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(On vacation right now, so this will be decently short! Sorry would love to do a longer reply but don't want to make folks wait on me.)
While I am saddened to see such debate over my bill, I would be happy to share my intentions with the bill. It would be silly to attempt to argue that a change in the franchise has no impact upon the composition of parliament, why clearly it would have a huge impact by allowing a great many more people sit in the seats of the assembly: among other things. It would have the potential to dramatically change who I work with on a daily basis.
Regardless, my intention with the law was to ensure that any major change to parliament had the support than more than just a simple majority. It should be a decision taken with the utmost care and not easily reversed again when the tides shift in an election. I think everyone here will agree that this is a major decision. Admittedly the scope of application is not directly addressed, I would be content if parliament were to apply the law to only major bills, minor bills are rarely likely to be so close. If there is concern however about determination of if it is a "major" Bill, let the scope expand. It is better to move forward cautiously with certainty than haphazardly and dangerously. Thank you your highness and my fellow members of the Cortz
While I am saddened to see such debate over my bill, I would be happy to share my intentions with the bill. It would be silly to attempt to argue that a change in the franchise has no impact upon the composition of parliament, why clearly it would have a huge impact by allowing a great many more people sit in the seats of the assembly: among other things. It would have the potential to dramatically change who I work with on a daily basis.
Regardless, my intention with the law was to ensure that any major change to parliament had the support than more than just a simple majority. It should be a decision taken with the utmost care and not easily reversed again when the tides shift in an election. I think everyone here will agree that this is a major decision. Admittedly the scope of application is not directly addressed, I would be content if parliament were to apply the law to only major bills, minor bills are rarely likely to be so close. If there is concern however about determination of if it is a "major" Bill, let the scope expand. It is better to move forward cautiously with certainty than haphazardly and dangerously. Thank you your highness and my fellow members of the Cortz
This is exactly what I mean by giving the originator of law the right to retroactively decide how it should be enforced. If this law was mean't to regulate the expansion of the franchise, a law regulating the expansion of that franchise would not have been proposed alongside of it.
Not to mention that at the time the Cortz member obviously didn't consider the expansion of the franchise to be a major change worthy of a super majority as the law he proposed to protect the franchise allowed for it to be done with a simple majority. His mind has only changed on the law now because the situation has changed, i.e. there was a conservative cabinet and assembly majority.
This is clearly a partisan move to have the expansion of the franchise blocked despite it passing both Assembly and the Cortz. These moves are contrary to stability of the realm.
((Private - Investigation))
Garcia still seems unwilling to talk. However, a witness has come forward stating that he was involved in the attack, confirming that he was involved. Despite the evidence against him, he won't say anything, almost as if he is afraid to do so.
((Seeing as an update is coming up, either you'll have to wait for after the update to continue the investigation or plan it so that the next stage takes a year and a half.))
As always, your words of wisdom are appreciated. Indeed, the law becomes all the more clear now that you have elaborated on its purpose. Taking this into consideration, composition is meant to constitute all the major parts of Parliament, whether that means seats, members, procedures, or what have you. The preface for the law backs this sentiment. It is meant to act as a safeguard to ensure all major changes to Parliament, the judiciary, or the administration require more than the usual majority, the key words here being "major changes". Minor changes should not require the extra support, for their impact is minimal. Going from there, it seems logical then that any changes to the franchise have a major impact on Parliament, and thus fit the definition of this act. I thus believe that the franchise shall remain as is, for the law regarding it does not have the necessary 60% support.
The concerns raised that this should have been applied to the last franchise change but were not is valid. Clearly the ambiguous nature of the Institutionalization of Parliament act left in doubt whether removing the weighted system was considered such a major change, or perhaps no one considered to consult the act at all. By that logic, the old weighted system should be restored. I shall refrain from enforcing that however, for the current system has been in place for two years without question. If the restoration of the weighted system is to be considered, let it be done at a later date and by a vote.
- His Imperial Highness, Ferran VI de Trastámara, Emperor of Hispania, Caesar of Rome, & Protector of the Greeks
((So the Emperor has decided that our current franchise shall stay and all future changes to the franchise require 60% support. I'll move on to the update now that that is done.))
((Low key, I'm fine with keeping the franchise to the middle class, it benefits liberalism, I just have to put up a fight 
))
))
((Okay, I'll put Garcia in witness protection and continue the interrogation. Meanwhile, I'll also resume the investigation into the Moviment Realista, which will take the next year and a half.))
To say that Arnau was upset was an understatement.
He wrote a letter to a friend who was an editor of a newspaper asking for a favor. He would use an old pseudonym of his for this.
Yesterday a grave injustice was committed in our Parliament. A law passed by a majority of Parliament to expand Franchise to all Christian men was struck down by the Emperor himself. To my knowledge this is the first time ever an act that received majority support in Parliament was struck down by the Crown. Even the Black Regent himself never resorted to such measures, as proven by the choice of the Kings of Bavaria and Transdacia, and through his actions the current Emperor has proven to not only be Joan's equal in Despotism but his superior.
Truly we live under the thumb of a autocracy, and one can only hope that we will be able to correct this tragedy committed by the Crown against the fair citizens in the future.
((No calls of violence here. Just propaganda.))
He wrote a letter to a friend who was an editor of a newspaper asking for a favor. He would use an old pseudonym of his for this.
Tyranny in the Capital
By Carlos Marcos
By Carlos Marcos
Yesterday a grave injustice was committed in our Parliament. A law passed by a majority of Parliament to expand Franchise to all Christian men was struck down by the Emperor himself. To my knowledge this is the first time ever an act that received majority support in Parliament was struck down by the Crown. Even the Black Regent himself never resorted to such measures, as proven by the choice of the Kings of Bavaria and Transdacia, and through his actions the current Emperor has proven to not only be Joan's equal in Despotism but his superior.
Truly we live under the thumb of a autocracy, and one can only hope that we will be able to correct this tragedy committed by the Crown against the fair citizens in the future.
((No calls of violence here. Just propaganda.))
((As Minister of Justice, I say your publication @Mach Twelve is bordering the illegal, be careful, because it will hurt me sooooo much and it will be such a shame for me to put in jail a Fenix ))
))
((As Minister of Justice, I say your publication @Mach Twelve is bordering the illegal, be careful, because it will hurt me sooooo much and it will be such a shame for me to put in jail a Fenix
((Then you might want to check after the update, because there will be an opportunity to read more borderline treasonous print along with a chance to jail a Fenix...
Workers of the World unite!))
1846-1847 – War & Revolution
The most recent parliamentary session ended with some minor controversy. Attention was brought to the fact that the attempt to extend the franchise to the lower classes with a weighted system required a 60% majority in both houses to pass. The validity of this was debated, but both sides ended up presenting arguments that supported applying the Institutionalization of Parliament act whether they intended it to or not. The liberals stressed that restoring the weighted system fit the parameters of the act in an attempt to push for pure universal franchise, while the conservatives believed any change to the franchise was enough. Both sides swayed the Emperor to consider the franchise law as having not received the necessary 60% and maintain the current franchise. With the precedent set, any changes to the franchise would now require support from 60% of both houses. Despite this, the law establishing the Hispanian Electoral Commission was passed, removing the many unfair policies that governments had used in the past to sway the electorate to their side.
Following that session of Parliament, things grew quite quiet in Hispania. For the first time in a decade, not a single riot or revolt was reported across the entirety of Hispania. The people resorted to civil means of expressing their opinion, either through newspaper articles or participation in politics, with tensions dying down across the Empire. The upper class formed gentlemen’s clubs to discuss relevant issues and push forward their agenda. The liberal tide that had swept across Europe had failed to rile up the people or cause much turmoil at all. The Fraternidad had proven its ability to govern and the success of the liberal movement. The more radical liberals drastically fell in numbers, for there was no longer a need to take up arms or resort to such militant ways to get what they wanted. The so called Liberal Revolution had died without even making a sound.
Hispania had further cause for celebration, for in early 1847 the royal family was graced with the birth of the Crown Prince’s first child. Princess Consort Khadija gave birth to a healthy baby boy named Martí, a joyous occasion for all. Hopefully he would be the first of many children for the Crown Prince.
The government plodded along like usual, staying true to its policies from the previous two years. The Ministry of the Interior turned its attention towards removing the conservative influence forced upon Valencia under the Imperial administration. Most of its focus though was on improving Hispania’s underdeveloped naval infrastructure. Naval shipyards across Iberia and Italy were expanded, followed by those in Africa and Asia. Hispania could barely sustain its massive navy with the current number of naval bases, but the expansion was set to remove this problem. It took a few years of construction efforts, but by June of 1847, enough shipyards were built to properly maintain the navy, with the continued expansion likely to make it possible to maintain the navy for years to come.
When it came to the economy, there was a mix of positive and negative outcomes. The government’s laissez-faire policies allowed for the capitalists of Hispania to build and expand factories at a massive rate. Unfortunately, the lack of intervention left key industries vulnerable to the trends of the market. Canned food factories in particular were a victim of this, for they were rarely profitable but provided valuable goods needed by the army and people. A few capitalist enterprises had gone belly up, but now it was time for the state to share in it. Both of the state’s canned food factories went under by the middle of 1847. Despite this worrying trend, the people were benefiting the most from the government’s economic policies. As the economy stabilized and money poured into Hispania’s coffers, taxes continued to drop. By April of 1847, the lower class was being taxed at roughly 20%, with the middle class at a slightly higher 35%. The removal of the great burden of taxation was greatly helping these classes prosper.
Efforts to improve the efficiency of workers was stressed by the Ministry of Education. By pushing employees to specialize and focus on specific tasks in the workplace, one could improve the quality of work of each individual. This was accompanied by a classification of different work tasks involved in production and the introduction of hierarchy to provide proper supervision and decision-making on the factory floor. This all become much more important as machinery was being devised with interchangeable parts, making it key that workers understood the various parts of the machines they worked with. More specifically, the introduction of machinery into the distilling process for liquor greatly boosted production, along with the introduction with jigs impacting furniture production, while the standardization of many machine tools saw greater production of machine parts and improved output for most mines. Improved methods of packing food were also devised, despite that industry dying without government intervention.
When it came to colonial affairs, things were more muddled. The Colonial Congress was still debating over the South Atlantic Islands now that the issue had been brought up. As for Hispania’s small territory in South America, that was easier to manage. Hispania had long since provided its colonies with land it colonized in the New World. As to who would receive what was a dilemma. Eventually an agreement was made for Nueva Granada to receive the land, but Sanchonia’s claim to the Amazon would be recognized. Minister of Colonial Affairs Cyprien Luc de Saint-Pierre commenced negotiations soon after with the Emperor’s approval, arranging for the land to be transferred to Nueva Granada in accordance with the settlement presented by the Colonial Congress.
When it came to Zazzau, the government moved an army down south further into the African interior, a sign of strength to show that Hispania would not tolerate Zazzau’s insults. The movement of the army seemed enough to change things. Things went quiet and the Hispanian ambassador started receiving much better treatment. A diplomatic incident had been avoided. ((Of course the event doesn’t fire after consulting people about it.
))Foreign relations elsewhere were greatly improving. Nations such Scotland, French Columbia, and the Netherlands were trying to improve their position with Hispania, although Hispania’s focus was on smoothing things over with its neighbours and getting in the good graces of various Asian nations. There were a few specific nations that were of great importance to Hispania. Japan was considered a valuable trading partner, and as a potential counterweight to Qing near the vital area of Korea. Further south, Malacca controlled the valuable straits near Indonesia, and positive relations would ensure the protection of prosperous trade routes through Indonesia. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs pushed for greater influence in these countries and made great gains. By July of 1846, Japan had already granted Hispania a privileged trade position in their nation, while Malacca a year later opened up their markets to Hispania. With those goals complete, focus was shifted to ensuring Hispanian influence was not threatened in these nations until a new policy could be devised.
Yet while Hispania slowly improved its relations with the rest of the world, the other Great Powers preyed on each other or their neighbours. Ming, having bitten a chunk out of Delhi, was not yet satisfied. There was still lost land to reclaim. This inevitably brought them into conflict with Qing, who was powerless to stop them. At one point, Qing even asked for military access through Hispanian land. Not wanting to aggravate the much more powerful Ming or allow Qing to march troops into the contested lands in Korea, the request was denied. It was no surprise then when Ming forced a peace upon Qing, although it was surprising to learn that they did not attempt to reclaim all their lost land. Another conflict between the two Chinese states seemed inevitable, and many started to wonder if Ming would eye up Hong Kong and Macau next.
Another conflict raged much closer to home. Poland-Lithuania pressed for the return of Poland’s lost land, but were soon to discover that the Germans would not hand it over so easily. So confident in the size and power of their army, they neglected to position their forces properly. Germany also had the advantage of a narrow front as well as a more disciplined military force. The Germans pressed into Poland, capturing the border provinces. They were unable to push farther, but continued attacks on the Commonwealth’s army was slowly wearing them down. By the end of 1846, Germany was clearly winning, even with Poland-Lithuania having the larger army.
If events had continued as they were, it is likely that Germany could have repelled Poland-Lithuania and even managed to force a concession or two from them in the process. However, Germany had more than one enemy. To the north, Scandinavia bitterly resented the loss of their lands along the southern coast of the Baltic. Against Poland-Lithuania, they could do nothing, but Germany was now vulnerable. They also had the means to bring down Germany due to their reconciliation with France. Near the start of 1847, Scandinavia declared war on Germany, forcing the latter to fight a three-front war.
The enemies of Germany were united in cause. Despite their hatred for each other, Poland-Lithuania was willing to grant military access to Scandinavia just to bring down the Germans. This did not mean that Poland-Lithuania would risk their own men any longer. In March, they offered Germany a white peace, which the Germans eagerly accepted. Their men were all in the east, leaving the west vulnerable to invasion by the much more powerful French. It could not afford two wars, so the end of one was necessary.
The French saw this war as an opportunity. Despite Scandinavia having initiated the conflict, the French meant to use it to seek revenge and weaken a potential rival on their border. French Emperor Charles IX de Valois proclaimed that France would not rest until Nordrhein was in French hands. Not only would this weaken Germany, but it would put the German capital right on the French border. The Germans, obviously, did not desire this fate, but France was not Poland-Lithuania. Where Poland-Lithuania was unorganized and undisciplined, France was well-prepared and skilled. French troops poured across the German border. Within half a year, most of western Germany had fallen, including the capital, and it seemed that Germany’s defeat was certain.
While the raging wars in the north were of great concern, it was Transdacia that would consume most of Hispania’s interests. When Transdacia was granted independence, a new government was formed modeled on Hispania’s government. Bavaria had received similar treatment, but unlike Transdacia they had a constitution to provide structure. Transdacia had thus inherited the vague relationship between Crown and Parliament, where the Crown’s power was seemingly limitless and the powers of Parliament not entirely defined. Unlike Hispania, Transdacia did not have decades of tradition dictating what the Crown could and could not do.
For the first two decades after independence, both Crown and Parliament struggled to achieve a balance of power as each side fought for the advantage. King Gabriel I Kosovic tried to assert his authority against a Parliament intent on establishing itself as the dominant power in the nation. This had resulted in revolts twice in the past as reactionaries attempted to fend off the liberal threat trying to cripple the Crown. In October of 1846, a third revolt occurred as reactionaries across the country rose up in defence of the Crown. The rebel forces were extensive, but spread out. The army struggled for months to put down the rebellion, crushing all but two rebel forces that moved on the capital and neighbouring provinces. The army by then was tired and low on resources. Breaking the back of the rebellion once and for all would take every soldier to accomplish.
This was not meant to be. With the army in disarray and a militant group of radicals rampaging through the capital intent on securing the position of the Crown, Parliament decided to act. A coup was launched, with a call made to all citizens to rise up in arms against the Crown. Their aims were mixed, with some wanting to force a constitution and others calling for a republic. Support grew quickly with thousands rallying to the call. These revolutionaries went head-to-head with the reactionaries to see who could seize control of the country.
The sudden defiance of Parliament pushed King Gabriel I into action. Up until now, he had remained aloof, supporting the army’s efforts and refraining from commenting on the reactionary movement. While he did not outright support their effort, he certainly was not opposed to their goal. Turning against Parliament would only have lost him most of his support and likely led to further attempts to weaken the Crown. Now that Parliament was openly supporting a rebellion against him, King Gabriel denounced the entire body as traitors. He turned to the reactionaries as a means to defend himself against the sudden threat, declaring support for their cause.
A civil war raged in the streets of Bucharest. The Jacobins may have had the numbers, but the reactionaries were entrenched after months of activity. With the King’s support, they found themselves with further resources and support from even conservatives in Transdacia. The reactionaries managed to dig themselves in, secure the capital, and then push back against the Jacobins to chase them across the countryside. While unable to defeat the Jacobin force entirely, they were driven from the capital, along with the members of Parliament. With the capital in reactionary hands, they pressured the King to enforce their demands. Near the end of June, King Gabriel I declared himself the absolute monarch of Transdacia. No longer would he be beholden to any Parliament, for he would only answer to God.
The sudden change in government in Transdacia caused much chaos, but also opened new opportunities. No one was certain if any of the old alliances still held. With that in doubt, Transdacia was open to attack. It was fortunate that Poland-Lithuania had taken such a beating against Germany or they would have likely pounced right away on their vulnerable neighbour. However, despite the dubious nature of Transdacia’s foreign relations, there was a clear intent that they wanted things to remain on positive terms with Hispania. King Gabriel himself send a message to Emperor Ferran expressing his desire to remain friends and seemed more than willing to ensure the continuation of the alliance. While this was a good sign for Hispania, what was better was that the chaotic environment had dismantled the various presences of other nations within Transdacia. Hispania was now on even terms with everyone else. If the Ministry of Foreign Affairs chose to do so, they could focus their full attention on Transdacia and bring it safely within Hispania’s sphere. It seemed clear now that Byzantium was not going to protect their interests in Transdacia with military might if things went downhill. With no formal agreement reached between Hispania and Byzantium over the smaller state, perhaps this was an opportunity to re-establish its presence in Transdacia and serve as its protector once more, both from foreign and domestic threats. With the election approaching, maybe it was time for foreign affairs to take the forefront for once.
State
- Catalonia - Canned Food - Closed
- Emilia - Clipper Shipyard
- Emilia - Steel
- Estremadura - Regular Clothes
- Hispanian Provence - Luxury Clothes
- Lazio - Winery
- Romagna - Paper Mill
- Romagna - Furniture
- Sicily - Fertilizer
- Toscana - Liquor Distillery
- Toscana - Canned Food - Closed
- Valencia - Explosives
- Valencia - Ammunition
- Valencia - Small Arms
05060403 - 6.5 Factories - 17.5WP
- Campania - Glass - Expanding to 2
- Campania - Winery - Under Construction
- Catalonia - Liquor - Joint Factory with alscon - 2
- Emilia - Machine Parts - Under Construction
- Puglia - Fabric - Expanding to 3
- Puglia – Regular Clothes - 2
- Sicily - Small Arms - Under Construction
- Railroads
- Eureka (Nuevos Valencia) - 1 - No profit earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
- Monterey (Nuevos Valencia) - 1 - No profit earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
- San Diego (Nuevos Valencia) - 1 - 1WP earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
- San Francisco (Nuevos Valencia) - 1 - 1WP earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
alscon - 9.5 Factories - 21.5WP
- Alentejo - Steel - 1
- Andalucia - Liquor Distillery - Under Construction
- Castilla la Nueva - Steel - 1
- Catalonia - Liquor Distillery - Joint factory with 05060403 - 2
- Douro - Luxury Furniture - Under Construction
- Estremadura - Luxury Clothes - 1
- Estremadura - Winery - Under Construction
- Galicia - Luxury Clothes - 1
- Granada - Steel - 3
- Sicily - Winery - Expanding to 3
BelisariustheGreat - 4 Factories - 22WP
- Castilla la Nueva - Ammunition - Under Construction
- Extremadura - Regular Clothes - Under Construction
- Galicia - Steel - 4, Expanding to 6
- Galicia - Artillery - Under Construction
Bioiron - 5 Factories - 13WP
- Campania - Cement - 1
- Castilla la Nueva - Cement - 1
- Granada - Glass - 4
- Sicily - Cement - 1
- Venetia - Cement - 1
- Railroads
- Caceres - 1 - No profit earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
- Jaen - 1 - Next profit roll in 1848
- Lisbon - 1 - Next profit roll in 1850
- Oviedo - 1 - Next profit roll in 1848
- Sevilla - 1 - Next profit roll in 1848
- Caceres - 1 - No profit earned this year. Next profit roll in 1851
LostPatriot - 5 Factories - 45WP
- Hispanian Piemonte - Cement - 2
- Hispanian Piemonte – Lumber Mill - 2
- Hispanian Piemonte - Furniture - 1
- Hispanian Piemonte - Luxury Furniture - 1
- Hispanian Piemonte - Steel - 1
Sancronis - 11 Factories - 15WP
- Emilia - Small Arms - Under Construction
- Emilia - Lumber Mill - 1
- Emilia - Furniture - Under Construction
- Estremadura - Liquor Distillery - 1
- Granada – Steamer Shipyard - 2
- Hispanian Lombardia - Luxury Clothes - Under Construction
- Leon-Castilla - Machine Parts - 3
- Sicily - Ammunition - 1
- Sicily - Explosives - 1
- Sinai - Fabric - 1
- Venetia - Luxury Clothes - Expanding to 2
Sithlent - 1 Factory - 32WP
- Leon-Castilla - Cement Factory - 3
The current government's economic policy is laissez-faire. The cost of all factories is 4WP, plus the number of factories owned by the capitalist.
((Hispania seems so wonderfully peaceful compared to what’s going on elsewhere. It might be prudent to make adjustments to our foreign policy. I noticed our Minister of Foreign Affairs has been offline since Tuesday, so the Prime Minister might have to intervene on his behalf.
On another note, I will be making adjustments to capitalists once again. It is becoming clear that they are quite overpowered once they reach a certain point and can essentially spam factories, something pointed out to me by a capitalist player. I suppose I did not account for the exponential growth of their wealth in comparison to the set costs. It is also unfair gameplay wise that we get so many free factories, essentially ensuring our industry always stays ahead of everyone else. It took some time to think up a solution, but I believe I might have something that works. From now on, for every factory a capitalist owns, that capitalist will have to pay an extra 1WP for every factory they build. Basically what this means is that assuming every factory is profitable, you must always pay at least 6 months’ worth of profit from all your factories to buy a new one. Depending on how much WP each capitalist has stored away, this likely means that they will only be able to build 1-3 factories per turn depending on how long the last update was. This also should ensure that new capitalists are not overly punished, since the extra cost grows with each factory built. I will make note here that these costs will be based on the state of the factories at the end of each update. So if you own five factories at the end of the update and order two more, the second one will still cost only 5WP more, not 6WP. As for factory levels, I’m altering the WP bonus so each factory gives an extra 1WP for every 5 levels rather than 3. I’m mainly doing this because I didn’t account for the AI expanding factories for the players. As for the price of expansions, they will not go up with each factory owned. Instead, they will double for every 5 levels. So expanding to up to level 5 will only cost 2WP per level under laissez-faire, but expanding on up to 10 will cost 4WP per level, and up to 15 will cost 8WP per level. This should make expansion a more viable path early on for a factory, but ensure factories are not being expanded constantly later on. I apologize to all capitalist players for making yet another change, but this is truly a new mechanic for me and I want to make sure it works properly. Suggestions are always welcome.
As for business, our election season has officially started. You may now start posting election posts to earn VP for your party. Remember to focus on your party’s policies if you are unsure what to post about. You can also bring up reforms your party may support or your party’s suggested approach to certain trends or events going on. Ministers should also post plans before Friday at 12PM PST if they did not set a timeline before, and players may start proposing laws and reforms. If any parties are making any changes to their policies, adjusting coalitions, or officially merging, it should be announced before that deadline. Same goes for any new parties.))
((With catchphrases like these you can hardly call yourself a Fénix...
I agree on the capitalist change. We were truly starting to snowball with our new factories. Might also encourage specialization.
My poor Germans... traitorous Lithuanians!))
"After exchanging opinions with the Chamberlain after the last session, I believe we have come to an agreement concerning the voting method - that it should be voted upon solely by the Assembly. Therefore, the following act shall only be voted upon by my fellow members of the Assembly:"
I believe our foreign policies might be at the centre of the next months, as one must be blind not to see that our policies for the interior are clearly paying off. So I will present my opinion on the problems.
As Zazzau doesn't act, we can. Or does this backwater have any importance? We can retreat from there and denounce it as a bad policy of the previous government, leaving Hispania's reputation intact if this is what some of you are fearing.
Poland-Lithuania's defeat should at least make the reactionaries shut up. Then again, it proves there is no need for Hispanian intervention should our relations with France not deteriorate. As is the case with Ming - there is no reason for a conflict, and if Ming started one, they would know that they had to get past the navy, which they can't.
Which leaves us with Transdacia. Why should we support a reactionary regime which slaughtered those who represented our liberal ideals? Just to get into another conflict with Byzantium sooner or later as well? They have cut their ties and there is no need to restore them. Not even for their own protection as Poland-Lithuania's defeat showed that the Greeks alone are strong enough.
In my opinion we should continue to improve relations with useful trade partners and our strong neighbours, not much more. There is no need for Hispania to be involved in any wars.
As Zazzau doesn't act, we can. Or does this backwater have any importance? We can retreat from there and denounce it as a bad policy of the previous government, leaving Hispania's reputation intact if this is what some of you are fearing.
Poland-Lithuania's defeat should at least make the reactionaries shut up. Then again, it proves there is no need for Hispanian intervention should our relations with France not deteriorate. As is the case with Ming - there is no reason for a conflict, and if Ming started one, they would know that they had to get past the navy, which they can't.
Which leaves us with Transdacia. Why should we support a reactionary regime which slaughtered those who represented our liberal ideals? Just to get into another conflict with Byzantium sooner or later as well? They have cut their ties and there is no need to restore them. Not even for their own protection as Poland-Lithuania's defeat showed that the Greeks alone are strong enough.
In my opinion we should continue to improve relations with useful trade partners and our strong neighbours, not much more. There is no need for Hispania to be involved in any wars.
Poor Taxes: 5%
Middle Taxes: 5%
Rich Taxes: 75%
Army Stockpile: 10%
Naval Stockpile: 100%
Construction Stockpile: 100%
Education: 10%
Administration: 10%
Social: 100%
Military: 20%
Surplus Conditionals:
Lower Middle Class Tax to 0% first. If surplus can still afford it, lower poor taxes to 0%. The rationale behind letting the poor pay more than the middle is that the middle classes pay more education and health fees.
Deficit Conditionals:
Alternate between raising Poor Taxes and Middle Taxes, with poor taxes leading, by 5% intervals.
Rebellion:
Army Stockpile goes to 100%, until end of hostilities, then returns to 10%.
War:
Army Stockpile goes to 100%, until end of hostilities, then returns to 10%, if allowed by the Minister of War, a deficit is to be allowed to pay for this without tax increases.
Middle Taxes: 5%
Rich Taxes: 75%
Army Stockpile: 10%
Naval Stockpile: 100%
Construction Stockpile: 100%
Education: 10%
Administration: 10%
Social: 100%
Military: 20%
Surplus Conditionals:
Lower Middle Class Tax to 0% first. If surplus can still afford it, lower poor taxes to 0%. The rationale behind letting the poor pay more than the middle is that the middle classes pay more education and health fees.
Deficit Conditionals:
Alternate between raising Poor Taxes and Middle Taxes, with poor taxes leading, by 5% intervals.
Rebellion:
Army Stockpile goes to 100%, until end of hostilities, then returns to 10%.
War:
Army Stockpile goes to 100%, until end of hostilities, then returns to 10%, if allowed by the Minister of War, a deficit is to be allowed to pay for this without tax increases.
((@Mach Twelve Well, aparently @alscon isn't much against it, so, PREPARE THE BONFIRE, THE ""COMMUNIST"" HUNT IS BEGGINING
))- Mantain the same plan as the previous years, as it had shown almost complete acceptance and effectivity.
((People love to be heard and well treaten, Who would have guessed?))
((People love to be heard and well treaten, Who would have guessed?))
((Can we get the Great Powers page and full politics page with the upper house composition? It would certainly help us plan our election campaigns and foreign policy better.))
We can not turn backwards on Zazzau, it looks weak. As for Transdacia, I say leave it to the Greeks to manage. It's a powderkeg and two neighbors lay claim to the land. Note that Byzantium is allied with Hungary and Hungary lays claim to a third of Transdacia. Backing Transdacia puts us at odds with both Lithuania and Byzantium, in the name of a regime collapsing in on it's self. For our next trading partner, I say we move on to Sunda. If we are discredited, we return to reinforcing our position in Japan, Malacca and Dai Nam.
In regards to education, can we make another attempt to make the system more business school oriented?
In regards to education, can we make another attempt to make the system more business school oriented?
((I'm sorry guys, but I won't be able to provide a plan for my ministry, so I suggest that you in the cabinet review my last version of it and decide if something must be changed.))
The parliamentary officials request that the Chamberlain confirm that the proposed law only impacts the Assembly so the vote can be properly conducted.
((Just need @DragonOfAtlantis to make a public post stating he allows this to happen so it's clear.))
((My apologies. I always seem to miss something when doing those spam posts, and this time it appears to be the Great Powers. Here you go. I admit I usually don't bother showing the upper house since the seats will change based on player votes. It's only really good for knowing the baseline that each party has. If you're curious about the issues, you'll have to either check in-game or I can try to screenshot them all. Reforms are obviously on the front page.
As you can see, we are blowing everyone away industry-wise, which combined with having the highest prestige and a large army keeps us ahead. It looks like France will likely lose the second spot to Ming soon since France's army will only get weaker while at war and there's nothing really holding Ming back. The rest of the Great Powers are nowhere near to catching up. Also, one thing not shown here but of potential interest is that Nova Hispania is a secondary power, I believe #12, because their industry is like #8-9. If you look at the map in-game, you will notice a large number of railroads all across Mexico. Ireland is the #9 power, which quite frankly is embarrassing for the other Europeans who aren't Great Powers.
))((Your plan is probably fine for another 6 months. Valencia will only be halfway done evening the conservative-liberal gap, while there will be plenty of naval shipyards to construct now that the first batch are finally finishing.))
((Private - Investigation))
Moving Garcia into witness protection seemed to accomplish little at first other than to maintain a careful watch on the man. However, after a year under government protection, it seemed that Garcia had overcome whatever fears he had and seemed willing to talk now. Another interrogation was done, and this time Garcia was much more forthcoming. He admitted that he was a member of the Reales, a group of reactionary militia. Unlike the Moviment Realista, members of this group did not share their identities with anyone other than their immediate leader, but they were never told who their leader was either. He didn't know who else was in the group, but he did mention that he had been referred to the Reales by a friend in the Facción Realista. As for the actual attack, he stated that he had been sent orders directly by the leader and told that if he revealed the attack before it occurred or exposed the Reales involvement, he'd be killed. This was followed by Garcia begging that the government keep him protected, for he feared the Reales would come after him now that he had revealed their involvement. Until he is ensured further protection, he likely won't say any more.
As for the investigation in the Moviment Realista, a breakthrough was finally made. After months of tracking down various cells and trying to put agents into their ranks, the government finally managed to corner one small segment of the movement. A raid was conducted on their base of operation, which the militants defended fiercely. Most died during the assault, but the government forces succeeded in capturing the leader alive. While refusing to reveal anything about the Moviment Realista, he did reveal that it was not behind the attack on the Phoenix presses. While the Moviment Realista certainly supported the aim of the attack, someone else had organized it. Whether he is telling the truth or not is unknown.
* * * * *
Parliament has become fixated on the electoral system as of late, whether that be the creation of the Hispanian Electoral Commission that shall prevent the abhorrent practices used by various parties to coerce voters into supporting them or the possibility of an expanded franchise. The recent proposal by Senor Faixòn should be a step towards ensuring that the people's will is properly represented in the distribution of seats. However, there are still many problems and abuses existing within the system. Most of them are unintentional or were better suited for another time. I intend to make correction to one of these such problems. I thus present this act.
The Electoral System Act
I. Section A of the Great Reform of 1773 shall be revoked.
II. The proportion of appointed members in the Assembly shall be determined based on other laws, currently designated as one-fourth of the total by the Return to Normalcy Act.
III. The remaining seats of the Assembly are elected from the Provinces, with electoral districts established within each Province based on population.
IV. Any Christian male citizen over the age of 21 who meets the property requirement as dictated under Hispanian law may vote in the parliamentary election for the elected seats or run for election.
V. Electoral districts shall be based on the boundaries of Municipalities, with all electoral districts consisting of an appropriate number of Municipalities contained within a single Province.
VI. All Municipalities shall have their boundaries adjusted so that every voter can attend political meetings and vote at their local polling station without disrupting their way of life.
VII. Each Province shall keep records of the number of voters in each Municipality and maintain an ordered list, from highest to lowest, of the amount of taxes paid by each citizen to monitor who meets the property requirement. If the electoral system uses a weighted model, these values shall be used to determine the weight of each individual’s vote.
VIII. Each electoral district shall be represented by a single seat in Parliament, with voters directly selecting their Member of Parliament from a list of candidates including representatives from established political parties and verified independents using the voting system as dictated under Hispanian law. The previous system involving electors shall be abolished.
IX. The Hispanian Electoral Commission, as established under a previous law, shall ensure fairness and the proper following of procedure during each election.
The intention of this act is to replace the outdated Section A in the Great Reform of 1773. Some of the paragraphs have already been overridden by more recent laws, so I believe it appropriate to bring them up to date as well as leave room for further changes to the franchise, appointed seats, and other areas likely to see change over the next few decades. The intention of the Great Reform is still kept intact, and indeed much of the phrasing from the original act was used or rephrased for this one. I have, however, made one major alteration. The elector system that has been used up until this point is, quite frankly, outdated and open for abuse. Under our current system, each municipality elects three groups of electors, each representing a different tax bracket. These electors then meet in each province and choose the members of the Assembly for that province. At the time, this made sense, for many voters were unfamiliar with all potential candidates, had little interaction with those outside their hometown, and generally lacked a proper education. This is no longer the case. With the advent of railroads, people can now freely travel all across the Empire in a fraction of the time. The publication of newspapers has increased tremendously, providing a plethora of information to the average Hispanian citizen. Improvements to our education system have made it so that most citizens are not only literate, but capable of understanding the general actions of government. Due to all these changes, it seems unnecessary for the electors to remain. Why should the people choose electors and hope that these electors represent their interests when they are more than capable of electing their representatives directly? The electors served their purpose in 1773, but that purpose is no longer necessary in this day and age. I believe it is time that the people were given a greater say in who represents them in the Assembly.
- His Royal Highness, Crown Prince Alfons de Trastámara, Duke of Roma
((Private))
Antonio was in his room staring at the city of Valladolid that cloud be seen by his estate, suddenly the sound of the doors opening is heared by him.
Antonio: Why are you here ? -he say without turning to see who was, almost if he knew who was-
Carlos: You know why father. -say Carlos holding a gun, aiming to his father-
Antonio: Why ? Why you abandoned me for the Fenix ?
Carlos: They gave me what you never gave, love, compassion, and a reason to live.
Antonio: You know, I wasn't a good father, but I did what I had to do to raise you as-
Carlos: A dammed reactionary that would kill his son by ordering an attack of an army against him ? Yes father, I know it, I did my own investigation for an entire year until I discovered who was the leader of the Reales.
Antonio turned to see his son aiming a pistol to his face.
Antonio: ...and you came here to kill me ? -he smiles-
Carlos looked confused to his smile, he turned and saw Juarez shooting at his chest. He falls to the ground converted by blood.
Antonio: I'm sorry that I had to do this, my son.
Carlos in his last breath curses his father "I-I hate y-you..."
Antonio: burn the body and throw the ashes on the river, also make the Reales go silent for the next months, at least until election is over, you know what to do if the Fenix win again.
Juarez nods leaving with the body, Antonio goes back to staring Valladolid.
Antonio was in his room staring at the city of Valladolid that cloud be seen by his estate, suddenly the sound of the doors opening is heared by him.
Antonio: Why are you here ? -he say without turning to see who was, almost if he knew who was-
Carlos: You know why father. -say Carlos holding a gun, aiming to his father-
Antonio: Why ? Why you abandoned me for the Fenix ?
Carlos: They gave me what you never gave, love, compassion, and a reason to live.
Antonio: You know, I wasn't a good father, but I did what I had to do to raise you as-
Carlos: A dammed reactionary that would kill his son by ordering an attack of an army against him ? Yes father, I know it, I did my own investigation for an entire year until I discovered who was the leader of the Reales.
Antonio turned to see his son aiming a pistol to his face.
Antonio: ...and you came here to kill me ? -he smiles-
Carlos looked confused to his smile, he turned and saw Juarez shooting at his chest. He falls to the ground converted by blood.
Antonio: I'm sorry that I had to do this, my son.
Carlos in his last breath curses his father "I-I hate y-you..."
Antonio: burn the body and throw the ashes on the river, also make the Reales go silent for the next months, at least until election is over, you know what to do if the Fenix win again.
Juarez nods leaving with the body, Antonio goes back to staring Valladolid.
((Private))
Soon after the incident, Juarez returned to Antonio's office, finding the count staring at the city.
Juarez: It is done sir.
Antonio: Juarez, an new order for the Reales, I can't allow the Fenix party to win the elections, investigate the second most proeminent member, the one that have ideas more radical than Faixon's, Villahermosa.
Juarez: Why him sir ?
Antonio: do you remember Dias ? The one that shared my ideas? My idol ? I always had suspects on him, of all in the assembly he seems to be the one that obviously hated him, I want you to investigate his past, discover his connections, if he was involved in his death, even if he was the murder !
Juarez: As you wish sir.
((Can I ask you to roll this mike ?))
Soon after the incident, Juarez returned to Antonio's office, finding the count staring at the city.
Juarez: It is done sir.
Antonio: Juarez, an new order for the Reales, I can't allow the Fenix party to win the elections, investigate the second most proeminent member, the one that have ideas more radical than Faixon's, Villahermosa.
Juarez: Why him sir ?
Antonio: do you remember Dias ? The one that shared my ideas? My idol ? I always had suspects on him, of all in the assembly he seems to be the one that obviously hated him, I want you to investigate his past, discover his connections, if he was involved in his death, even if he was the murder !
Juarez: As you wish sir.
((Can I ask you to roll this mike ?))