies))

To the Lords of the Karkhēdōnoi

The unchecked expansionism of Pyrrhos and his allies deep into the hinterlands of the Romaíous has been watched with wariness in Alexandria; that Pyrrhos now seems to design himself as the conqueror of the west, with his lack of negotiations and diplomacy, save with other enemies of the Romaíous, bodes poorly for the continued peace of the west. Further, that he has aligned himself so firmly with the Syrakousai, so disposed against your venerable realm as they are, it seems prudent that taking joint action to, at the least limit, impress upon Pyrrhos the extremity of his actions and the risks of continuing to prosecute such a war, and attaining such allies. To contain this threat seems most prudent, lest we find him advancing upon our lands with the wealth of the Romaíous at his disposal.

Ptolemaios, the Second, of Aigyptos

--​

To the Elders of the Romaíous,

We have observed the course of this war with great interest, Pyrrhos’ actions and activities typically being so opposed to ours, and that he now shows no sign of stopping this conflict alarms us greatly; whilst we cannot yet offer our full military support, we do however award upon your state our best wishes and our dearest hopes; we further wish to enquire into the possibility of a grand conference involving Roma, Karkhēdōn, and Aigyptos to find a unified way of containing this wanton aggression and disregard for peace.

Ptolemaios, the Second, of Aigyptos

--​

In 276 BC, Ptolemy II convened a gathering of the premier intellectuals, scholars, and theologians of the Hebrew faith, and tasked them with translating their holy book into Greek. They would spend the next several months in Alexandria debating and revising what would be known as the Septuagint, or Forty.

 

[Dadarian]

To Karanos, Basilius of Media, son of Peithon

I hope that your health is well, that the gods favour you and that fortune does not abandon you. Our two families have often been at odds, and as such both of our states have suffered in the past, until our great fathers’ ended the hostilities some decades ago. Since then there has been peace between our two realms and our to families, trade has prospered and we have both benefitted.
I write to you today in hopes that we may bring our families closer, and that the past may die with it and that a new friendship and stability in the Eastern region may be formed between us by this. As such I wish to ask for the hand of your daughter, Drypetis, to my son and heir Seleukos for a marriage between our families.

- Antiochos, Basilius of Arche Seleukia, son of Seleukos

Κάρανος
​

Karanos was surprised, Seleukos' letter caught him by surprised. He had listened to his father rant of Seleukos in his childhood (and youth, and middle age to be honest) about their neighbour.

Oh well, what could possibly go wrong?

Dear Seleukos,

Your letter brings happiness and joy to myself and my kingdom. For too long our fathers fought over I know not. I agree to such a marriage, and hope that this is the beginning of an everlasting friendship between our houses.

King Karanos

As Karanos finished writing his letter, an attentent burst into the room.

"Sir! Sir! Artemaios had a son! He is to go by the name of Peithon as well!"

Karanos sighed, so something went wrong after all.

 

[XVG]

Campanian Campaign

With his armies besieging Capua, and the Romans busy with the Samnites, Pyrrhos felt safe enough to reform his army in its encampments in Campania over the winter. Many of the men still fighting in the old fashion as hoplites were retrained as heavy sarissa-fielding phalangites. Light infantry was bolstered by using allied Italic troops, while the Greeks of Magna Graecia filled the role of traditional hoplites. Pyrrhos also greatly invested to the siege equipment of his army, getting into contact with the most brilliant engineers Magna Graecia, Epirus and Macedon could offer. New siege engines, towers and battering rams were built, and used to bring down the defenders of Capua in late spring. Then Pyrrhos moved on to besiege Neapolis and the other settlements and colonies with Roman garrisons.

While Pyrrhos was busy securing Campania as his base, the Romans could focus on the Samnite threat. The consular army of Manius Curius Dentatus, now consul for the third time, moved to check the advance of the Samnites, defeating them at the battle of River Sargus, and reclaiming some territory. Most importantly, the Samnites withdrew from the war for the duration of the rest of the year, giving Romans free reign to focus on Pyrrhos. Simultaneously, Ser. Cornelius Merenda lead a smaller army on the border with the Etruscans, subduing a few revolting settlements and assuring to the Etruscans that Rome still had the power to resist. This, along with some Roman diplomacy, made almost certain that the northern flank of the Latin city was secure.

Pyrrhos was able to get Neapolis to surrender over the summer with ease, as he was able to infiltrate some of his spies inside, and take the Roman garrison by surprise with the aid of the Greek populace. By the beginning of autumn, Campania was fully and securely in his hands. Or, at least its settlements. The matter of governing the conquered territory would eventually become a problem. But for now, the most important task was defeating the Romans, and for that Pyrrhos enjoyed considerable support. The army of Archagatus also arrived to the region in the summer; the march had been delayed by late initiation of the campaign, as well as by the Lucanians, whom Archagatus decided to ignore instead of fighting or negotiating with. This took a certain toll on Syracusan columns. Reports reached Pyrrhos in Campania that ships bringing reinforcements and supplies to Taras had been attacked, but this was of little concern due to the fact that Magna Graecia and now Campania could provide him with a huge number of men and a great wealth of grain. Nevertheless, the news worried some of the Epirotes now so far away from home.

Syracuse further expanded the army and navy, and sent some troops to lightly man the garrisons along the border of the Carthaginian part of Sicily. The Carthaginian stance however took a quick turn towards a sterner one. The forts were greatly protested, and a large scale Mamertine raid on Carthaginian shipping off Sardinia further infuriated them, with Syracuse receiving the blame for it. Thus the Council of Carthage sent an envoy to Syracuse, demanding either compensation or the destruction of the Mamertines, as well as abandoning at least half of the border forts. This was ironically quite similar to the Roman demands that started the war Pyrrhos had involved himself in. The former consul Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges travelled to Carthage as a Roman legate, but the relations between the two republics still remaind somewhat sour, as Carthaginians considered the Etruscans their traditional friends in Italy. Nevertheless, the threat of Pyrrhos was definitely recognized also by the Carthaginians, who sent a fleet with gifts to aid the Roman war effort. Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges then proceeded via ship on another mission, landing at Kyrene and travelling further east.

In autumn Pyrrhos resumed the advance, taking a number of towns and marching into Latium. Near Fregellae on the river Liris, he faced the Romans in the only real battle of that year. The consular army of Manius Curius Dentatus came close to defeating Pyrrhos with the manpower of the six legions at his disposal, but the Epirote phalanx excelled on the flat terrain. After a few legions but also the Epirote flank made of light Illyrian infantry and allied hoplites routed, Pyrrhos considered the battle enough of a victory for that year, and left the field for Campania. The battle certainly showed that the Romans were ready to put up an even better fight closer to their homelands. But Pyrrhos didn’t worry too much; he had Campania secured as a base to continue harassing the Romans from as long as he wanted to. Teanum and Sinuessa were occupied by his troops, remaining as a footstep into Latium.

[3k MI-> 3k Phalanx, 1,5k phalanx -> veteran phalanx to Pyrrhos]
[+7,500 income (Campania, Neapolis)]
[+2k LI, +1k MI to Pyrrhos, -15k D.]
[-750 LI, -250 VLI, -250 VMI, -500 phalanx, -500 v phalanx, -500 LCAV to Pyrrhos, -15 triremes]
[750 LI, 500 MI, 250 L CAV, 5 triremes to Syracuse, -17,5k D.]
[-500 LI, -250 MI, -250 MERC CAV to Syracusan Army in Magna Graeacia]

GM NOTE: Please remember that the orders are due in a few hours. Also please send me follow-up orders ASAP, I intend to have the turn fully resolved by Monday.

 

[Mathrim]

He had spent long years in Sinope, seldom leaving to city. The expedition to Pergamon had been one of a kind, and after that he happily got back to his quiet and peaceful life, only paced by the intrigues of the court. Or so he thought, for his son was soon taken from him by cruel fate. Ever since he had accepted to let his nephew live in Herakleia, he had felt an urge to leave his capital as often as he could, for the education he tried to give young Philippos was hard on him. It reminded him of what he had accomplished with Eumenes Mithridates and how quickly it all came to nothing. He was directly supervising the works in Mithridateia. It enabled him to immerse himself in work, far from grief and the life at court he was growing more and more alien to. There was still so much he could do, at least this way his dead son would be remembered.

Philippos. He really hoped the best for the kid, but he wouldn't bring himself to truly form him as his heir, as he had formed Eumenes Mithridates. He knew there were real threats, such as Miltiades' child, but he didn't want to have the brat's blood on his hands. So he simply wished his son would overcome all obstacles, but he wasn't able to bring further stain upon his name. His desire for power had died with his heir. Ariarathes had crossed the sea once more to convince prominent nobles in Pantikapaion to back Eumenes son of Miltiades. Perhaps the child would end up ruling these lands, unable to threaten Philippos. Perhaps he would fail and die. Archelaos had washed his hands of it, unless he blatantly conspired against him, Eumenes would live. It was most likely a mistake.

If he had to build a city that would last and establish his son's legacy, then he had to make sure it could sustain itself and have valuable goods that would mark it on traders' maps. The Great Salt Lake could be this revenue source. He watched slaves leaving the small mines with precious salt. They had just been established and had to be widened, but the prospects were good. At last something was going well. He kept staring at the workers for a few hours, dismissing hi courtiers. He vaguely remembered answering his secretary's inquiries. What had he agreed to, again?

Antiochos khairein Archelaos;

Apama would certainly be a fitting match for my son and this would cement the peace that has lasted between our realms since the Great Diadochi War. I thus accept this proposal with great pleasure and will welcome her as my own daughter when the time comes.

Euthukei

 

[Dadarian]

Κάρανος
​

Karanos was bored. It seemed the only thing he did as king was marry off his family and hear news of kids. Also building roads. No wonder his father was such a curmudgeon.

That's it! He'll build another royal road! Kings do that, but to where, that's the question.

The answer was obvious to all.

 

[XVG]

Battle of Antium

Quite to the surprise of both the Carthaginians and the Syracusans, Tyrant Archagatus agreed to the demands presented by the Carthaginian Council. The Syracusans vacated a number of the fortifications and sent a mighty sum of silver via ship to Carthage. Thus, Carthage was in no position to actually intervene in Sicily, as their somewhat harsh demands had in fact been accepted. Nevertheless, a certain faction in Carthage, most likely backed by Romans, cried for a more aggressive stance in Sicily. Nevertheless, Cineas of Thessaly, a minister of Pyrrhos, visited Carthage once again, making assurances of good relations and peace between them and the new nascent Epirote power in Italy. Indeed, some Carthaginian credited Pyrrhos for making the Syracusans accept the demands of the Council, and wished for more co-operation with the Greek Basileus. Some were nevertheless fearful of his actions and rising power.

Pyrrhos himself continued to invest in royal propaganda, in both Magna Graecia and Epirus proper. Indeed, the marvelous victories of the Epirote armies were reported in all the relevant cities of Hellas and Asia Minor, with many criticizing the other Hellenistic monarchs for failing the legacy of Alexandros and not protecting the Greek civilizations that had been put under threat. In Magna Graecia, and now especially in Neapolis and other Greek settlements of the Campanian coast, Pyrrhos received new soldiers by the thousands, rallying around the idea of creating of a new strong and unified Greek entity at the boot of the Italian peninsula. With Pyrrhos around, the barbarians would no longer attack them. However, the problem of the inland still remained, as Greeks only inhabited the coasts. For now the Italic tribes were largely aligned with Pyrrhos, but for how long would that last?

Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges had travelled to Alexandria on Egypt as a legate of the Roman Senate. His persuasion seemed successful, as Ptolemaios II finally decided that it was time to teach Pyrrhos a lesson for his destruction of his grand scheme during the Macedonian Civil War a decade before. The Ptolemaic fleet set sail for Cyrene and in early autumn of 273 attacked the Epirote fleet near Sicily, as it was being moved to help Pyrrhos in the campaign against Latium. In the ensuing naval battle off Lokroi, the Epirotes lost a great number of ships before fleeing for repairs to the heavily protected Greek ports. The dastardly backstab both shocked and angered the Epirotes, but also the Syracusans, Tarentines and other poleis of Magna Graecia. The Roman fleet was by now nonexistent, on both seas, so the Ptolemaic intervention was very well received by the Senate.

Archagatus recruited new soldiers and moved a bulk of his forces garrisoning Sicily to attack the Lucanians. Campaigning in the region was hard, but in the end the Syracusans managed to inflict a defeat on the Lucanians, albeit with heavy costs. The Lucanians offered to allow the Greeks to pass their supplies and to refrain from attacking the armies of Archagatus and Pyrrhos, as well as break any relations with the Romans, albeit those had been already broken by the conquest of Campania. In Sicily the absence of Syracusan troops, as well as the success of the Carthaginian ultimatum was quickly noted by the other Greek poleis, which had paid heavily for Archagatus’s adventures in Magna Graecia. Now, following the example of Carthage, they started to demand more rights, less payments and an end to the war and return of their citizens to their poleis after decades of combat against Romans.

With Rome facing the greatest peril since ages, the Senate was forced to take desperate action. The whole city was mobilized for defense, the walls were strengthened, temple funds and funds of the leading citizens were directed to the war effort, and the Senate decided to make Gaius Fabricius Luscinus Monocularis a dictator, in a desperate effort to fight off the combined Greek army encroaching upon Rome from the south. Luscinus wished to attack as soon as possible, turning fast against the Samnites in early spring while Pyrrhos was still making preparations in Campania. He was able to defeat them at a surprise battle, and negotiated a truce for a few years. Thus a Pyrrhic force sent to assist them had to return back to Campania before reaching the battlefield. Then the Dictator used the newly secured funds to recruit a grand host of mercenaries, from Celts, Umbrians and Etruscans. A part of the force was diverted to fortify the garrisons on the coast and in the Tolerus river valley, in an effort to slow down the advance of Pyrrhos and to buy more time for preparations.

Pyrrhos launched his invasion of Latium along the coast, taking Minturnae after a brief siege before Roman reinforcements could be brought there. Pyrrhos proceeded to march up the coastal road, meeting heavy resistance from even the smallest Latin settlements on the way. In order to save time, he marched onwards with the grand army, leaving parts of his men and Syracusans to besiege settlements such as Tarracina and Circei. Pyrrhos hoped to rely on his fleet for supply, but didn’t know that it was to be defeated by the sudden Ptolemaic act of aggression. Luscinus took the army from Rome as news of the Pyrrhic route became clear, marching with a host of other Roman heroes such as Dentatus. A small group of Celtic cavalry and other Roman auxiliaries were sent to Fregellae, and they began to harass the Epirote supply lines from Campania.

At Antium the Romans and the Pyrrhic Army met. The open coastal terrain favored Pyrrhos, but it didn’t really matter, as all terrain before Rome was more or less similar. This time both sides had more men than usually, as Pyrrhos had the vast army of Syracusans at his disposal. The Romans also held a mighty number of eight legions, albeit none of them was at full strength. Their main advantage were the expensive mercenaries, most importantly the fierce Celts. The battle begun in the usual fashion, as light troops of Illyria, Bruttia and other Italic lands as well as of the Acarnanians and Sicilians engaged the Roman leves and socii. The skirmishing phase was followed by a mighty assault of the Epirote phalanx, now more numours and battle hardened than ever. The concentrated attack, supported by the Syracusan hoplites, hammered upon the Roman center, breaking the first two legions in a matter of hours. However, as the phalanx started to push through the gap, they were attacked by the fierce Celts charging on both foot and horse. Pyrrhos lead the Epirote cavalrymen, proud sons of Molossos, to battle, charging at the Romans and their mercenaries. The phalanx was saved, but Pyrrhos fell from his horse and was almost stomped. He was in fact saved by a certain Macedonian named Leonnatos.

Despite the short crisis that almost caused a panic, the fight went on, as the second waves of Magna Greacian and Syracusan hoplites engaged the remaining legions. Blood soaked the plains of Antium, and by nightfall the battle was still far from over. Exhausted soldiers from both sides slept on the field, as Roman raiders attempted to attack the Epirote camp, but were driven off. The next day, the fight went on, even though both sides were remarkably tired, cold and hungry after a rainy night. The Epirote lack of supplies was now especially visible. The phalanx still managed to rout the Roman counterattack the next day, with one legion trying to flank the phalanx ending up squashed from sides by the Syracusans and Italic allies. By afternoon, rest of the Roman regular troops broke, while their soci and mercenaries desperately held the line for the Roman legions to retreat orderly.

Pyrrhos had won the day, and seemingly the whole war. The Romans withdrew to Rome proper for the rest of the year, as the Senate started to debate whether to surrender and offer Pyrrhos Campania or risk losing even more. Pyrrhos in turn continued to seize the cities of Latium, even besieging Ostia by the end of the year. The raids from Fregellae to Campania would soon require his attention, though. And the whole matter of the sudden Ptolemaic intervention certainly haunted him and many of his officers, as they were so far from their homeland. Late autumn, a Roman envoy approached the camp of the Epirotes, reporting that the Senate was debating peace terms upon which Rome would waive all claims to regions south of the border of Latium at Minturnae, along with a heavy tribute and guaranteeing of vast trade privileges for Pyrrhos and his allies. He asked for Pyrrhos to present his opinions, and send an envoy to Rome to further discuss the matter. Cineas reported that his spies believed Rome would no longer be able to face Pyrrhos on the field, but that the Romans were preparing for a siege and a war in the northern mountains.

[-15k D. to Archagatus, +2000 LI, +500 MI, +250 LCAV, -20k D., -500 LI, -250 MI]
[-35 triremes, -5 tetretes, -2 penteres to Pyrrhos; -15 triremes, -3 tetretes to Ptolemaios]
[1000 Mi->1000 phalanx for Pyrrhos]
[-1250 LI, -250 VLI, -750 VMI, -1000 phalanx, -500 V Phalanx, -500 LCAV, -250 VCAV]
[-500 LI, -250 MI, -250 VMI, -250 LCAV, -500 Merc. CAV to Archagatus]
[-250 LI, -250 MI, -250 phalanx to ‘Army of Thessaly’]
[Samnites out of the war, Rome ready to offer/discuss peace terms with Pyrrhos]

 

[Bonecracker(NL)]

It is a shame that Ptolemaios, for reasons we cannot concieve of, has decided to put pressure on the combined Hellenic armies as they are fighting a noble campaign to defend the Greeks of Magna Graecia from Roman invasion and the raids of Barbarians. We fight on the side of our brother-in-law, together with our allies from Macedon, to ensure that every Greek man can live in freedom and prosperity. It seems that Ptolemaios is not in agreement with our vision, or is suspicious of our intentions.

Let me assure you, Ptolemaios, my friend, that our spears are pointed at those who threaten us only. We do not want a war with anyone, especially not with a realm as mighty as yours. If you have any disagreements, any qualms with ourself or any of our allies, then we shall always listen to the words of wisdom you offer us.

 

[XVG]

2nd Half of the 126th Olympiad
(274 - 273 BCE)

Philippos wished to have the Macedonian Kingdom access the Western seas. Thus, he departed to Aetolia, namely to the city of Naupaktos that had used to be Locrian until its annexation into Aetolia by Philippos II. The port was expanded, and Philippos brought a number of new settlers to the polis, from Aetolia and also from Macedonia proper. Thus the newly fortified city with a decent new fleet was at a great position to project Macedonian power west- and southwards, obviously a possible nuisance to the Ptolemaic control in the Peloponnese. A group of reinforcement triremes tried to sail from Kassandreia to Naupaktos, but they were driven away by a Ptolemaic patrol off Euboea.
[-12k D. +20 triremes]
[-25k D, Naupaktos port and polis expanded, +5,000 trade income]

The road between Macedonia and Paionia was finally finished, albeit the northern section didn’t quite have the same standard as other such roads. Nevertheless, this definitively brought the Paionian Kingdom closer to Macedon, reinforcing its vassal status to Macedon, now that King Philippos even had a kinsman on its throne. Not much else happened in Paionia that year.
[+2,500 trade to both]

To reinforce the position and historical continuity of the Boeotian League, the League voted to re-establish the fortress of Cadmea, the ancient citadel of Thebes. The restoration was a somewhat interesting affair, as Orchomenos had traditionally been an opponent to Thebes, and Kassandros hadn’t favored the plans of Theban exiles to re-establish their city. Now, however, Orchomenos wished to show unity amongst the Boeotians, and thus the polis was at the forefront with sending talents of silver to fund the project. Indeed, the strategic position of Cadmea was far more important than any historical detail. The army of Boiotia further demobilized, while a general named Aristandros of Orchomenos, a former officer of Nikanor, took the command of the garrison of Cadmea.
[Fortress of Cadmea rebuilt in 2 turns, -12,5k D.]

In Illyria the absence of Pyrrhos was very well noted. The lack of Epirote garrison troops and the departure of their rather large fleet caused the Ardiaei to launch a few pirate raids on the Greek coast between Epidamnos and Apollonia, albeit these were easily driven off. Of more importance was the fact that the Autaritae and Ardiaei had formed a coalition against the Epirote protectorate Dardania, and launched a few raids in revenge for Dardanian raids a few years before.
[-5k to Pyrrhos, -5k to Dardania, -500 LCAV]

Amyntas constructed a temple and mausoleum for the heroic warriors of the Bithynian kingdom. These included his father Leonnatos, Alexandros Megas, but also Cyrus and Boteiras the first king of the Bithynoi. Tomb spots were also made in advance for Basileus Amyntas and his general Mithridates of Cius. The temple was popularly referred to as the Bithynion, and was a popular sight in the kingdom. At least for the Greeks and those lucky Bithynians who could read the Greek inscriptions.
[-20k D, +2,5 hegemony]

With the Celts of Tylis apparently opting to turn into a more sedentary and relatively peaceful realm, Basileus Amyntas withdrew his Thracian expedition army closer to the Propontis. Mercenaries were discharged and the army regrouped, notably with the addition of a regiment of Thracian rhomphaiaphoroi. Longer than a normal falx, the rhompaia was a very scary weapon, capable of removing limbs with a single strike. Albeit the Celts didn’t really bother the Thracian Kingdom or the Bithynian protectorates, they continued to encroach in the southwest of Thrace and on the Istros River. The barbarian kingdom of Tylis was certainly a power to be reckoned with. However, one would wonder if these fierce Celts could be used to bolster the ranks of the many armies of Hellenistic Greece and Asia.
[+1,000 VLI, -5,000 D.]

Archelaos noted the salt lake close to Mithridateia during one of his visits to his favorite town and project. He then instructed his officials to start extracting and selling the salt for great profits, and this indeed happened. According to Archelaos, such an important deposit of salt was too good an opportunity to pass. This sudden necessity of salt and the royal focus on salt production somewhat baffled the courtiers of Sinope who didn’t exactly enjoy adding salt to their food.
[-12,5k D., +5,000 mining income]

The construction of Demetrias in Phrygia was finally completed with much fanfare. Demetrios celebrated the event by ordering a number of grand marble and bronze statues, mostly of himself but also of his father, to adorn the cities of the Antigonid Kingdom, from Halicarnassos and Ionia to Demetrias and Pamphylian coast.
[+2,5 hegemony, -15k D. +5,000 r. income, +2,500 taxes (Demetrias finished)]

Agathon, the old strategos of Ionia died in mid-273. He had served for long, first under Kassandros and since the Macedonian interregnum under Demetrios. Under his rule, the cities of Ionia, such as Miletus and Halicarnassos, entered a new era of prosperity. The family of Agathon were also important landowners in the region and enjoyed great wealth due to their trade dealings. Thus, the son of Agathon named Asandros took a hereditary position as granted, and sent a letter to Stratonikeia informing of the death of his father and his succession as the strategos of Ionia. This would of course require a confirmation from Demetrios. Of note was the fact that Agathon was married to a sister of the ruler of Pergamon.

In Egypt there were apparent discussions regarding the status of Ptolemaios Soter and his wife. However, the local priests weren’t sure on granting them status as gods, for Ptolemaios Soter had never in fact carried the responsibilities of Pharaoh, at least not according to their current interpretations of recent history. Thus the Egyptian priests and nobility remained largely split over the issue, causing much awkwardness to the court of Ptolemaios Neoteros.

An intervention to the religious affairs of the Jews of Judea went far better, as Ptolemaios was able to convene a meeting at Alexandria, where the elders spent a few weeks and months debating and phrasing together the Seventy or Septuagint – a translation of Jewish holy texts to Greek. This eased the integration of the Jewish migrants to Alexandria, as well as the spread of the Greek language in Judea proper.
[+2,500 trade next turn]

To further spread Hellenistic settlement and slow Hellenization of the local population, Ptolemaios ordered a large scale construction program in Egyptian cities. Gymnasias, amphitheaters, academies and other public buildings related to the Greek culture were constructed in the cities of Upper and Lower Egypt. Ptolamios also lavishly funded Greek culture in Egypt, becoming a patron of playwrights and other artists. Of importance were the royally commissioned plays that tried to construct a bond between Greek and Egyptian tradition, such as the ones featuring Serapis and other Hellenistic Egyptian deities.
[-25k D. +2,5 hegemony, +2,500 royal court costs]

The next focuses of the Seleukid Basileus Antiochus were the roads, dams and other infrastructure of Syria, Mesopotamia and Babylonia. Lavish state funds were directed to repairing what needed repairs and to upgrading what could be upgraded. New roads were also paved and laid to connect the newly constructed cities. All-in-all, the Seleukid heartland was becoming very deeply organized and advanced, as it had been already been under the Persian Empire and its predecessors.
[-75k D., +5,000 taxation next turn, +5,000 trade next turn and +5,000 the turn after that]

As young Seleukos was reaching adult age, Antiochos made it clear that he would follow in the footsteps of him and his father, as a cavalry commander. Seleukos was trained in the Seleukid elite cavalry the Hetairoi. In addition, Antiochos and his generals lectured the prince about the great campaigns of both Alexandros Megas and Seleukos Nikator.

Just as the road from Ektabana to Gazaca in Atropatene was being finished, Karanos decided that more roads were required. Thus he instructed his officers to construct a new, albeit far shorter one, connecting Rhagae to the fortifications at the Caspian Gates, increasing the mobility of Median armies and volume of the trade passing through the gap.
[+5,000 trade, +2,500 taxes due to Gazaca road, -35k D,+ 2,500 trade next turn (road to Casp. Gates)]

Pharsman led a campaign against the nomads that had attacked him in the previous years. Parthian armies broke to the northern desert and reached the lands of the Dahae, attacking the various tribes in the region, and slaying and capturing many. However, returning Parthian armies were ambushed by the nomadic armies of horse archers and tribal cavalry, and heavy losses were once again suffered. In 273, Pharsman’s oldest son and heir Phrataphernes led an expedition to the valley of Ochus, succeeding in pinning down and routing the army of the Dahae clan Parni. The clan in turn offered to submit to Parthian hegemony, in return for protection against the other Dahae, Sacae and Scythian tribes inhabiting the territory between the Hyrcanian Sea and mountains of Sogdiana. Further Parthian expeditions in late 273 were able to create a suitable buffer between the rivers Sarnius and Oxus, making Parthia somewhat more secure from further nomadic incursions.
[-1,500 LCAV, -500 HCAV, +10,000 loot, northern frontier secure for now, +2,5 hegemony]

The Zoroastrian holy texts, the Avesta, were rumored to have been destroyed by Alexandros during the burning of Persepolis and other similar events aimed against the Persian religion. In fact, however, they had been preserved by his very father-in-law Oxyartes at Alexandria in the Caucasus soon after his death at Babylon. Thus, as Basileus Harpalus of Baktria sent some priests from his court to reparse the texts, he was met with a pleasant surprise, as the King of Paropamisia gifted him a copy and even a Greek translation.

GM NOTE: War orders due Thursday 26th at 23:59 GMT. Normal orders due Saturday 28 at 23:59 GMT​

(Also let this be the first and last time we have two main updates on the same page, please?)​

 

[Sneakyflaps]

Antiochos was standing in the courtyard waiting for his son, he had gotten him a wedding present for his upcoming match with the daughter of Karanos. Antiochos remembered the last war, how he had advised his father against it, how the soldiers had rebelled and how his father still managed to get his demands through. His son eventually stepped outside and greeted him.
“You are late.” He said with half a smile.
“Forgive me father, the studies took longer than expected.”
“Its fine, I have a gift to you.” He said as he clapped the horse. “An early marriage gift, I thought it went well with your recent studies.”
Seleukos smiled and lowered his head. “Thank you father.” He looked hesitant for a moment. “Is the girl pleasing to the eyes?”
Antiochos looked at his son for a moment, uncertain. “I do not know, I haven’t heard much about her, in truth I haven’t bothered with such things. It can be an important match to secure our east more permanently, if you do not like her then you can always find excitement elsewhere, as long as you just produce a son with her.”
Seleukos nodded as he mounted the horse, relaxed in the saddle and began getting used to the horse, and the horse to him.

 

[aedan777]

Asandros, Strategos of Ionia

My condolences for the death of your father Agathon. He faithfully served me for many years, and all prospered from our relationship. Ionia and the Aegean have never been as grand as they are today. I gladly confirm your position as successor to his position as Strategos of Ionia. I pray to the gods that our prosperity may ever continue.

-Demetrios, Basilius of Mikra Asia

 

[Mathrim]

Growing up in Sinope had been dreadful, his uncle's bodyguards never left him and the ones who were friendly were quickly demoted, replaced by brutal men who weren't hiding the fact that they'd put him down in a heartbeat and without remorse, if the order was given. He wasn't a prince they had to lay down their lives for, but he was a target they had to monitor and restrain if needed. His uncle himself kept a figure of friendliness at all times but he couldn't help notice that his teachers, trainers and horses were second-rate at best. Eumenes Mithridates was the only one whose star was allowed to shine and Eumenes Miltiadai was kept down to ensure he couldn't possibly be seen as a competitor.
He had always been lonely at the capital, because the few friends he had been able to make had been reminded by their fathers how risky and unappropriate associating with him would be. And if their parents didn't tell their sons his company was to be avoided, his uncle's philoi did. And his lack of friends turned him into a target. His mother tried to protect him and his sister the best she could but her influence was limited and no prince should rely on his mother to face his enemies. He had grown up accustomed to fighting small groups of bullying nobles, and he had always faced them on his own, without anyone at his side. No one had stood up for him either when he was jailed and his thoughts of heroism died in the cramped cell. He had dreamt of becoming a great warrior like his father and it was the memory of Miltiades that had made able to withstand years of humiliation. But his time in jail taught him the ghost of his father wouldn't protect him either.

Deep down, he had always been scared deep down in Sinope, but his courage had truly left him by the time he arrived in Herakleia. It had taken him time to get used to this new life. Uncle Ariarathes was friendly towards him, but he knew better than to trust seemingly nice uncles and his mother despised Ariarathes and had told him never to trust him. He wasn't quick to trust anyhow, and these words rang true. Archelaos had also looked like he only wanted the best for him, that didn't stop him from ordering his execution. Regardless, the years in the West had been good. He stood on equal footing to Ariarathes' children, the local nobility tried to court him and to gain his approval and attention. He was allowed to hunt, ride and train like he should have been his whole life. His cousin Diodotos was far friendlier towards him than Eumenes Mitridates had ever been and Eumenes the Pergamese was a nice kid as well. Altogether, they were the best years of his life. He still wasn't convinced there was no foul play at hand and knew his father had died shortly after drinking wine with him but he had grown to like his uncle.

He was a man now, and far more powerful than he had been when first arrived in the city. People told him he looked like his father but he doubted that was true. As far as he knew his traits were close to his mother's, but praise was a nice change from what he had been accustomed to. The sun was going down this day and he was slowly making his way home with a few friends. They hadn't been able to find game but the afternoon had been pleasant. He saw a rider come at full speed towards them and reached for his javelin. He seemed to be a messenger but he had learned caution.

- Prince, I have news for you, your uncle requests your presence immediately. It appears we have a guest you must meet as soon as possible.
- How unusual. I guess we must hurry then. Follow us.

What could he want? Was he trying to get him to spend time with young Helena again? She was but a child, couldn't he leave him in peace?

 

[Noco19]

With admiration, Harpalus stood alongside his grandson - Astrothuthes - smiling at the displayed texts. Young Astrothuthes was excited to see what his grandfather had made such a fuss about, and what was so important as to bring the aging Basileus such vigor.

"...and I had thought it was destroyed. Oxyartes is generous indeed; do not ever forget their friendship, it is important to keep close allies in this life."

Astrothuthes simply nodded, looking at the various writings. They were strange, but fascinating. Although but a child, Astrothuthes had been quite interesting in learning about the world, much to the delight of Harpalus who too had found himself enthralled by the mysteries of the East.

Harpalus continued.

"The faiths of this land are quite mystical and full of exotic wisdom, remember this as well. Look at the sands, at the stars, at the fires. They have have their own magics behind them. But so too do evil forces lurk, out there in the shadows of our world," Harpalus said as he pointed out a segment of the Vendidad, "just waiting to snatch up a little boy such as yourself." The two chuckled at this as Harpalus gave an exaggeratedly concerned look at his ward.

Harpalus prattled on until he reluctantly left to fulfill other business, leaving his grandson in the care of a priest of Zoroaster, who was more than happy to explain some of the Avesta's words.