((I wonder where did you find that specific date, something, something Imperial Brazil ?))
((It seemed fitting that the last nation to abolish slavery should do so on that date.
))-
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((It seemed fitting that the last nation to abolish slavery should do so on that date.
))
Another International. Even the pope siding with the workers now. The industry had to answer, and so Aurora Faixòn invited leading capitalists and prominent politicians from all over the world to debate about it. Should no solution be found, at least some business opportunities might open. And now that Hispania returned to Laissez-Faire politics, it was the perfect time too.
The little compromise in forming the coalition was displeasing to Girell, but he was no longer head of the Phoenixes, and Cortez mainly saw the need to supplant the Conservatives. Besides, the Fénix could and would clearly make their voice heard - no doubt about that. Hard times ahead for Valerio, to combine all these bickering men, united mostly in adversity to the right.
((A period of internal turmoil and advancing colonialism - after the last costly wars, a fairly peaceful time (even if the Chinese, Malians and Japanese might disagree).))
The little compromise in forming the coalition was displeasing to Girell, but he was no longer head of the Phoenixes, and Cortez mainly saw the need to supplant the Conservatives. Besides, the Fénix could and would clearly make their voice heard - no doubt about that. Hard times ahead for Valerio, to combine all these bickering men, united mostly in adversity to the right.
((A period of internal turmoil and advancing colonialism - after the last costly wars, a fairly peaceful time (even if the Chinese, Malians and Japanese might disagree).))
1892-1896 – Epilogue (Part IX)
The liberal-socialist coalition would face many challenges during its four-year term. The many different parties making up the coalition had widely varying views on key issues. Where the Marina wanted laissez-faire, the Progressives wanted heavy state involvement in the economy. Where the Reconquista called for social reforms, the Phoenix refused to support almost any. Disagreements were commonplace, and it was the League that had to serve as the mediator while assuming the leadership role. Perhaps the one thing that kept the coalition together and coerced the parties into cooperating was the potential revival of the conservatives and the looming spectre of nationalism. The conservatives had been in power for 16 years, and neither the liberals nor the socialists wanted them to hold the reins of power again. As for the nationalist parties, their numbers continued to grow and there was a legitimate fear that allowing them to participate in government would legitimize potential separatist movements. This last point left the nationalists quite bitter.
With the formation of the mish-mashed coalition of liberals and socialists, the nationalist parties began to see the trend that was developing. None of the other parties in Parliament wanted to work with them, and they would continue to exclude them from power. This especially dealt a deep blow to the Federalists, who had disavowed separatism and simply wanted greater autonomy for the states. Their message could be universal to all of Hispania, yet they had failed to gain a presence outside of the Philippines and Taiwan. It seemed that the large number of European voters wanted nothing to do with an Asia-based party. The continued existence of the Mediterranean Clause was proof of that. This brought the two Asian parties closer together.
Following the election, the Enlightenment Party, now essentially in control of Canton’s seats in Parliament, reached out to the Federalists. The Europeans would not work with Asians, that was clear. It was time for the Asians to look out for themselves. After brief negotiations, seeing both parties support a platform favouring greater autonomy, the Enlightenment Party and Partido Federalista joined together in a coalition called the Pan-Asian Alliance. Their focus would be on winning over the Asian voters, who were naturally angry with being marginalized and would favour their platform. Perhaps united they could make their presence known enough to gain the attention of the Europeans.
While Hispania’s Asians clamoured for reform, the Sino-Japanese War raged on, although by 1892 it was already clear who would win. Early in the year, the Chinese navy faced off against the remnants of the Japanese navy, consisting mostly of debilitated ships built as far back as the 1840s. The Japanese lost most of their navy in a few quick battles, and the Chinese set about blockading Japan’s coast. The islands of Okinawa and Anami were seized, while forces that had already landed in Hokkaido prepared for an invasion of Honshu.
As Chinese troops pushed into Honshu, the Shogun panicked. Attempts to halt the Chinese advance failed miserably, with entire divisions mowed down by superior firepower or laying down their arms in the face of the sheer size of China’s army. The greatest fear though was that the Chinese could liberate the Emperor and turn him against the Shogun. With his rule threatened by the invasion, the Shogun sued for peace.
Negotiations began shortly after, and the Emperor of China made sure Japan paid for its insolence. Japan was to renounce all claims to Sakhalin. The islands of Okinawa and Anami were to be ceded to China. The island of Hokkaido was to be given independence as the nation of Ainu, to serve as a Chinese puppet state within striking distance of the home isles. A reparation was demanded as well. There was hesitance about touching Honshu for fear that Hispania might choose to intervene to save their trading partner from their ill-fought war, perhaps saving Japan from complete and utter defeat. The sudden Hispanian invasion of Kamchadals and Chavchuveny had Hispanian troops in the region. Japan had been humbled though, and the Shogun’s reign was surely shakier than it had been before.
Despite Hispania’s commercial interests in Japan, the ruling coalition had no desire to risk war with China, especially since they had two conflicts to pull Hispania out of that the conservatives had dragged Hispania into. While the war with Afghanistan was in a stalemate due to disagreements with the Commonwealth, Mali was still a heated conflict and one that had cost many Hispanian lives. Before being ousted from power, Prime Minister Luca Spoleto had managed to convince the French to join the war against Mali, alleviating some of the pressure placed on the Hispanian army. It also meant that Hispania could not pull out of the war without either irreparably damaging relations with France or giving them the opportunity to seize most of West Africa. They would have to fight it to the end.
France’s army was arguably the strongest in Europe behind Hispania’s, especially after Emperor Charles IX had implemented massive reforms for the army following the military blunders of the Dutch Revolt. Their addition to the war greatly turned things around. Hispania had focused the brunt of its assault on the north and west, where they could muster the most troops and most easily strike at Mali. However, the northern campaign required cutting through the Sahara, severely limiting mobility and leading to a brutal campaign, while Mali focused their effort on halting the western advance. Hispania also sent forces to the east but lacked the necessary infrastructure to properly transport men into the region. The south was just a disaster, with Hispania forced to defend their thin strip of land along the coast against constant attacks. The arrival of the French changed the situation of that last theatre as they relieved the besieged Hispanian colonies and forced Mali on the defensive. Mali was being pressed from all sides and lacked the forces to fend off an invasion from Europe’s two strongest powers.
It took another two years before Mali was finally defeated. Hispania managed to seize Mali’s capital in the west in 1893 and pushed through the Sahara shortly after. The French swarmed in from the south, using Hispania’s colonies along the coast to launch their invasion from multiple points. Mali resisted to the bitter end, relying on guerrilla tactics whenever necessary and avoiding open battle when possible. This could only work for so long, and by 1894 it was clear that they were no match for both Hispania and France. What remained of Mali’s army slipped into the desert to hide while Hispania and France occupied the towns and cities. Mali had no choice but to accept whatever peace terms were offered to them.
The two great powers spent several weeks conferring about a potential settlement. Both agreed that Mali would be annexed, but deciding who received what was not an easy decision. It became heated at times, but eventually a consensus was reached. Mali was to be split between them. Both nations recognized the territory seized by the other, effectively ending the decades-long squabble over West Africa. To prevent potential issues over ports, Hispania sold France its small coastal colonies in Togo, Dahomey, Yoruba, and Benin, while France refrained from claiming land along Zazzau’s border. To inspire further cooperation in the future, Hispania recognized France’s colony in South Africa, while the French swore off further colonization efforts in Africa, not that they could do much without access to the uncolonized parts of the African interior. And with that, another African state faded from existence, yet another victim of the Scramble for Africa.
While Mali was the primary conflict the liberal-socialist government wanted to get Hispania out of, Afghanistan could not be ignored. The Commonwealth was insistent it would not withdraw from the part of Afghanistan it currently occupied. Even as it fought a guerrilla war against the Afghan people, it did not relent in its demands, continuing to aspire for that land connection to Delhi. Hispania simply did not want to lose its position in Afghanistan and let the Commonwealth press further into Asia, potentially threatening India. It was that last point that would eventually lead to a compromise.
Seeing that the Commonwealth would not back down, and with growing dissent amongst the coalition favouring the end of this pointless conflict, Hispania approached the Commonwealth with an offer in 1893. The Commonwealth would annex northern Afghanistan, giving it the border with Delhi it so desperately craved. In exchange, the Commonwealth would officially recognize Hispania’s dominance over the rest of Afghanistan and its position in India. The borders in the region were to be officially recognized by both powers. It was hoped that this recognition of Hispanian India would finally halt the Commonwealth’s advances into Asia.
This offer finally broke the stalemate, with the Commonwealth agreeing to the proposed settlement. Northern Afghanistan was annexed by the Commonwealth, while the south became a Hispanian puppet. The borders in Afghanistan and India were formalized to prevent further conflict between the two, and the Commonwealth swore off all ambitions in India, even forcing Delhi to hand over Cawnpore as a sign of goodwill. To further encourage cooperation between the two great powers, Empress Dowager Khadija arranged a match between her granddaughter Sara and Prince Jonas Giedraiciai. With that, the last of the two Hispanian wars was ended, returning Hispania to peace.
Around this time, the Trastámaras also arranged another important marriage. With the UKA having abolished slavery at last after all this time, relations had finally started to normalize. Crown Prince Sanç de Trastámara saw the advantage of a marriage into the Richmond branch of the family and offered his daughter Alícia’s hand in marriage to Prince Eduard de Trastamara-Richmond. The match was arranged, and another royal wedding orchestrated.
1892 also saw tensions flare between Hungary and Bavaria. Later in the year, Hungary approached Bavaria about the potential return of Moravia, territory they claimed as their own. Bavaria, of course, had no interest in returning land to a potentially hostile state. Most of the diplomatic gestures and request for a settlement on their shared border were simply laughed off. At one point, Hungary attempted to get Byzantium to back them by putting pressure on Bavaria to acquiesce, but the Greeks had no interest in intervening, fearing that to do so would draw the Commonwealth’s attention. Meanwhile, Bavaria pushed back by targeting the Hungarian minority in Moravia. Blatantly discriminatory policies were implemented that disenfranchised and ostracized the Hungarian population. Attempts were made to drive them out of Moravia, and more than a few riots erupted with Bavarians targeting the businesses and homes of Hungarians. Hungary protested this treatment of their cultural brethren but could do little with the Commonwealth protecting Bavaria. They could only stew in anger as Bavaria taunted them.
Meanwhile, in Hispania, the liberal-socialist coalition attempted their first major reform. The Phoenixes had agreed to join the coalition under the key condition that the appointed seats be removed. Under conservative rule, this issue had been ignored, but once more it was to rear its head. This challenge to their existence was to be the first test of the new coalition. Despite some protests from the liberals, the left united to vote for the removal of the appointed seats. With the support of the nationalists, who disfavoured the seats’ existence due to never receiving any seats, they managed to just barely achieve the necessary votes in the Assembly. The Cortz proved another matter. The conservatives still controlled the upper house, and they were not willing to let the institution go. The attempt to remove the appointed seats thus failed, and in the process deepened the lingering resentment of the Cortz by the left.
Reform was just as lacking oversees. Canada faced internal turmoil as the Yankee population became riled up. Despite nearly three decades having passed since its independence, the Canadian government continued to be dominated by a Canadian minority from Ontario and Quebec. The Yankee majority, who made up roughly two-thirds of Canada’s population, held about a third of the seats in parliament. The Dixies and Scandinavians out west had even less of a voice, but their population was noticeably smaller. This was a situation that continued to persist despite numerous attempts to change the status quo.
The fight for greater representation took a turn first in 1888 when the UKA abolished slavery. With abolition finally adopted, the main source of division that had forced the Yankees away from the UKA was gone. Some Yankee activists started to discuss the possibility of seeking reunification with the UKA. Resentment against the Canadians had lingered for years, with many still adamant that they had been coerced into separating from the UKA. However, their separation from the UKA had been so lengthy that these discussions soon turned instead to the possibility of independence. Should the Yankee people seek the creation of their own state, one separate from both the UKA and Canada, where they would no longer be marginalized by either Dixies or Canadians? Such talk gained growing support, but it was not until 1893 that it turned to violence.
Protests broke out early in 1893, with Yankees calling for a wide range of demands. The majority call was for voting reforms to give them proper representation, but these were soon overshadowed by arguments for reunification with the UKA or the creation of an independent Yankee state. Once the threat of separatism reared its head, especially one that could potentially make their rival stronger than them, the Canadian government came down hard on the protests. The protestors resisted, sparking riots throughout the New England states. It seemed a repeat of the Northwest Rebellion, except this time Canada was faced with potentially over half its population ready to rise up in open revolt.
It did not take long for the UKA to jump on this opportunity. The Americans demanded that Canada return New England, pointing to the riots as proof that the Yankees did not want Canadian rule. Understandably, Canada said no. As the riots became more widespread and the Canadian army became fully committed to putting them down, the Americans made their next move. An ultimatum was sent, one demanding the handover of New England or the UKA would reclaim those states through war. Once more Canada rejected the demands, sparking the American-Canadian War.
Despite the riots raging in New England, the war initially started in Canada’s favour. They possessed the larger army and a much greater industrial capacity. Unlike the American Civil War, Canada now had an organized army rather than militia and a proper command structure. Canada could mobilize more men and deploy them faster than the UKA could. Canadian troops soon poured over the border from Michigan and Pennsylvania. By 1894, Canada had managed to seize Ohio and was threatening the American capital in Fredericksburg. It seemed that Canada would overwhelm the UKA in time.
The Canadians had one disadvantage that would prove potentially fatal. The riots in New England continued unabated during the war, and even spread as the war over New England’s fate only encouraged the Yankee rioters. Both the Canadians and Americans were fighting over their land. The Yankees were tired of being pawns for another. With most of the Canadian army engaged in the UKA, the time to pursue freedom was now. Near the end of 1894, the Yankee population in the New England states joined together and rose up in rebellion.
The Yankee Rebellion was not as uniform as the separatists hoped it to be. There were still some that desired to join with the UKA and others that preferred to remain with Canada. In the northern states such as Vermont and Maine, the pro-Canadian Yankees resisted the separatists trying to pull their state into rebellion, while in the southern states such as Pennsylvania some openly sided with the UKA in the American-Canadian War and attempted to assist the Americans in turning back the Canadian invasion. They turned on themselves as they also had to fend off Canadian retaliation and American advances.
New England erupting in open rebellion dramatically shifted events against Canada. A significant part of Canada’s army consisted of Yankees, seeing a large number of defections and mutinies. Canada now had to also shift its attention to put down the rebellion while simultaneously fighting the Americans. By the end of 1895, the Americans had reclaimed most of the land occupied by the Canadians and were pushing into Michigan. Collaborators in Pennsylvania tried to assist the Americans in pressing into their state, although they faced equally fierce resistance from the separatists. The UKA had to contend with its weaker army and industrial base though in comparison to Canada, slowing its advance.
As both nations duked it out, they also had to consider their approach to the Yankee rebels. Canada attempted to put the rebellion down by force, trying to spur up support from those loyalists that remained. The UKA tried to portray themselves as liberators and pressured their supporters to assist their occupation. While both had their supporters, the separatists were numerous and growing as their home became a battleground. As 1896 approached, it seemed uncertain how the fate of New England would be resolved.
While lack of reform could cause problems like it did in Canada, the passage of reform could be equally as troublesome. Bengal had been plagued with problems for countless years. Plagued with an inefficient and backwards administration rife with corruption, one that had caused three rebellions in West Bengal before Hispania eventually annexed the region to ensure stability, Bengal struggled to stay afloat. Although at least one separatist threat had been dealt with, the unity of the state was still fragile. The financial situation was excessively poor, with Bengal deep in debt to almost every great power. Bengal seemed ready to fall apart, and at times it was only the looming spectre of Hispanian intervention that kept the state together.
Faced with the decline of his nation, the King of Bengal sought an extensive reform program beginning in 1893. He sought to combat the threat of separatism first, believing that uniting the various cultural groups behind his reign would give him the support necessary to enact further reforms. A parliamentary system based on the Hispanian model was devised, with greater autonomy given to the various minorities within Bengal. The nation’s first elections were to be held in 1894. These went a long way towards pacifying the minorities in Bengal, but other reforms would face opposition.
As the King pursued political reform, he also implemented military reform. While some consideration was given to approaching Hispania on the issue, the occupation of West Bengal by Hispanian troops had not endeared them to the Bengali people. Hispanian military advisors would likely be targeted by anti-foreign hatred. Instead, Bengal approached China for assistance, believing that they could best replicate the modernization of China’s army as a fellow Asian state. China’s war with Japan had already proven how effective their reforms were. Chinese advisors were thus enlisted to train Bengal’s officers and troops, with Chinese weapons being imported into Bengal.
Hispania certainly did not appreciate the Chinese presence in Bengal, but division amongst the coalition kept action from being taken. The socialist half of the government didn’t believe that Bengal trading with China and seeking advice from them was enough to warrant intervention. Instead it would be Bengal’s own citizens that would be most resistant.
The more conservative members of Bengali society did not appreciate the reforms being sought by their King, while the army leadership felt threatened by the military reforms. It seemed that soon the Bengali army would be led by Chinese at this rate. To make matters worse, the King’s focus on political and military reforms ignored the more pressing issue of the state’s finances. The country remained in debt, and the situation was so bad that soldiers were often going unpaid. Something needed to be done.
The tipping point though came when rumours started to circulate that the Chinese were encouraging the recruitment of Burmese into the army. The Burmese population was believed to be more supportive of China, so this was seen as a way to undermine the anti-Chinese Bengali leadership. This combined with the fact that most soldiers weren’t being paid sparked mass riots as soldiers turned against the government, targeting the Burmese minority in a relentless pogrom. The Chinese advisors, facing a military insurrection aimed against them, were forced to flee the country as soldiers stormed the royal palace. Taking advantage of the chaos, the King’s brother joined with the army’s cause and sought to overthrow his brother, promised to revoke his many reforms.
It was at this time that the call for an intervention in Hispania finally gained the necessary support. It seemed clear that at this point Bengal was in a state of civil war. Minorities were being persecuted and the many positive political reforms the King had passed were in threat of being revoked. If Hispania did not intervene, Bengal might revert back to an archaic state, perhaps one less friendly to Hispania. Troops from India were ordered across the border to restore order. The Bengali army, still mired in its old ways, practically collapsed at the Hispanian advance. The King was soon rescued, and the pretender captured.
Knowing that the Chinese were watching events closely, Hispania hesitated from outright annexing Bengal and provoking war with China. Instead the King was restored to power, with Hispania giving full support to his reform program. The Hispanian government forgave most of Bengal’s debt owed to Hispania and encouraged investment in the Asian country. When it came to Bengal’s military, Hispania insisted on providing Hispanian advisors to assist with the reforms, with a garrison force kept behind to help the King maintain order. The Burmese Incident, as it was later called, had threatened to tear Bengal apart, but in the end, it managed to benefit Hispania, driving the Chinese presence out of Bengal and cementing Hispania’s dominance in the country.
Bengal was not the only Asian state to be plagued with internal problems. Following its defeat to China, Japan faced great turmoil. The Shogun, seeing his position threatened by the loss, attempted to win over the people with a massive reform program. He promised a European-style education system, the gradual dissolution of the feudal system, rapid industrialization, an elected body to serve under him, and other reforms. While these liberal reforms were meant to garner the support of the general population to prevent an insurrection, they failed to take into account the Shogun’s core source of support, the military. The Shogun was first and foremost a military leader. As the Shogun scrambled to secure his position, he forgot who held him up there to begin with.
Faced with the possibility of the Shogun weakening the military’s hold on power, the army launched a coup. Without the support of the military to keep him in power, the Shogun had no one to turn to. He was quickly shuffled from power and disposed of quietly. This though left the question of who would rule over Japan. The possibility of propping up another military leader was enticing, but the Shogun in his quest to stay in power had riled up the people. A dictator would only antagonize them. They needed a puppet who would appease the people and listen to the military. Fortunately, they had the perfect candidate.
In 1894, with the Shogun deposed, the military propped up the Emperor, declaring the Shogunate disbanded and proclaiming him sole ruler of Japan. It was an empty statement though, for the Emperor was to serve as a figurehead and nothing more. Much like before, the military retained its power, but instead hid it behind the guise of imperial rule. They were to keep a close eye on the Emperor, ensuring he did only what they said. The question though was how long the Emperor would be willing to remain a puppet and what the military would do when that time came. For now, that seemed some time in the future.
Meanwhile, the Scramble for Africa took a turn. Over the past few years, Scandinavia expanded vigorously into the interior, attempting to claim their place in the sun while they had a chance. Hispania, in an attempt to diminish the Scandinavian presence, did what they did with the French and attempted to pin the Scandinavians in. It seemed a difficult task due to the rapid rate that Scandinavia was expanding their colony. Ultimately, events nearby were to provide a valuable distraction.
For roughly six years, Kongo had served as a protectorate of Scandinavia. However, it was soon to become clear that Scandinavia and Kongo had a different interpretation of their relationship. This first started coming to light as Kongo reached out to several different powers with diplomatic dispatches, only to be turned away due to the recipient stating that they’d need to go through Scandinavia. The King of Kongo was to learn that according to the treaty he had signed with Scandinavia, Kongo had been made a protectorate. This came as a surprise, since the Kongolese version of the treaty was worded to suggest Kongo could make use of Scandinavia’s help for diplomatic endeavours, not be made a virtual subject of Scandinavia. Attempts at negotiations faltered, with Scandinavia insisting that Kongo had agreed to become a protectorate. This was not acceptable to the King of Kongo.
In early 1894, the King of Kongo repudiated the treaty and ordered an attack on Scandinavia’s colony in Gabon. Scandinavia responded with force, drawing on troops from Europe to launch a counterattack and defend their colonies. Having to defend their new possessions in the interior and the corridor from Gabon overextended them and made manoeuvres against Kongo difficult. This often forced Scandinavia on the defensive.
Kongo also had another advantage. Years of trade with Scandinavia had supplied Kongo with a large supply of European weaponry. They were equipped better than any other army in Africa, and thus best suited to fend off a foreign invasion. After mobilizing the population, they could use their knowledge of the land and position to strike at Scandinavia’s colonies with impunity. Goods were also being supplied to Kongo from the south by Hispania, hoping to prolong the conflict to delay Scandinavia’s colonization of Africa.
The war seemed mostly a stalemate, with the might of Scandinavia exceeding that of Kongo but unable to be fully utilized to make any gains. The twist in events came when the Kongolese managed to break through the lines enough to reach an unfinished Scandinavian fort in the corridor and seize it, forcing Scandinavia’s troops in retreat and giving Kongo control of a key route into the interior. Scandinavia tried to reclaim the fort with a quick strike at the Africans, but underestimated the size of the enemy force, seeing them overwhelmed by sheer numbers. Scandinavia was starting to lose the war, and that was beginning to show.
By the end of 1895, the Scandinavian public was growing tired of the war with Kongo. In a snap election, the reigning government was brought down and replaced by a more pro-peace regime. The new government immediately sought to sign a treaty with Kongo before the situation worsened and led to a complete loss of influence in Africa. Kongo was more than willing to oblige. An agreement was soon struck. Kongo would be recognized as independent and in exchange they would recognize Scandinavia’s current colonies, including Gabon. For the first time in decades, an African nation had achieved independence from a European overlord.
This sudden revelation led to quick action on the part of other powers. Not wanting to see Scandinavia someday reclaim their position in Kongo once they had recovered, Hispania signed an agreement with Kongo officially recognizing their independence, ensuring that Scandinavia could not attempt to make them a protectorate again. Perhaps hoping to strengthen their own influence in Kongo or at least prevent Hispania from taking advantage of Kongo’s situation, France signed a similar agreement recognizing their independence. With the backing of two of Europe’s foremost power, Kongo was set to remain the last remaining independent African state.
In the world of sports, the concept of an international games where all the nations of the world could participate was beginning to gain ground. A group of Greek nobles in Byzantium were tossing around the idea of reviving the Olympics, an ancient Greek tradition that held a certain appeal in modern times. Similar ideas were being discussed in Hispania and France. What better way to promote international cooperation than participation in friendly sporting games? By 1894, these groups managed to get together and flesh out their idea, forming the International Olympic Committee.
With the formation of the IOC, the Byzantine government was approached with an offer to host the first Olympics in Athens in 1896. The idea held great appeal, and Byzantium agreed to host and pay for the games. The other nations of the world were sent invitations to send their athletes to participate in various sporting events. With that done, plans were put in motion to see these Olympics become an event that occurred every four years, with a new host every time. Before that could happen, the IOC would have to gauge the success of their first games.
As the world came together for the first Olympics, Nuevas Baleares attempted to find a solution for its continued economic woes. The Long Depression had hit the colonial nation quite hard, and recovery did not appear to be in sight. For decades, Nuevas Baleares had been in decline. While other colonies industrialized, Nuevas Baleares had focused on its position as an export economy, supplying Europe with sugar and other raw goods. Past governments had seen this as an easy source of funds, but it also meant that Nuevas Baleares had a practically non-existent industry and had to rely on imports for manufactured goods. Most industry that did exist was owned by European companies.
The economic circumstances Neuvas Baleares found itself in proved excellent fodder for the colony’s socialist party. Claiming that the Europeans had taken advantage of Nuevas Baleares by forcing a resource-based economy upon them, they called for a mass industrialization program. Nuevas Baleares needed railroads, factories, and other forms of industry. They also called for the nationalization of existing industries, believing that they belonged in the hands of the people of Nuevas Baleares and not some foreign company. This held great appeal to many people due to the continued poor economy. In 1894, an off-shoot of Hispania’s Progressives and various other socialist parties managed to gain a majority within the Legislative Assembly, bringing the socialists to power.
Now in power, the socialists went about enacting their promised reforms. Construction began on railroads and factories in Cuba and Hispaniola, with the hope of developing them into Nuevas Baleares’s manufacturing base, making the colony less reliant on European products and diversifying the economy. A nationalization program commenced, seeing many key industries bought out by the government, with the owners properly compensated. Now the people of Nuevas Baleares could control their own economic fate rather than rely on the goodwill of rich capitalists living overseas.
This nationalization program did not go forward without opposition abroad. Many industrialists were not pleased to have their business seized, even if they were compensated for them. Over the course of several months, numerous capitalists lost their investments in Nuevas Baleares. They aimed their anger towards Hispania’s government, demanding they do something to protect their business interests. The liberal half of the coalition trumpeted the cause, sharing their calls for intervention to protect Hispanian investments abroad. However, this was at odds with the socialist half. The socialists refused to endorse any intervention, claiming the people of Nuevas Baleares had a right to control their own economy. Instead they demanded that Nuevas Baleares be encouraged to develop its industry, perhaps with Hispanian assistance. This put the two halves of the coalition at odds, and ultimately prevented any action from being taken. The socialists in Nuevas Baleares would be allowed to continue implementing their reforms.
Social reform was not just limited to Hispania’s colonies. As per their coalition agreement, the Hispanian government needed to pass some social reforms to appease the socialists. The difficulty came in agreeing on what sort of reform could be presented. Whenever the Progressives presented any suggestions such as a minimum wage or unemployment insurance, they were instantly shot down by the Phoenixes. Minor education reforms had been passed over the term, but nothing major or controversial. Eventually a compromise was found. The only area the Phoenixes were willing to relent was on the matter of healthcare, willing to accept the implementation of laws improving hospitals and increasing access to healthcare services for the average Hispanian. The government thus presented a massive reform bill granting a universal healthcare system, one that allowed government-funded treatment for all Hispanians regardless of their financial situation. It easily passed through the Assembly and just barely made it through the Cortz.
Yet another set of reforms were considered. In the area of women’s rights, the concept of granting women the franchise was presented. It had been something discussed for quite some time, but never realized. Attempts to push forward bills granting women the franchise inevitably failed, for the conservative-dominated Cortz would never let it pass. The liberal-socialist coalition had to instead seek more moderate steps forward first.
In 1895, the government presented a bill granting the right to vote to single women and widows with property in local elections. While it would be the first time women would be permitted to vote, it was minor in scale. It purposely only targeted single women and widows with property to win support from the conservatives, claiming that these were women who often lacked a male figure in their lives to vote on their behalf. It was only implemented on a local level to serve as a test of the impact women voting would have on elections before contemplating a more national approach. It was hoped that if the conservatives could see that women voting locally was not a threat, they would one day permit them to vote nationally. States were also given the option to implement similar franchise laws, but it was entirely optional, often meaning that no further action was taken to extend the vote to women. With the next election drawing close, the passage of these major social reforms was perhaps enough to salvage the coalition despite growing tensions between the various parties.
It was also to be a year of great joy for the Trastámara family. Despite being married for almost 30 years, Emperor Martí II de Trastámara and Empress Sophía de Alejandría had been unable to produce a child. Rumours had circulated for years that one or both of them were infertile. With the Empress reaching the end of child-bearing age, everyone had fully come to accept that they would have no children and that Crown Prince Sanç de Trastámara was to be the future emperor. It came as a great surprise to everyone when the Empress suddenly announced that she was pregnant.
For nine months, Hispanians waited in anticipation to learn the fate of the potential future heir to the throne. In early 1895, it was announced that the Empress had given birth to a healthy baby girl. The young daughter, who the couple named Victòria, closely resembled her father, dispelling any rumours that the child was a product of an affair. The Emperor, who had been plagued with doubts and insecurities for years, had a great burden lifted from his shoulders, with his mood improving dramatically overnight.
While the news was met with great joy, it did not change succession. Women could not inherit the Hispanian throne unless a great tragedy wiped out all the male lines, so the newborn princess was essentially ineligible as heir. Until the Emperor sired a son, Sanç remained heir to the throne. This greatly concerned liberal members of court and Parliament, who were well aware of Sanç’s strong conservative views. Unless the succession laws were changed, or the Emperor outlived his brother, it seemed likely that Hispania could expect its first conservative ruler since Regent Joan.
Trouble was to stir up in Asia again, this time on Hispania’s turf. Korea had been a trouble spot from time to time. Denied the franchise and isolated from most of Hispania’s colonies, it was a hotbed for rebellious sentiment. A revolt had already been put down there decades before, but that did not mean the death of such movements. Those dissatisfied with their station came together, forming groups intent on seeking independence from Hispania. With separatism illegal, they had to remain underground while they organized and blotted.
The Korean separatists plotted a revolution, one that would see them achieve freedom. Years of planning were needed to prepare them, since throwing off the shackles of Hispanian dominance would not be easy. However, before they could play their cards, word got out of their existence. The colonial government became aware of the movement. It seemed likely they would soon crack down to drive out the separatists. The movement had to act now or face extinction.
In concert, separatist cells across Korea rose up in revolt. The separatists had managed to spread their influence wide, with thousands participating from across the peninsula. The Hispanian army stationed in the region had its hands full from the onset trying to put it down, chasing rebel armies across the countryside. The rebels, though, had failed to secure one key victory. They had not been given enough time to subvert Seoul to their cause, with the crucial city remaining firmly under Hispanian control. Before the army could organize, the rebels launched an assault on the city. If they had had a chance to properly prepare, perhaps they could have breached the walls. Instead they were unable to achieve victory and were forced to retreat as more Hispanian troops arrived.
With the revolution started before planning could be completed, the various cells lacked communication or organization. No one knew what their compatriots elsewhere in Korea were doing. A clear leader had yet to be established, with multiple people trying to give often conflicting orders. They may have been able to rally a significant number of people from the countryside, but numbers would not be enough in the face of the organized and better equipped Hispanian army. As the revolution leadership squabbled over the direction they should take, the army swept down upon them. By the end of the year, many of the cells had been wiped out, several key leaders captured, and the rest wildly roaming the countryside to escape the Hispanian army.
As the election of 1896 approached, the question of the success of the liberal-socialist coalition was raised. How had they fared in comparison to the long conservative reign that preceded them? The coalition had been plagued with problems from the start, born from the wide range of parties participating in it. The Progressives had desired greater social reforms for the workers but had had to settle for healthcare and women’s right in the face of opposition from the liberals and Phoenixes. The liberals, on the other hand, found themselves restricted from acting at times due to socialist intervention, such as when they were denied a chance to protect Hispanian investments following the nationalization scheme of Nuevas Baleares. Both sides felt limited in their actions because of the other, and it showed as the government was only able to act in moderation. This displeased some voters, and inevitably hurt the parties in the polls.
A saving grace for the government was to come in one key issue, the economy. The Long Depression had been dragging on for two decades now. The economy had continued to stagnate with unemployment remaining relatively high. The conservatives had tried to tackle it for 16 years with limited success. When the liberal-socialist coalition came to power, there was much hope for change. At the insistence of the liberals, a laissez-faire approach to the economy was adopted. Subsidies were dropped and restrictions were lifted on business to get trade moving again and increase opportunities for investment. Either because these initiatives were successful or the conservatives had created enough groundwork to spur on the revival of the economy, growth was finally starting to show. By the end of the liberal-socialist coalition’s first term, the economy had finally exceeded pre-1873 levels and seemed likely to keep growing. The liberals took all the credit due to their economic policies, salvaging their reputation right before the election.
Despite their great success with the economy, the tensions within the government were ready to explode. The capitalist members of the Comercio despised the Progressives, and the Phoenixes continued to adamantly oppose socialist reforms. The Progressives, on the other hand, were quite dissatisfied with their position. They had not agreed with the military intervention in Bengal and thought that the rebellion in Korea could have been averted. Bitterness also developed from the liberals taking credit for the economic revival. It was quite clear that the socialists could not truly push forward their agenda while working with the liberals. There was still hesitation on whether to act or not. Some still believed that the best option was to stick with the liberals to prevent a conservative revival. Others, however, favoured a more radical approach.
Radical elements of the Progressives rallied for change. The liberals had denied them adequate social reform, intervention in the economy to aid the worker, and numerous other agenda issues for their party. They two sides differed too much on their views on key issues, and the coalition was just forcing both to compromise their own beliefs. With the election approaching, these dissidents denounced their party for sacrificing their beliefs in exchange for power, much as the Populars had done before when offered participation in government. Soon as much as half of the Progressives were taking up this call for change.
Within the course of a few weeks, the Progressives fell apart. The dissidents included two groups of far-left radicals with ideas many considered dangerous. The first group, by far the most extreme, fully embraced the socialist agenda. Taking ideas from the Second International, they dubbed themselves the Partido Comunista. In their eyes, the people should be given control of the economy. They denounced religion as a tool to control the masses and criticized the current political system as reactionary and resistant to change that would benefit the workers. While considerably more radical than previous movements, they truly crossed the line when they advocated for the violent overthrow of the existing order if the government continued to block reform and called the monarchy a backwards dictatorship that denied the Hispanian people true power over their own fate. These last claims earned the attention of the conservatives, as well as more than a few liberals. With pressure put upon them by the conservatives, the government made use of existing legislation against anarchist and republican views to ban the Partido Comunista running for election and crack down on their members.
The second group of dissidents, while emerging from the same communist vein as the Partido Comunista, were considerably less radical. Calling themselves the Partido Nueva Popular Fraternidad, a mouthful meant to woo over former supports of both the Populars and Fraternidad, this party advocated a syndicalist system, one where industry would be owned by the workers and unions would be given much greater influence. Unlike their more radical counterparts, they denounced the use of violence and called for achieving their aims through participation in the democratic process, believing that only through receiving a mandate from the people could they carry out their reforms. Despite not including the more dangerous elements that the Partido Comunists possessed, the timing of their creation and fear from amongst the conservative benches contributed to their repression. At the insistence of the conservatives, the Partido Nueva Popular Fraternidad was banned from running for election as well.
This sudden dramatic shift amongst the socialists right before the election left a significant mark. With their parties denied the ability to run in the election, supporters of the two communist parties spoiled their ballots in protest or simply refused to participate in what they saw as a flawed democratic process. This dealt the Progressives a crushing blow as their support base was suddenly yanked out from underneath them. To worsen matters, the more moderate socialists, those favouring cooperation with the liberals, viewed this change within their party with trepidation and drifted towards the less radical Reconquista. As the results came in, the Reconquista more than doubled their seats, while the Progressives lost almost two-thirds of theirs.
Despite flaws in the coalition, the conservatives failed to make a comeback. Voters were still miffed about their poor handling of the economy, especially when faced with its sudden revival under the liberal-socialist coalition. All conservative parties saw minor losses across the board, and their supermajority in the Cortz was finally lost. The liberals, meanwhile, made quite a few gains. The League saw moderate success, but it was the Comercio was the greatest beneficiary. The economic policies of the coalition were most attributed to them, allowing them to gain more support going into the election. The Phoenixes also managed to gain an additional seat, building off the economic success of the coalition.
The nationalist parties, despite the chaos of the communist emergence, did not falter in their rise. The Partito Nazionalista Italiano continued its climb, but it was the newly united Pan-Asian Alliance that made the most gains. Following the election, the Alliance officially held all the seats in Canton and the Philippines, while securing a significant portion of Taiwan. While they had yet to gain a seat in Southeast Asia, the possibility that one day they could claim all the Asian seats could not be ignored.
Even with the nationalist parties growing, the stage seemed set for the continuation of the existing coalition. This time around, the change in seats promised to provide a more stable coalition as power was shifted firmly into the hands of the liberals. The remaining Progressives were in no shape to protest the liberal dominance, and it was too late to forsake the coalition now. The Reconquista remained cooperative as ever, this time with far more seats to shore up the coalition. The Phoenixes, still necessary to secure a majority, could now be more easily wooed into the coalition due to the diminished socialist presence. Despite the significant gains of the Comercio, the leadership remained in the hands of the League under Prime Minister Gaspar Valerio, who was set to govern Hispania for another four years.
Assembly
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 6
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 101+9
Partit Caballeresca - 62+10
Hispania's Moderates - 18+9
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 60+21
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 80+20
Partido Reconquista - 61+19
Partido Popular Progresista - 25+10
Partido Fénix - 12+2
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 37
Pan-Asian Alliance - 34
Cortz
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 1
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 26
Partit Caballeresca - 13
Hispania's Moderates - 17
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 22
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 5
Partido Reconquista - 11
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 5
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 6
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 101+9
Partit Caballeresca - 62+10
Hispania's Moderates - 18+9
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 60+21
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 80+20
Partido Reconquista - 61+19
Partido Popular Progresista - 25+10
Partido Fénix - 12+2
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 37
Pan-Asian Alliance - 34
Cortz
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 1
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 26
Partit Caballeresca - 13
Hispania's Moderates - 17
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 22
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 5
Partido Reconquista - 11
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 5
Central Asia in 1893
East Asia in 1893
North America in 1895
North Africa in 1896
South Africa in 1896
* * * * *
((Another update done. It was quite fun writing about this mish-mashed liberal-socialist coalition. If it wasn't for the collapse of the Progressives, it probably would have fallen apart entirely. Now it's more of a liberal-mildly socialist coalition.
The Scramble for Africa is almost done. For those questioning the sudden expansion of Scandinavia's unexpected colonies, I chalk it up to the very driven and overzealous Scandinavians and Hispania being too distracted with Mali and colonizing the rest of Africa to stop them. Needed an excuse for Hispania not getting all of Africa. That would be boring.
On a positive note, I found an excuse to get rid of that annoying appendage Delhi had dangling into India. The border is so nice now.
))
((I believe that New England and the UKA cloud forget their differences for a while to crush those Canadians, everyone hates Canada anyways ))
))
((Did you forget Michaelangelo is a Canadian?((I believe that New England and the UKA cloud forget their differences for a while to crush those Canadians, everyone hates Canada anyways
))
((I believe that New England and the UKA cloud forget their differences for a while to crush those Canadians, everyone hates Canada anyways
((Well the border would look at lot better if Canada didn't have New England.
))((Did you forget Michaelangelo is a Canadian?
((I try not to let that impact my judgment of how events will proceed. Plus I don't really see the Canada of this timeline as the one in ours. I think the way I've portrayed Nuevas Valencia is more in line with how Canada is often viewed. The quiet peacekeeper with a fondness for the mother country, a sizeable minority, and a very loud and overbearing cultural brother to the south who likes to flex their muscles a bit too much but is quite protective of their northern neighbour.
))
((That Canada thing was supposed to be a joke, it just shows how easily people are offended in Internet these days.))
((You should've made it more clear, then, because the way you wrote it was a little distasteful, in my opinion. But let's leave that out of this thread, okay?))
((Somehow, I don't think that daughter's name is a coincidence... but at least we have the conservatives out of the picture for now.
We either need to get rid of or grow Zazzau. It's not a nice sight. New England is a better addition.))
The Olympics... a nice change, and something with a lot of potential, that much the Faixòns knew, long-time supporters of the idea. They financed the participation of Hispanian athletes willing to head to Athens, and Aurora attended the events personally.
The company had shrugged off the Long Depression completely now and was again focusing on growth. Thanks to Francesc's reputation as an inventive spirit, multiple bright minds had joined the Faixòns, even moreso due to their instrumental part in founding the world fair, which fascinates people yearly with new achievements of technology and science. More and more automobiles were present in the cities, and the company had become a forerunner in the electrification process. With the liberal coalition still in power, good times surely lay ahead.
We either need to get rid of or grow Zazzau. It's not a nice sight
. New England is a better addition.))The Olympics... a nice change, and something with a lot of potential, that much the Faixòns knew, long-time supporters of the idea. They financed the participation of Hispanian athletes willing to head to Athens, and Aurora attended the events personally.
The company had shrugged off the Long Depression completely now and was again focusing on growth. Thanks to Francesc's reputation as an inventive spirit, multiple bright minds had joined the Faixòns, even moreso due to their instrumental part in founding the world fair, which fascinates people yearly with new achievements of technology and science. More and more automobiles were present in the cities, and the company had become a forerunner in the electrification process. With the liberal coalition still in power, good times surely lay ahead.
((Somehow, I don't think that daughter's name is a coincidence... but at least we have the conservatives out of the picture for now.
We either need to get rid of or grow Zazzau. It's not a nice sight
((You doubt it's a coincidence? You probably would also think that the birth of her cousin Albert in the same year is not a coincidence either. Perhaps none of it is coincidence, or perhaps it's meant to not look like a coincidence because it's a feint. Who truly knows.
We haven't heard the last of Zazzau just yet.
))
1896-1900 – Epilogue (Part X)
The fruits of many men’s labour finally came into being in 1896 as the first Olympic Games were held in Athens. Men from Byzantium, Hispania, and France had suggested the idea of reviving the ancient Greek tradition and had formed the International Olympic Committee to do just that. Frantic planning had cumulated in the first games, which met with roaring success. Every state in Europe participated in the games, with over 241 athletes competing in 43 events. Private benefactors donated vast sums to finance the games, along with support from the Byzantine government in preparing the various stadiums and arenas.
The Greek public rallied behind the games, enthusiastic about hosting such a prestigious event. This was a chance for Byzantium to shine on the international stage. The participating athletes expressed great fondness for the host city, even suggesting it be made the permanent host. The IOC, however, intended to the games to be rotated to different host cities each time, with the second Olympic Games to be held in Paris. When the first games finally ended, all the participants went home happy and ready to participate in the next games.
Two western nations were noticeably absent from the first Olympic Games. While Europe participated in an event meant to bring them all closer together, the United Kingdom of America and Canada continued to fight their bitter war over dominance of New England. Yet the very territory they fought over was to dramatically impact the outcome of the war. Without the support of New England, Canada lacked the manpower to keep their war machine going, even if they possessed the necessary industry. The UKA, on the other hand, possessed the weaker army and industry, but at least was not plagued by open rebellion. Neither could gain the advantage, with the front in Michigan grinding down to a halt. Success ultimately would come in New England.
The rebellion in New England was essentially a three-front war. New Englanders who had rallied to the call fought off both Canadian and American forces to preserve their homeland, while loyalists aided the Canadians in putting down the revolts and defectors assisted the Americans with their invasion. It was complete and utter chaos. The New Englanders, though, were most effective in organizing their rebellion. They seized the military factories as soon as they could, captured or destroyed the railroads, and raided the armouries. They had hundreds of thousands of men supporting the cause, and all they needed were the resources to defend themselves.
Over the course of 1896, the rebels slowly made ground. So focused on each other, neither Canada nor the UKA could overcome the fiery resistance of the New Englanders. The southernmost and northernmost states were contested, but over the months the rebels secured the centre. They became pinned between the two powers, but they held their ground. With the tiniest bit of breathing room, they prepared their next move, and it would be a big one.
In November of 1896, representatives from all the states of New England met in Boston. With enemies on all sides, something needed to be done to unite the population against them and seek allies abroad. After rushed discussions, an agreement was struck, one to be fleshed out after the invasion was fought off. For now, they stood together to announce to the world the creation of the Republic of New England. A provisional government was formed from the ranks of the rebel leadership to govern the states until independence could finally be achieved and a constitution written.
This move was understandably condemned by both Canada and the UKA. Canada stated that these representatives had no power to unilaterally secede from Canada, calling the formation of this new state illegitimate. As for the UKA, while they supported breaking New England away from Canada, they much rather preferred the lost states rejoining them. Both refused to recognize the new republic, taking efforts to conquer or woo them over.
One of the first actions of the new government was to seek help abroad to bring an end to the conflict. The Republic of New England thus approached Hispania, who they believed would be willing to intervene as they had during the American Civil War. While the issue was no longer about slavery, Hispania had supported Canada in its pursuit of freedom, so why not New England?
There was great concern that Hispania would refuse to get involved in this foreign affair. The socialists clearly would not favour participation in any war, and the liberals would only intervene if it benefited Hispania. Fortunately for New England, there was some benefit for Hispania to intervene. Despite the many troubles caused by the Long Depressions sparked in the UKA, the states of the Americas proved valuable investment opportunities for Hispanian business. Many companies and industrialists had invested in American or Canadian industry, and this war was not good for business. It was thus in Hispania’s best interests to put a stop to it if they could, and New England’s call for help provided an opportunity to intervene.
At the start of 1897, Hispania mobilized its Atlantic fleet, deploying ships all along the east coast of North America and the entrance to the St. Lawrence. Troops in Nuevas Valencia, Nova Hispania, and Nuevas Baleares were put on alert for possible deployment. For all intents and purposes, it seemed that Hispania was ready to end this war through military might. An ultimatum was then sent to both Canada and the UKA. They were to sign a ceasefire immediately and withdraw all troops from foreign lands, including those claimed by New England. If agreed to, Hispania would help mediate between the three parties to reach a suitable settlement. The question was whether Hispania would go through with the ultimatum if the two powers refused to cooperate.
Eventually, both Canada and the UKA caved in to the call for a truce. Both were weary of war and making little progress. The end was not in sight. Men were dying for little gains. As for New England, the task of pacifying or conquering those states seemed near impossible with it in open rebellion and another power trying to seize it too. Both also had reason to believe that mediation would favour them. Canada, ironically expecting that Hispania would not tolerate separatism, thought Hispania was certain to ensure New England was reintegrated into Canada. The UKA expected Hispania to hand them over New England due to it being their former land and Canada mismanaging it. Neither took the desire of the Yankees into consideration.
Hispania’s motivations were key in deciding the conflict. Although Canada and the UKA had agreed to a truce, unilaterally siding with one side over the other was likely to restart the war. Mediating the conflict involved tact, especially since the liberal-socialist coalition was more intent on preserving peace for trade purposes than forcing their will on both sides. With that in mind, they needed a solution that would be acceptable to both sides while also respecting the wishes of the Yankees and keeping Hispania from being dragged in any deeper. That answer came in the form of a referendum.
The idea of people deciding the fate of their nation’s existence by vote was an unusual one, and one rarely practiced before. Hispania, however, felt that would be the most acceptable to all sides involved, and be most likely to be accepted in the end. Both Canada and the UKA were overconfident that the people of New England would favour their side, making it relatively easy for them to accept the idea and agree to honour the results. The people of New England were ecstatic to be given a choice at all. Once all parties agreed to the idea, the way was set for one of the most momentous referendums in history.
To ensure fairness, both Canada and the UKA were forced to withdraw their troops from New England. Hispania send in a token force to maintain order and ensure both sides played far. There was expected to be little resistance from the people of New England, since they were the ones voting and Hispania was guaranteeing they would not be invaded again. Polling stations were set up across the states from Pennsylvania to Maine in mid-1897 and Yankees eagerly raced to make their voices heard. The voters were given three options: remain with Canada, join the UKA, or be granted independence.
As the results came in, it became abundantly clear that the people of New England wanted to decide their own fate. Voter turnout was estimated at as high as 90%, and in every state the majority favoured independence over joining Canada or the UKA. An astounding 93.6% of voters in Rhode Island voted for independence, with Massachusetts the next highest at 80.6% and New Jersey after that at 71.2%. New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania were all in the 60-percentile range, with roughly 30% of each state favouring joining the UKA. Maine was even closer, with 55.6% in favour of independence and 38.6% wanting to remain with Canada. It seemed quite clear that the people of New England wanted to be free.
However, the results in New York and Vermont were to serve as a source of great tension. The independence vote just barely fell short of a majority in New York, only gaining 49.4% of the vote, but division between the pro-Canada and pro-UKA voters still saw it ahead of the second place Canada voters at 40.7%. Vermont was even closer, with 47.9% in favour of independence and 43.0% in favour in rejoining Canada. This drew protests from Canada, stating that without a clear majority, the states had no right to secede. The Yankees who voted for independence spoke out against this, stating that they had received more votes than the other choices. Hispania was torn over the issue, realizing that by not achieving a majority, technically more than 50% voted in favour of not seeking independence. While the majority of states should be given independence, perhaps some border regions should remain in Canada to appease them and best represent the split vote.
It was the attitude of the UKA towards the referendum that would most steer events to their conclusion. It was clear after the results came in that the New England states would not be rejoining the UKA. The highest vote in their favour had been in Pennsylvania, and that had only been 31.3%. Faced with the realization that the final decision of this whole affair would not favour them, they instead chose to focus on pushing for their interests as best as they could. When given the choice between an entirely independent New England and several states rejoining Canada, it was obvious that the former was far more beneficial to the UKA. Splitting Canada’s largest population centre off from it would remove a threat and provide a potential friend in the form of the newly independent state. While most Yankees did not want to rejoin the UKA, they didn’t view it with as much hostility as Canada. With that in mind, they pushed for all nine states holding the referendum to be granted independence.
With the UKA now backing the independence of New England, Hispania was persuaded to favour that course as well. It was decided that since the independence vote was highest in all states, and a clear majority existed in seven of the nine states, New England would be granted its independence. Both Canada and the UKA were required to agree to this in a peace treaty for Hispania to be satisfied. The UKA, seeing this to its benefit now based on the result of the referendum, signed the treaty shortly after. Canada, on the other hand, hesitated, with a majority of their parliament voting against signing it. Eventually Queen Anna of Canada intervened, signing on behalf of her country. With that done, New England was at last free and the war between Canada and the UKA was brought to an end. Hispania withdrew its troops, but before doing so made it clear that the independence of New England would be guaranteed by Hispanian might if necessary.
The resulting peace was to have serious ramifications in Canada. The independence of New England meant that Canada lost nearly two-thirds of its population, taking away most of its workforce and manpower for its army. While Canada had focused most of its industries in Ontario and Quebec, its industrial capacity was still weakened by the loss. Culture-wise, this was perhaps a blessing. The significant Yankee majority was now gone, turning the dominant Canadian minority into a majority. This gave the ruling class more unity, but also stirred up old sentiments.
Queen Anna’s actions had not been appreciated by most Canadians. She had signed the treaty without the consent of Parliament. This only drew attention to her, mostly negative in nature. The Canadians were reminded of the American Civil War, where in their pursuit to obtain freedom, they had adopted a monarchy to win over the Yankees and Hispania. Now the Yankees were gone, and Hispania was protecting them over Canada. They had no more need of her.
Only two weeks after signing the peace treaty, the Canadian Parliament launched a coup, raiding the palace and seizing the Queen. They soon put her on trial, accusing her of crimes against the state. Much like the similar trial experience by a certain Scandinavian prince, it was clear from the start what the verdict would be. It was no surprise then when the Queen was found guilty. Unlike the Scandinavians, the Canadians did not deign to execute her. She was a Trastámara after all, and the sister of the current King of the UKA. They feared that executing her would only prompt a foreign invasion. Instead they sentenced her to life imprisonment and stripped her of her titles. She was to spend the rest of her life living in the palace, no longer a queen but instead a citizen of Canada. As for Canada, it was to become a republic, just as the Canadians had originally envisioned it as before the Yankees had taken that away from them.
The former Queen’s son, Prince Víctor, was much luckier. During the American-Canadian War, he had been leading a division in Pennsylvania. The Prince had been a vocal opponent against the violent suppression of the Yankees, and when he had taken up his command in the war, he had demanded that his men only be used to fight the hostile Americans and not his own people in New England. This gained him great popularity amongst the Yankees. When he was later wounded during the war, he was moved to a hospital in New York to recover. After the referendum came and went, he found himself suddenly in a foreign country. While his wounds were not life threatening, it was recommended that he not travel. When the Canadian Parliament overthrew his mother, he was thus safe in New England where they could not reach him.
The Yankees were noticeably distraught by events in Canada. Despite the split, they were still fond of the monarchy. The imprisonment of Queen Anna was met with great outrage, despite the fact that New England had proclaimed itself a republic. With the provisional government of New England working on a constitution, this raised the question of what form the future government should take. The actions in Canada raised support for the creation of a monarchy. The Queen they loved and cherished was no longer available, locked away in Canada, but her heir was conveniently within their grasps. Numerous Yankee politicians approached the Prince, offering him the crown of New England if only he would accept it. Despite concern for his mother, Prince Víctor was deeply fond of the Yankee people and desired to aid their cause. He agreed, but only if a vote was held.
As New England finished up its constitution, the people were consulted on their opinion between forming a republic or monarchy. Another referendum was held, and this one was as equally well attended. The results were surprisingly in favour of a monarchy, with 81.1% of voters in favour. Once the constitution was finished, it was presented to the young prince, who signed it and was declared Víctor I de Trastámara-Boston, King of New England. The new state was ready to make its mark on the world.
While the North American branches of the Trastámara family experienced their ups and down, the Hispanian branch continued to extend its reach. Early in 1896, Crown Prince Sanç de Trastámara reached out to King James XI of Scotland, seeking to arrange a marriage between his youngest daughter and the king’s eldest son. Hispania and Scotland had been on excellent terms for decades, and this match was just one more thing to bring them closer together.
This marriage proved fortuitous, since relations between Hispania and Scotland were soon to be tested. In August of 1896, prospectors in the Yukon struck gold. By the following year, word reached San Francisco, drawing men from Nuevas Valencia north in search of gold. Men had to carry a year’s supply of food with them just to ensure they’d survive the trip and stay in the north. By the summer of 1898, roughly 100,000 men had arrived in the area. Men staked out claims and struggled to mine the cold hard ground. A few struck it rich, wasting their money away on gambling and drinking in the boom towns that sprung up. Most ended up going home penniless or moving on to the next gold rush once the gold fields seemed to run dry.
The greatest difficulty for Hispania though had to do with the route to the Yukon. The moment gold was found in the Yukon, Hispania was quick to lay claim to the land, hoping to stop Scotland from getting the jump on them and reaping the benefit of the gold rush. Even though Hispania owned the land and most prospectors were from Hispania’s colonies, the easiest route to the Yukon involved travelling through the Alaskan panhandle, part of Scotland’s colonial empire. This was bound to cause issues.
At first there were flagrant border violations as Hispanian prospectors crossed Scottish land. Eventually Scotland established border guards, forcing all prospectors to go through checkpoints to reach the Yukon. This gave the Scottish a chance to tax all goods being transported through their land, and when someone refused to pay, they were barred from entry, forcing them to take the much longer land path to the Yukon. The prospectors protested, and Hispania intervened on their behalf. An agreement was struck. Scotland would allow Hispanians to pass through their land on the way to the Yukon and in exchange Scotland could impose a small toll. With this agreement, the borders between Scottish Alaska and Nuevas Valencia were implicitly recognized, settling potentially the last American border.
While this potential border dispute was settled civilly, not all could be dealt with so peacefully. Five years had passed since the failed Boxer Rebellion. The Chinese army had managed to not only crush it but fend off a Japanese invasion at the same time. Dissent had evaporated, and Chinese officials were finally starting to see the worth of these reforms pushed forward by the Emperor. The army had proven its worth, but perhaps it was time for a bigger target.
There were very few avenues of expansion for China. Most surrounding land was either a Hispanian colony or owned by those under Hispania’s influence. China’s navy was not yet ready to contest European dominance of the seas, so only a land war would do. That left the Commonwealth, or more importantly Delhi. In the past, Delhi had been a punching bag of Ming, who had expanded at their expense. While Ming had reclaimed most of the core Chinese land from them, there was still more within their reach.
In February of 1896, China sent an ultimatum to Delhi. They were to hand over Tibet and all their eastern provinces or face invasion. Delhi, not willing to give up so much land and being under the protection of the Commonwealth, refused. The Commonwealth protested the actions of China, but the Chinese seemed uninterested in working things out. A declaration of war was sent soon after, and the Chinese army mobilized for action.
The Commonwealth immediately rose to action. Troops were called up, ready to march east to fight the Asian menace. Yet they had so much ground to cover, while China was ready to go. Delhi possessed no significant military of its own, and thus was unable to provide an effective resistance to China. Chinese troops swarmed into Tibet, the only thing slowing them down being the mountainous terrain and lack of railways. By the time Commonwealth troops arrived in Delhi, most of Tibet had already fallen, forcing them to take up defensive positions in the mountain passes of the Himalayas to prevent any further advance.
The bulk of the fighting would occur on the Lithuanian-Chinese border in Central Asia. The terrain there was much flatter and allowed for greater mobility. Both nations could amass large armies to throw men at each other, but it was the Chinese who learned how to use them most effectively. The Lithuanians relied on their numbers to overwhelm the enemy, used to fighting nations with much less men or lower quality equipment. The Chinese possessed neither. While the Lithuanians threw their men at the front, the Chinese were more reserved than they were in Delhi. They had prepared defensive positions on the border, relying on artillery bombardments to weaken the enemy rather than facing them head-on in battle. The Lithuanians, failing to learn from past mistakes and believing the Chinese to be backwards barbarians who would eventually succumb, continued to throw men at the Chinese defences without success.
The situation was the exact opposite in Siberia. The Commonwealth had never truly established any effective rail system in the area, with the existing lines proving insufficient for moving troops to the front. With the bulk of the Lithuanian army marching from Europe, it could take months for troops to arrive. The Chinese, on the other hand, were much closer and better prepared. Chinese soldiers marched into Siberia facing little resistance, occupying a few border cities and fortifying their position.
The war was proving an utter disaster for the Commonwealth. Early calls for peace after Tibet was occupied had been ignored, with the government believing it could still crush the Chinese. When the Chinese army bloodied and battered the Lithuanian troops near Xinjiang and marched freely into Siberia, wounded pride forced them to keep going. They couldn’t ask for peace without looking weak. Fortunately for them, they would not have to.
Hispania was, of course, watching this war with great concern. This Sino-Commonwealth War could prove an example of what could happen if China chose to target Hispania next. It was clear that China’s reforms were working. Not wanting to see Chinese influence grow too much or see them make massive gains against a European power, the Hispanian government started pressuring the two belligerents to settle a peace.
The Commonwealth, understandably, agreed readily, claiming to only want peace with their neighbour. China, surprisingly, also acquiesced, stating that they had claimed their goal in the war and would readily make peace if given it. That goal was Tibet. The Chinese made it clear that if the Commonwealth permitted them to annex Tibet, the rest of Delhi would remain untouched and could continue as a puppet of the Commonwealth. With the Commonwealth unable to force China out of Tibet, they had little choice but to concede that point.
There was one last point of contention. While China desired Tibet, it also stated that for it to agree to peace, the Commonwealth must also hand over its lands on the western border of Lake Baykal. It was a minor concession, land barely settled and of little value. Its value laid instead in its symbolism. It was to show China’s triumph over a European power. They were smart enough though not to ask for more, for it would surely continue the war. With dissent growing back home, the Commonwealth had no choice but to agree to the humbling demand.
The final peace was signed in September of 1897. As it had desired, China received Tibet and the rest of Delhi’s eastern territory, in exchange recognizing the Commonwealth’s influence over the rest of Delhi. The province west of Lake Baykal was ceded to China, one of the first times a European state lost land to an Asian state in a land war. The Commonwealth had been humbled, much to the disbelief of the rest of Europe, and China had proven that it could tangle with the West. The times where Europe pushed China around were over.
Despite the rising threat of China, most of Hispania’s government was focused on internal reform in 1897. To keep the coalition together, various concessions had to be made. One of those, at the insistence of the Phoenixes, was Cortz reform. The matter of the Cortz had been a controversial one since the creation of Parliament. While the Assembly was elected, at least for the most part, the Cortz consisted entirely of appointed nobility. It was thus the source of much tension amongst the left-leaning members of the Assembly, who viewed these nobles as having no right to decide the fate of Hispania.
The type of reform to be pursued was debatable. The Phoenixes wanted the abolition of the Cortz, or at least turn it into a second elected house. This measure was rarely supported beyond their party and saw rejection from most liberals in the coalition. A more moderate alternative was proposed by the Comercio, one where the Cortz would remain appointed by the Emperor but would be open to all Hispanians, removing the nobles-only requirement. The removal of the appointed seats from the Assembly was put forth as a separate bill. This was deemed an acceptable compromise and was put before Parliament.
It was no surprise that this proposed Cortz reform did not get far. While acceptable to most liberals and socialists, the conservatives disliked it, keeping it from going anywhere. The reaction from the Cortz was quite telling. The bill was almost universally rejected, giving fodder to the left who called the Cortz backwards and unwilling to accept change. There were some calls for the Emperor to intervene and force change, but despite his liberal leaning, he was uninclined to force reform on either house without their approval. Thus the attempted Cortz reform went nowhere, deepening resentment towards the Cortz and leaving the entire Phoenix party bitter.
At the same time as Hispania contemplated reform, Ireland was going through a constitutional crisis. King Conn II Uidhir passed away part way through the year, but with no male heir, the throne passed to his daughter Líadáin. While few could deny her right to the throne as Queen Líadáin II Uidhir, her current husband could not be ignored. Her husband currently ruled Scotland as King James XI Stuart. The Irish thus had to face the likelihood of their country being ruled by a foreign monarch when the Queen died, an alarming possibility.
All those involved couldn’t help but draw similarities to the situation that had occurred in the Commonwealth. It had been the marriage between the Queen of Poland and King of Lithuania that had united the two countries. Despite the close ties that Scotland and Ireland possessed, there were distinct differences from what happened with the Commonwealth. While Lithuania had held the clear advantage, what with being a much more powerful state, Scotland and Ireland were more evenly matched. Scotland might be larger and have a colonial empire, but Ireland’s economy was incredibly strong, allowing it to compete with most of Europe as equals. They also held fierce pride in their nation, and the idea that it would be absorbed into another state would not be easily accepted.
A series of diplomatic talks commenced shortly after Queen Líadáin’s ascension, with both nations committed to reaching a suitable settlement. Ireland did not want to be absorbed into Scotland, and Scotland did not want to jeopardize its positive relations with its neighbour. It was fortunate for both that their governments differed greatly from Poland or Lithuania. The two states that formed the Commonwealth may have had a fairly liberal government, but the monarchy still held a position of power and significance. The monarchies of Scotland and Ireland were quite different. While revered by their citizens, the monarchy usually bowed to the will of their parliament. This made it much easier to reach a compromise.
Eventually an agreement was struck. When the time came that the eldest son of Queen Líadáin and King James inherited both thrones, both Scotland and Ireland would recognize him as their king. They would join together in a commonwealth of sorts, united by the shared monarch; however, the actual governance of their two nations would be retained solely by their own parliaments. The monarch was to have little influence over affairs in either state other than serving the necessary duties as head of state. This would tie the two states together without compromising control over their internal and external affairs. This decision, while ensuring the independence of both states, also set a momentous precedent, implicitly putting their parliaments above the monarch. It was a decision that was necessary to ensure they remained independent yet united.
France was to face its own crisis shortly after in the form of a political scandal. In December of 1897, one Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a French artillery officer of Jewish descent, was accused of treason for sending French military secrets to Germany. He was sentenced to life imprisonment for his crime. If it had ended there, no one would have thought more on it, but that was not to be the case.
In 1899, evidence surfaced that a Major Ferdinand Walsin Esterhazy had been the actual culprit behind the leaked information. He was put before a military court, where he was unanimously acquitted after a two-day trial, the result of high-ranking military officials suppressing the new evidence that had arisen. To draw attention away from Esterhazy, the French army accused Dreyfus of additional charges, making use of new evidence that many suspected to be forged. Several prominent figures attempted to publish newspaper articles decrying the Army’s unethical and anti-Semitic actions, but they found their work censored by the government. The whole Dreyfus Affair was pushed under the rug, with the government trying its best to keep word from spreading and draw attention away from the military coverup and falsified evidence. The question was how long they could keep things quiet as more and more people started speaking up in defence of Dreyfus.
While the Dreyfus Affair was proving a major scandal, France was also focused on its international position. The Hispanian-German alliance was of great concern, since it left France surrounded on both sides if drawn into a war with either. While relations between France and Hispania had repaired a bit following some measure of cooperation regarding Africa, they could not ignore the fact that their position there had weakened, and they had few avenues to improve it now. They need some leverage to maintain a measure of dominance.
Meanwhile, on the other side of Europe, the Commonwealth was facing equal difficulties. Constant feuds with Hispania, as well as their recent humiliating loss to China, had left the Commonwealth feeling vulnerable. Their attempt to focus their ambitions on Asia was meeting massive roadblocks in the face of such powerful opposition. With their position threatened, they need to find an ally.
It was natural then that France and the Commonwealth would reach an entente. Both felt threatened by Hispania’s supremacy, and they surely did not appreciate the Hispanian-German alliance that now loomed over them. Both were strong, but not quite strong enough. With common enemies and very little conflict with each other, it seemed mutually beneficial to form an alliance. With that in mind, the French-Commonwealth alliance was forged.
As this alliance formed in opposition to Hispania, the Hispanian government continued to be focused on reform. The Cortz reform had gone nowhere and the Phoenixes bitterly accepted defeat for the moment, but now the socialists became to clamour for their own reforms. The Progressives, as well as parts of the Reconquista, pressed for substantial social reforms, ranging from pensions and unemployment subsidies to a minimum wage. This met opposition from amongst the ranks of the Comercio and was adamantly opposed to by the Phoenixes. Each reform ended up having to be presented by the individual parties that favoured them, but none managed to get the necessary majority in both houses. This left the socialists bitter, denied the reforms they desired yet again.
Tensions were to flare up overseas at the same time Hispania struggled to pass reforms. The region of Nicaragua had long been disputed between Nova Hispania and Nueva Granada, with both holding half of it and claiming the rest. There had been much back and forth dialogue on the matter, but neither was willing to concede their interests in the region. This ultimately came to a head in 1898 during what was known as the Nicaraguan Conflict.
Early in the year, evidence arose that Nueva Granada had collected taxes from Nova Hispanians living in Nicaragua. Nuevas Granada disputed this, claiming it had taxed citizens within its own lands, while Nova Hispania demanded it be compensated and its ownership of the land in the area officially recognized. Calls to put the matter before the Colonial Congress were ignored, for fear that the body would consider the bigger issue of Nicaragua and rule in favour of their opponent. Neither was willing to risk that possibility.
In an attempt to deter Nueva Granada and coerce them into reconsidering their actions, Nova Hispania proceeded to hold military training exercises on their border with Nueva Granada. This was clearly meant to be a show of strength to cow Nueva Granada into compliance. Whether or not it worked was up to debate, especially as events took a turn. A railroad near the border in Nova Hispania was sabotaged during the conflict, derailing a train and causing over a dozen deaths. The government of Nova Hispania blamed Nueva Granada, accusing them of sabotage, despite the fact there was no definite proof they were behind it. Nueva Granada adamantly denied it, but Nova Hispania was not having any of it.
With little warning, the Nova Hispanian army was mobilized and launched a military operation into Nicaragua. Troops that had earlier been performing training exercises now marched over the border into Nueva Granada. Not expecting an invasion from a fellow colonial nation, Nueva Granada was entirely unprepared. Their army was also substantially weaker than that of Nova Hispania’s, lacking proper equipment or discipline. Within a month, Nova Hispania had managed to occupy all of Nicaragua.
The invasion of Nueva Granada by Nova Hispania understandably drew attention from the rest of the Hispanian world. The Colonial Congress had kept back, waiting for Nova Hispania or Nueva Granada to ask for mediation, but that never came. Now the members pressed for both parties to allow the Colonial Congress to resolve the issue. While Nueva Granada gladly accepted the offer, Nova Hispania refused to recognize the Colonial Congress’s jurisdiction, stating that it had no authority to dictate their actions. This brought to attention the core weakness of the Colonial Congress, that it only truly worked if its members supported it. In the face of opposition from Hispania’s most powerful colony, it proved ineffective and impotent.
That left things up to Hispania to resolve. The conservatives demanded action, believing that Nova Hispania had to be put back in its place before it sparked a colonial revolt. The liberal were split, some wanting military action, while others hoping to restore the old border. The socialists, however, refused to endorse any military intervention against Hispania’s own colony and severely limited the actions that the coalition could make. Just as they had prevented intervention in Nuevas Baleares when it had nationalized most industries, they now blocked action in Nova Hispania.
It did not help that Nova Hispania proved unwilling to cooperate. Attempts to make them agree to a settlement proved fruitless, and it seemed likely a military intervention would be the only answer in restoring the old border. With the socialists limiting their actions, a compromise had to be made. Hispania agreed to recognize Nova Hispanian control of all of Nicaragua, but in exchange they had to pay a substantial sum to Nueva Granada. The idea was that this way it would be portrayed as a land sale rather than land seized by force. Nova Hispania readily agreed, and Nueva Granada went along with great reluctance. This managed to bring the conflict to an end but left deep resentment in the Americas with Hispania. Despite trying to portray it as a land sale, everyone knew the truth of the matter. The government had sold out Nueva Granada to prevent Nova Hispania starting a colonial uprising. Peace would be achieved for now, but it might not last forever.
With only a year until the 1900 election, the liberal-socialist coalition made one last attempt to push through some reform. If they failed yet again, the continued cooperation of the coalition would be put in doubt. However, to succeed, they needed to choose something that would satisfy all members of the coalition and win over at least some of the conservatives. Cortz and social reform had failed, but now it was time to tackle women’s rights.
Knowing that the conservatives would only consider the most basic reforms, the liberals and socialists proposed a change to previous reforms passed during their previous term. Last time they had pushed for allowing single and widowed women to vote in local elections. Now they pushed to extend the franchise to all women in local elections, knowing that to do it on a national level would meet defeat at the hands of the conservatives. The scope proved acceptable to the majority of parliamentarians, allowing it to slip through both houses. The governing coalitions could be happy to pass at least one reform before the election.
Around this time, the royal family was to find itself embroiled in a scandal of sorts. Following the unfortunate incident in Nicaragua, Prince Lluís de Trastámara and his family had made a trip to Nova Hispania to alleviate tension and repair the colonial bond. The trip itself went fairly well and helped keep the situation from escalating any further. However, during the trip, Lluís’s son Jaume was introduced to the daughter of a wealthy Nova Hispanian industrialist, Emilia Fernández. The two became quite attached, spending most of the royal trip in each other’s company. A courtship began, and near the end of 1899, Jaume asked Emilia for her hand in marriage.
Another royal marriage was not something unheard of, but it was set to be as controversial as the marriage between Alfons X and Khadija. While in that case it had involved a match with a former heathen, here it was more a question of status. While Emilia came from a very rich and influential family in Nova Hispania, she did not have a trace of noble blood. This marriage between Jaume and Emilia would likely have to be a morganatic marriage, and that raised into question what role any children of such a match would play in succession. There was also the Sanctity of Royal Marriages Act to take into consideration. While it barred marriages to those not of noble birth, this only extended to the first three in line for the throne, which did not quite cover Jaume. Despite all this, Prince Lluís gave his blessing to the marriage, unconcerned with the implications the marriage caused, while Emperor Martí II permitted it, hoping that it would help repair ties with Nova Hispania. The question of succession was one that ultimately would not be answered, a potential crisis for the future.
Before the year was out, Hispania would be drawn into yet another conflict. As Hispania settled the last unclaimed parts of Africa, they inevitably brushed up against Zazzau. While the small African state had accepted Hispanian dominance before, they still enjoyed a level of autonomy. They were not just some Hispanian colony. Thus when Hispanian settlers started moving into the nearby unsettled areas and pushing up against Zazzau’s border, they felt understandably threatened. Eventually these settlers began moving into Zazzau land or the previously unclaimed area between the two halves of Zazzau. This warranted a response.
With Hispanian settlers moving into their country, Zazzau took measures to push them out. Hispanians were actively harassed by local populations or run off their land. Patrols began springing up looking for these settlers that were intruding on Zazzau land. Most instances involved terror tactics, but a few times they turned violent. After the first few Hispanian settlers were killed, the Hispanian government had to intervene.
The coalition was yet again at odds with what to do. The liberals wanted an ultimatum sent, believing that anything less would not deter the disobedient Zazzau. The socialists favoured negotiations and the withdrawal of all Hispanian settlers from Zazzau to respect their territorial integrity. The liberals, holding the key power in government and with the support of the conservatives, managed to push for their agenda. A demand was sent for Zazzau to end all discrimination and stop interfering with Hispania’s colonization effort. This demand was summarily rejected. Faced with such defiance, Hispania had no choice but to force Zazzau back into line before more Hispanians were killed.
War was declared on Zazzau in October, with troops being prepared to be shipped to West Africa and march up into the interior. Zazzau, however, was not going to just wait to be engaged in battle. Zazzau’s army mobilized and immediately set out to target Hispanian settlements in the area. Town were besieged, sacked, and burned down, with Hispanian settlers sent running. What few rail lines existed were sabotaged to prevent quick reinforcement. Zazzau took the initiative and ran with it.
Hispania simply did not have enough troops in the area yet to fight off Zazzau’s attacks, letting the enemy rampage through the colonies in the African interior. What troops did exist there failed to combat the threat. The first few engagements between the two nations’ troops usually swung in Zazzau’s favour, utilizing experience gained from the first Zazzau War and relying on speed and mobility to overcome the better equipped Hispanian troops. They knew the land and for now had the numbers. The full brunt of Hispania’s army would not be able to arrive until the following year.
The timing was not fortuitous for the governing coalition. Just as the elections approached, they found themselves drawn into an undesired war, one that was not going so well. While not enough time had been given for Hispania to properly respond to Zazzau with military might, the events going on in the African interior could not be ignored. Hispania was losing, and that was a humiliating blow to those in power. The conservatives, despite favouring disciplining Zazzau, made sure never to let the government forget it.
Despite the disaster with Zazzau, the greatest threat to the left’s electoral chances emerged from within the coalition. The cooperation between the liberals and socialists was breaking down. The liberals were growing increasingly annoyed by the socialists hindering their ability to act, such as when Nuevas Baleares implemented a nationalization policy and Nova Hispania seized Nicaragua, further accentuated by the fact that the liberals held the most power in the coalition. As for the socialists, they were incredibly bitter about the numerous failed attempts to pass social reforms. The Progressives also feared that keeping aligned with the liberals would harm their electoral chances. Hoping to recuperate their losses from the previous election, the Progressives announced prior to the election that they would not be supporting another liberal government.
Once the cracks appeared, they continued to grow. While the Reconquista was still willing to cooperate with the liberals, the Phoenixes followed the Progressives out, tired of being sidelined and ignored. Even though it had been the two smallest parties to leave the coalition, it destroyed what unity remained amongst the left. Voters noticed this and started contemplating alternatives.
The conservatives jumped on this opportunity. They pointed out the weakness in the current government and how it had failed to act on several occasions because of its makeshift nature. It was time for a more uniform government. While pointing out the coalition’s many flaws, they also drew attention to the inability of the government to deal with Zazzau or counter the French-Commonwealth alliance. Conservative rule would end this deadlock.
As the results came in, it seemed clear that the conservative message had reached at least some attentive ears. They made gains all across the board, but were surprisingly smaller than expected. They were nowhere near to reclaiming the majority they held in the 1880s. The liberals were hit hardest, taking the blow for the government’s follies due to their leadership in the coalition. The only member of the former coalition to make any gains were the Progressives, with their disavowal before the election winning them support from socialist voters, although nowhere near enough to reach 1892 levels.
The collapse of the liberal-socialist cooperation occurred at the same time as the nationalist movements began to stagnate. The Partito Nazionalista Italiano seemed to reach its peak, for it held little appeal outside Northern Italy and it had managed to claim a significant number of seats there already. They gained a measly two seats. The Pan-Asian Alliance faced a similar roadblock. They controlled all the seats in Canton and the Philippines. They still had room to grow in Taiwan and managed to gain their first seat in Southeast Asia, but it seemed that future growth would be slow. The end of the nationalist rise was surely met with joy from conservatives and liberals alike.
Who would lead the country for the next four years remained dubious. The elections had further split Parliament between left and right without providing a majority for either. The conservative and reactionary parties all together held 234 seats, while the liberals and their Reconquista allies held 236, a mere two seats more. Even if the left drew in the Progressives and Phoenixes somehow, they would still be 10 seats short of a majority. The Cortz was almost as muddled, with the conservatives just barely holding a majority with 53 seats, one that looked as though it’d be broken in several years as the conservative members died off and were replaced by liberals. For either group to forge a majority in the Assembly, someone would have to flip or win over the nationalists.
It ultimately came down to who the Emperor wanted to rule. The conservatives, as they tended to do whenever the results in the Assembly favoured neither side, pushed for a mandate to rule based on their Cortz majority. Emperor Martí II, however, much like his father, preferred not to look to the Cortz when forming a new government. Taking into account the numbers, what was left of the liberal-socialist coalition still held more seats, and it seemed likely that while the Progressives and Phoenixes were not part of the coalition anymore, they might support some of its legislation. The Emperor’s liberal leanings could not be forgotten either.
Taking that all into consideration, the Emperor turned once more to the liberal-socialist coalition to govern Hispania. However, with the previous government having floundered just to stay together and ultimately failing, the Emperor felt it better to make a change in leadership. It was hoped that a new Prime Minister could better rally the liberals and socialists, or at least provide new ideas to reinvigorate the left. With the Comercio now forming the largest liberal party, the Emperor turned to them for a new leader. Within their ranks, he found Constantin de Saint-Pierre, a rich capitalist from a prominent family. Constantin was appointed Prime Minister, tasked with keeping the liberal boat afloat.
Assembly
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 7
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 113+8
Partit Caballeresca - 69+8
Hispania's Moderates - 21+8
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 51+23
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 72+22
Partido Reconquista - 49+19
Partido Popular Progresista - 32+11
Partido Fénix - 10+1
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 39
Pan-Asian Alliance - 37
Cortz
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 1
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 25
Partit Caballeresca - 11
Hispania's Moderates - 16
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 23
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 6
Partido Reconquista - 13
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 5
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 7
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 113+8
Partit Caballeresca - 69+8
Hispania's Moderates - 21+8
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 51+23
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 72+22
Partido Reconquista - 49+19
Partido Popular Progresista - 32+11
Partido Fénix - 10+1
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 39
Pan-Asian Alliance - 37
Cortz
Partido Reformista Monárquica - 1
Unió Conservador-Imperial - 25
Partit Caballeresca - 11
Hispania's Moderates - 16
Liga Liberal de Hispania - 23
Alianza de Libre Comercio - 6
Partido Reconquista - 13
Partito Nazionalista Italiano - 5
China in 1897
North America in 1897
Central America in 1898
North America in 1899
North Africa in 1900
South Africa in 1900
* * * * *
((Only a decade left until this stage of the epilogue is done. Admittedly, I've made little progress on the writing of the post-1910 part, but my lack of motivation is nothing new. So far it just feels like a regular update except in first person and a lot less detail. Not sure if it's working out as well as I hoped, but we shall see.
Anyone else annoyed at the way Paradox games have a weird way of displaying names when territory doesn't quite line up right? *Look at the picture of North Africa*
))
>Sees North African name placement
((I think it is time for another visit to Zazzau !))
((Btw, son i have permission to do the Titan RP in 1910 ?))
((I think it is time for another visit to Zazzau !))
((Btw, son i have permission to do the Titan RP in 1910 ?))
((Well the time is now, since Hispania is actively at war with Zazzau.
You can if you want, assuming it happens in 1910 and not 1912. I'm not sure how many people will participate knowing what will likely happen.
))
((Well the time is now, since Hispania is actively at war with Zazzau.
You can if you want, assuming it happens in 1910 and not 1912. I'm not sure how many people will participate knowing what will likely happen.
((Wait, if people knew what would happen, wouldn't that be meta ? Also we cloud use it as an incident to cause the Great War.))
((Well there's no requirement to have people place their characters on the ship, and we all know what is going to happen to that ship. The only players who would be likely to participate would be those who are willing to let their characters die. It can't really be avoided. You might actually find events are more exciting/amusing when players go into it knowing their character might die. More dramatic.
I already have events planned for how WWI starts. A passenger liner hitting an iceberg and sinking isn't one of them. It wouldn't really work since 1910 is too early for the timelines I have set out, and if it's any later it will be impacted by whatever events are going on in the two timelines.))
((We can't even say that integrating Najd would solve the name problem as it has been included in the name placement . Looks like Zazzau will end up less of an eyesore, one way or the other - in any case, Lluis had been right about how to deal with them...
A lot of action in America, while the Olympics proved a good distraction from war for the Europeans and a little period of peace with diplomatic entanglements.
As for the ship, no Faixòn has any business in America that warrants going there, so it doesn't matter to know what will happen. Instead of persisting with the Titanic, you might have more luck with something that may not be historical but which our characters would actually do. The importance of America is far smaller than in OTL, and people have little reason to head there. It would also help if the event in question would be less bloody/tragic/explosive. For example, I'm sure some characters would love to show up at something Lucrezian, a favourite recurring theme, even if no Faixòn would.
The way the Phoenixes act is exactly what they should be doing. I'm proud of them. Sets up Felipe's arrival on the political scene perfectly, too.))
. Looks like Zazzau will end up less of an eyesore, one way or the other - in any case, Lluis had been right about how to deal with them...A lot of action in America, while the Olympics proved a good distraction from war for the Europeans and a little period of peace with diplomatic entanglements.
As for the ship, no Faixòn has any business in America that warrants going there, so it doesn't matter to know what will happen. Instead of persisting with the Titanic, you might have more luck with something that may not be historical but which our characters would actually do. The importance of America is far smaller than in OTL, and people have little reason to head there. It would also help if the event in question would be less bloody/tragic/explosive. For example, I'm sure some characters would love to show up at something Lucrezian, a favourite recurring theme, even if no Faixòn would.
The way the Phoenixes act is exactly what they should be doing. I'm proud of them
. Sets up Felipe's arrival on the political scene perfectly, too.))
((We can't even say that integrating Najd would solve the name problem as it has been included in the name placement
A lot of action in America, while the Olympics proved a good distraction from war for the Europeans and a little period of peace with diplomatic entanglements.
As for the ship, no Faixòn has any business in America that warrants going there, so it doesn't matter to know what will happen. Instead of persisting with the Titanic, you might have more luck with something that may not be historical but which our characters would actually do. The importance of America is far smaller than in OTL, and people have little reason to head there. It would also help if the event in question would be less bloody/tragic/explosive. For example, I'm sure some characters would love to show up at something Lucrezian, a favourite recurring theme, even if no Faixòn would.
The way the Phoenixes act is exactly what they should be doing. I'm proud of them
((I will say that the name placement looks better in future updates.
I do remember bringing up similar concerns earlier. There's little reason for most characters to travel to the UKA or Canada, and if you travel to one of Hispania's colonies, I doubt you'd be taking a route with a lot of icebergs. The idea of there being one last Lucrezian event is amusing, although I have no idea what that would be.
Well I'm glad I've been portraying them right. I figured they're the type of people to stick to their principles over compromising just to get into power. It's also been fun writing about this makeshift coalition since while it's focused on the left, it is still all over the place.
))
((By the way, just to remind you, the Reconquista still strongly supports appointed seats and the continuation of the Cortz in its current form.))
((It doesn't have to be like the Titanic, what if we just hit a rock or bomb ?))