1332-1329 BCE
Statue of aspirant Pharaoh Horemheb with Amun. The rivalry between the factions supporting Aten and Amun was a principal element in the Amarna Succession War.
Statue of aspirant Pharaoh Horemheb with Amun. The rivalry between the factions supporting Aten and Amun was a principal element in the Amarna Succession War.
Whatever negotiations attempted by commander-in-chief Horemheb and Pharaoh Smenkhaten obviously quickly fell through, with both sides mobilizing their men and chariots for a decisive struggle over the Egyptian throne. Neither side could really foresee the destruction this civil war would unleash upon Lower Egypt, as shifting fortunes and unlikely alliances greatly turned this originally Egyptian fight into a more complicated chaos. Pharaoh Smenkhaten was the first to make his move, marching north from Akhetaten to Henen-nesut and then quickly proceeding down the Nile towards the core of Lower Egypt, before Horemheb could fully bring his troops into position, as many were still waiting for transports for marching orders in the Canaan. As reports of the Pharaoh’s move reached Memphis, Horemheb formally declared himself a pharaoh to instill a morale boost and sense of pride in his troops. Meanwhile Smenkhaten, having left Nefertiti his Great Royal Wife as the de facto regent in Akhetaten, boasted about divine fury and had Atenist priests encourage his troops and officers, many of whom were by now fanatical ardents of the sun-god. Not far from Memphis, close to the grand burial site of Dashur, in the shadows of the pyramids and tombs of past Pharaohs, the followers of Aten and the bulk of the Egyptian army under Horemheb clashed. Horemheb and his officers had clearly underestimated the zeal of the Atenists, and ordered an all-out attack on the seemingly smaller force with their chariots and massed infantry. But the Atenist generals, leading a determined and skillful defense, fought off assault upon assault, with the divine Pharaoh touring the lines to inspire his followers, and showing off his radiating cosmic legitimacy. In the end, the demoralized and badly beaten Egyptian army had to give the field to the Atenists, and soon Memphis’s gates were opened for Smenkhaten’s triumphant entry, which occurred in late 1332.
With Smenkhaten busy campaigning in Lower Egypt, dealing with the rebellion in Upper Egypt and the aspirations of the viceroy of Kush became the responsibility of Nefertiti, who selected a cadre of trusted advisors to handle the matter. More disconnected from the Atenist demagogues, she was able to win over the support of more moderate factions, even permitting the worship of other deities, most likely with her husband’s approval. This new lenient approach made a number of the rebellious southern nomarchs surrender, only to be faced with a shift punishment for rebelling against the divine Pharaoh. Then she negotiated a truce with the Viceroy of Kush, asking for help in putting down the remaining rebels in Nubia, and in return promising him the control over the tax incomes of the southern portion of the land, but only if he refrained from declaring full independence from Egypt. With the rebels defeated in a series of campaigns and Tuthmose continuing to reign as a nominal subject of the Pharaoh, peace prevailed in the South by 1329.
But Horemheb, even though having suffered a surprising, humiliating and most bitter defeat, wasn’t so easily beaten. The general-turned-Pharaoh rallied his troops again at Zau, spending time to carefully build relationships with the local priests, nomarchs and wealthy bureaucrats and landowners, in order to slowly rebuild and restore some semblance of an army to defend his remaining holdings in the Delta. Luckily for him, the news of the successful and rather peaceful restoration of Atenist authority in the south didn’t reach the north until later, and fearmongering and propaganda was enough to turn many of the enthusiastic supporters of the old traditional system of gods into allies of Horemheb. But even more decisive were the news from Canaan, as after brief negotiations with Horemheb, whom they had recognized as Pharaoh, the cities of Tyre and Byblos sent a fleet with warriors, mercenaries and precious metals to restock the war effort. And in 1331, the Mitannian prince Arparaharina arrived to Djanet via Alashiya, promising to serve as a general for Horemheb. Landing in command of a detachment of mercenaries from most exotic origins, he commanded a daring naval expedition down the Red Sea to Saww, where his sister Tadukhipa had been exiled by Smenkhaten at Nefertiti’s urging. Taking the princess back north for Horemheb to wed, Arparaharina was rewarded with great honors and an Egyptian bride. Even though Zau briefly fell to Smenkhaten in 1330, Horemheb managed to create a semblance of an administration in the Delta, and after heavily relying on the foreign troops from Canaan and the expertise of the Mitannian and his core group of exiled maryannu fighters backed by Canaanite, Libyan and other mercenaries, he brought Smenkhaten’s offensive to an end by 1329. Horemheb had by now relocated his capital to Djanet, which was closer to his unforeseen support base in the Canaan and safer from Smenkhaten’s attacks than Zau.
The fact that after years of war Horemheb still had a strong foothold in the Nile delta, and backing and considerable aid from the Canaanite subjects, meant that Egypt was again at a risk of splitting, with many remembering the not so distant days when the invading Hyksos had carved their long-lasting and hostile realm in the Delta, for long undermining the unity and strength of Egypt. But on the other hand, without a sudden change occurring at Akhetaten or further south, or a considerable boost in his own legitimacy or foreign aid, Horemheb was in no position to seize the throne of Upper Egypt, as even taking Memphis seemed like a very distant prospect. Smenkhaten had managed to garner a better relationship with the Hittite King by discarding the Mitannian princess, but would this be beneficial to him in restoring full integrity to his realm remained to be seen, as the Hittites surely wouldn’t mind a considerable and continuing degradation of Egyptian affairs in the Canaan.
[Horemheb rules a rump ‘Lower Egypt’ in the Nile delta, with some support in the Canaan, Upper Egypt nomarchs defeated, Upper Nubia to large extent occupied by Kush, civil war continues]
Great King Šuppiluliuma, returning to Hattusa from his victorious campaigns against Tushratta of Mitanni, gave a degree to conduct a census in all the Hittite territories, from Upper and Lower Land to Hapalla and the newly conquered territories in northeastern Syria, which were administrated by his son Arnuwanda as a viceroy. This helped the Hittite administration deduce the toll of the war upon their levies and provincial tax income, as well as the actual worth of the newly acquired Syrian territories. Especially the populous territories in Syria seemed like an excellent source for additional troops, while the damage to Hittite manpower and agricultural production were estimated as minimal. Also in order to show his gratitude the loyal vassals, such as the Kaska, the Hayasa-Azzi and the various smaller lands in Anatolia, caravans departed from Hattusa, taking the respective shares of spoils to these vassal kings, much to their delight. Arnuwanda also tried to make a move from Halab upon Ugarit, in hopes of capturing or luring out the exiled Mitannian prince, but by the time he was prepared for such a punitive mission, prince Arparaharina had already departed, either forced out by King Niqmaddu II due to fear of a Hittite invasion, or due to his own desire. The relationship between the Hittites and Ugarit clearly remained calm yet tense now, with the state of war seemingly having ended.
[50 % chance of levy set to huge next turn, happier vassals]
A small punitive expedition was mounted against the Pala, who rather quickly sued for peace even before the Hittites managed to advance too deep to their distant and dangerous homeland. Most likely Šuppiluliuma was in fact relieved to be able to accept their new submission so easily, though it was certain that they would stay as loyal as ever. Thus finally the Hittite levies could return to their villages and farms for rest, apart for a small force that was marched south to Tarhuntassa and Kizzuwatna, to guard the sea frontier against the suspicious raiders. As the raids came to an end, maybe thanks to the Hittite presence or due to the raiders themselves, Hittite authority and respect in eyes of their vassals and subjects was restored.
[Pala again a nominal vassal and at peace]
However, the matter regarding Hapalla and the Arzawans remained somewhat obscure, as even though Piyama-Kurunda withdrew his men from the region, Hittite administration was never properly restored, with many of the Hapalla tribes now ruling themselves independently, and even sending tributaries and envoys to the Arzawan court at Apasa. Clearly whatever agreement was reached between Šuppiluliuma and Piyama-Kurunda remains undocumented and was seemingly almost immediately ignored by the Arzawan side. But with the value of the lost territories relatively minimal, not even the Hittite governor of Salappa bothered to waste his time with an expedition against the tribes, even though they continued to gain allegiance of further groups of shepherds and villages in the highlands. Treasures and gold captured by the Arzawans over the short campaign, as well as gifts brought by the grateful Hapalla tribes, were used to extensively improve the status of the capital Apasa, much to the enjoyment of the traders arriving there from Alashiya and Ahhiyawan lands. The construction of public buildings, temples and a royal palace also enabled Piyama-Kurunda to enforce a more centralized rule in his loosely knit-together realm, with bureaucrats and priests beginning important work on bringing the tribes and petty kingdoms more together from their new halls in Apasa.
[Arzawa now a Tribal Federation]
At Dur-Kurigalzu the Kassites founded a groundbreaking new institution, namely one to actually train military officers. While appointing officers based on merit rather than loyalty was something that would have unnerved any other king, Burna-Buriaš was sure it was the right way to ensure a restoration of Babylonian military might and eventually supremacy in the region. Much like a normal temple school, this small school attached to the local palace sheltered a few dozen aspiring pupils and generals of the Mesopotamian war, who carefully studied eyewitness accounts of the battles, in order to find out the reason for Babylonian failure. However, naturally the king also instructed the nobles leading it to install a sense of obedience, loyalty to Kassite dynasty and Babylonian gods as well as an idea of civic virtue in the handpicked trainees. If this institution was to have any actual effect on a large scale remained to be seen, but at least the king was greatly interested in it, visiting it regularly.
Secondly the king of Karduniaš looked at the wide sea starting from the southern edge of his realm and extending to the end of the world. A small Babylonian fleet was constructed at Lagash with wood imported from the new outposts near the land of the Gutians. They set sail for Dilmun, bringing with them a missive and treasury to use for the expansion of the local port, which was carefully done and supervised by a royal inspector. A similar detachment visited the other various island and islets that had Babylonian trading outposts, many producing dye, pearls or other expensive items for Babylonian consumption. From the last outpost beyond the great peninsula opposite to Dilmun, the Babylonian fleet set sail for even further lands, with scribes carefully detailing the route to Magan, where the Babylonians met merchants from Meluhha, establishing a direct trade route to them via Magan, just like the Elamites had done over land just about a decade ago. In general, Kassite merchants became a common sight in the region, some even joining traders from Magan to travel to this famed land of the East.
[50 % chance of trade income next turn]
Having already established the temple site of Dur-Untash close to the capital, Untash-Napirisha of Elam now turned his attention to the capital itself. Having seen the well-built and spectacular irrigation canals and dykes in Mesopotamia proper, the King of Haltamti wished to introduce similar marvels of engineering in his realm. Large canals were dug by an army of workers, slaves and actual soldiers, connecting the city to the Karun and Karkheh rivers, providing a vastly improved water supply to the capital, and creating more bountiful fields around it. In addition, the king had his engineers and architects prepare plans to surround the city itself with a network of canals, which could be used as a secondary line of defense before the actual walls. And on the coast, the port city of Liyan, dedicated to the goddess Kiririsha, was refitted and expanded by a royal degree, greatly further revitalizing trade along the Gulf, and aiding both Elamite and Babylonian trading efforts. Needless to say, these both projects were extremely expensive and time-consuming.
[Treasury drop to Poor, 50 % chance of royal or trade income increase next turn]
Not much happened in Assyria during the change of the decade, apart for wide spread mourning and grand funeral procedures that occurred upon the death of Aššur-uballiṭ I. The firm establisher of the Assyrian prominence over their homeland and the breaker of the Hurri-Mitannian hegemony had fallen to despair and depression after his long campaigns against Babylon had resulted in practically nothing but unnecessary losses for the kingdom. But now, Assyrian manpower and income losses had been replenished and her chariots shined brighter than ever, as Enlil-nirari, Enlil is my helper, ascended to the throne of the Mesopotamian kingdom. His first act of note was to for the first time act as the limmu, the presider over New Year Celebrations. This role had traditionally been reserved for a noble or priest picked by the king, and this bold change further ingrained the king’s status in the religious hierarchy of the state cult of Aššur.
[Aššur-uballiṭ I dead, long live king Enlil-nirari]
Abdi-Ashirta of Amurru had dedicated his whole life to conquest and war. Thus it was no surprise to his court that the moment he stopped waging war in the north, he started plotting the next stage of expansion. Prevented from advancing his sphere further north by the Hittites, Abdi-Ashirta confined himself to the palace of Sumur, which was starting to resemble something of a capital for the still decentralized and unorganized Amurru state. But in fact, he quickly found himself bored and started to organize a new campaign against the Canaanite states that weren’t yet in his sphere of influence. But In 1331, the king lost his life to a common flu, and his son Aziru took the reign of power. At first his subjects tried to wring themselves free from Amurru control, but as a revolt by Aitakama the king of Kadesh was brutally crushed and the city directly annexed to the Amurru rule, these movements were quick to end. Although, in the north the former Mitanni subjects of Niye, Nuhašše and Qatna remained somewhat restive, and begun to slightly increase their autonomy in a delicate fashion. Byblos also saw its change and King Rib-Hadda managed to reclaim some lost villages and forts in the inland, risking to find himself as the next target of Aziru’s fury.
[Abdi-Ashirta dead, Amurru now ruled by Aziru, stability drop to Faltering]
In the Tyrian inland possessions which hadn’t been overrun by the Amurru-Habiru bands yet, local magnates had their servants and slaves dig new irrigation networks, apparently inspired by a royal degree given by Prince Abimilku. A modest increase in income was expected in the next decades, but as the Tyrian influence was quite limited in the inland as of now, it wouldn’t change much. And on the other hand, these plantations and farmlands were as defenseless as ever; as the island city-kingdom of Tyre lacked strong forts and an able military to truly protect her inland possessions.
[25 % chance of income increase next turn]
The inheritor of Abdi-Ashirta’s fame and warriors wasn’t the only problem Canaan had to face. Unknown raiders, presumably of the same kind that had harassed Hittite vassals and before that Egyptian shipping, now struck into Canaan, carrying away loot in such amount that it was a pure miracle their vessels stayed afloat. Asdadu and Akko were sacked by them, and strong walls and a good defensive plan was the only thing that saved Tyre from sharing their fate. Next year they focused on the north, wisely staying away from territories brought under the control of the Amurru. Rib-Hadda of Byblos had sent his troops to aid his ally Tyre in Egypt, something that would cost him dearly. The walls of Bybylos were more than enough to hold off any aspirations by Aziru, but the sea frontier stood open. In 1329 Byblos was sacked, with a large number of its population forced to flee to the Amurru foes or simply carried away to slavery. The sacked city was an easy addition to Aziru’s sprawling kingdom afterwards. However warships from Tyre managed to capture a few of these vessels, revealing the Alashiyan identity of these raiders that had seemingly been a Mediterranean mayhem for decades. Nevertheless, the damage dealt to Canaan had been extraordinarily harsh, with many vital trade hubs and links in shatters, and traders from Egypt and Ugarit fearful of even traversing the region, heavily hurting everyone involved, apart for the pirate king Arenare of Alashiya, of course.
[Trade hits all around, Alashiya treasury at Average, Byblos captured by Amurru]
Despite of some alarming and suspicion incidents at home, most notably the sudden death of his heir and co-ruler Aro, King Arenare of Alashiya still managed to send a massive trade fleet to the West, emulating the expedition a few decades prior. Partly thanks to increased trade with Alashiya in the first place, the civilization at Konoso showed some slight improvement, becoming more and more reliant of Alashiya, even though the influence of the Ahhiyawans was likewise strong there, the island almost becoming a flashpoint in a quest for prominence over these vital trade routes between men of Alashiya and those of Ahhiyawa stock. But with the Ahhiyawa at least so far more powerful, King Arenare was in a hard position if he aspired to further extend his influence and by extent trade profits there.
With the land of Išuwa breaking away from the Mitannian sphere and allegiance to King Artatama II, the Hittites saw no reason to chastise their Hayasa-Azzi vassals over the continuous raids that inflicted a serious toll on this Hurrian region. Indeed, the Hayasans stuck with more force and warriors than before, King Hakkani’s new royal guard earning a brutal fame among the Hurrian warriors that had to face the force. In the end, Hurrian shepherds were forced out from a few valleys, several settlements were sacked and Hakkani owned a considerable number of new slaves, sheep and cows. This in turn prompted the Išuwa to occupy some regions ruled by the former Mitannian masters, now clearly weakened by the decades of wars versus the Hittites. Artatama II was not too much bothered by these news, continuing to spend his time with lavish feasts in Washukanni, confident that Hittite arms would keep the northeastern region in check, if need be.
South wasn’t the only direction of Hayasan expansion, as the aging yet energetic king turned his attention also to the East, bringing more and more tribes of the highland plateau under his fold. Some became tributaries while some actually joined the loose Hayasa-Azzi confederacy. Cultural and economic influences were also considerable, with the Hayasan script now used in a vast geographic area extending to the East, and even coming to the attention of the Gutians and other nomadic peoples of the far away lands by the next century. From around these times we also find the first reference to the area with a precise geographic term, from a stele inscribed in Hayasan script. It refers to the land of Shubria, a clearly Hurrian influenced name. Another land further east is that of the Biainili, a somewhat distinctive people slightly more hostile to Hayasan expansion.
[Tributes set to Mid, treasury increase next turn]
