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((Got it. I'll drop my requests for annexations, puppets, and cores from the main bill and just consider it a purely flavor one involving titles. Could I still keep the provisions regarding changing the colonial government, or would that also be unacceptable?))

((I didn't mean to make it sound like you couldn't change the colonial government of India, just that it would be different from our other colonies.))

((After rewriting this bill, I've agreed to drop the annexations and puppet requests. The new bill does the following:

Grants the Emperor the title of Emperor of India, an upgrade of the title of Maharaja of India (a king-level title in CK2/EU4 terms).
Privatizes and breaks up the Hispanian Indian Trading Company. This doesn't really do anything in-game.
Although the HITC is owned by the Crown and thus the state, it still owns security forces that answer to its leadership first. This bill will integrate those security forces into the regular Hispanian military.
Establishes a new colonial government of India above the level of a regular colony and below the level of a colonial nation and headed by the Foreign Minister, the Colonial Minister, and a Governor-General. That means that the Foreign Minister and Colonial Minister have joint primary jurisdiction over Hispanian provinces in India.

I'd also like to reiterate my request to enable both the doctrine of lapse events (allowing us to legitimately annex Malwa) and the Sepoy Rebellion event (representing the unrest at the reorganization of the Indian colonial government spilling over into armed rebellion) to fire for Hispania.))

((Also, is the moratorium on franchise expansion proposals still in force during the election campaign?))

((I've gone ahead and altered the Doctrine of Lapse event to work for Hispania, although I doubt it'll ever fire seeing as two of the three Indian nations are already civilized and none are our puppet. I've done the same for the Sepoy Rebellion, that one being far more likely to fire.

Franchise reform cannot be presented until after the election, since the current franchise laws have to be given a chance to be utilized without scandal. As always, the Emperor desires discussion on the matter, not that anyone has bothered to try so far. :rolleyes:))
 
I've gone ahead and altered the Doctrine of Lapse event to work for Hispania, although I doubt it'll ever fire seeing as two of the three Indian nations are already civilized and none are our puppet. I've done the same for the Sepoy Rebellion, that one being far more likely to fire.
((I thought that the Doctrine of Lapse event fires for spheres and doesn't check for civilization status. But I suppose it makes sense that it won't fire anytime soon.))
 
((I thought that the Doctrine of Lapse event fires for spheres and doesn't check for civilization status. But I suppose it makes sense that it won't fire anytime soon.))

((Here is the trigger for the event in the game files, altered to work for us instead of the UK:
Code:
trigger = {
       vassal_of = SPA
       ai = yes
       civilized = no
       NOT = {
           prestige = 15
       }
       OR = {
           primary_culture = assamese
           primary_culture = bengali
           primary_culture = bihari
           primary_culture = manipuri
           primary_culture = nepali
           primary_culture = oriya
           primary_culture = sinhala
           primary_culture = avadhi
           primary_culture = kanauji
           primary_culture = panjabi
           primary_culture = kashmiri
           primary_culture = gujarati
           primary_culture = marathi
           primary_culture = sindi
           primary_culture = rajput
           primary_culture = kannada
           primary_culture = malayalam
           primary_culture = tamil
           primary_culture = telegu
       } 
}

Based on how I read it, they'd have to be uncivilized, a puppet, and have one of the Indian cultures to be annexed.))
 
I have three things to say regarding Faxion's recent statements.

1. The Ministry of Finance Increased taxes before the war started, they can by no means be considered war taxes.

2. Even if they were increased during the war, the taxes were not declared to be "war taxes"

3. I admit to having made an error in opposing his censure, Faxion is indeed a worthless distraction on the assembly and if further efforts came along to censure him, I'd be fully supportive of doing so.
That's cute. Let us increase taxes just before starting the war. Let us not call it war taxes. Then profit from having circumvented the law. Senor Medrano, that is the most pathetic attempt to justify one's actions I have ever seen. I would have expected better of you.
 
That's cute. Let us increase taxes just before starting the war. Let us not call it war taxes. Then profit from having circumvented the law. Senor Medrano, that is the most pathetic attempt to justify one's actions I have ever seen. I would have expected better of you.
((Still technically legal though. :rolleyes:))

Greetings,
I know that you voted against the Transparency Reform Act on the basis that it ignored the sensitive information the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had that best be kept secret. I only wish you had said something before the voting started. Perhaps I proposed it too late for proper feedback ((Totally not intentional.:D)) Regardless, I feel that your point was valid, and as such, I will propose an amendment to correct my oversight. I wanted your opinion on any other ideas that might be included in such an amendment
Thank you,
Alfonso de Alejandría
Conde de Alejandría
Chamberlain of the Cortz
 
((Here is the trigger for the event in the game files, altered to work for us instead of the UK:
Code:
trigger = {
       vassal_of = SPA
       ai = yes
       civilized = no
       NOT = {
           prestige = 15
       }
       OR = {
           primary_culture = assamese
           primary_culture = bengali
           primary_culture = bihari
           primary_culture = manipuri
           primary_culture = nepali
           primary_culture = oriya
           primary_culture = sinhala
           primary_culture = avadhi
           primary_culture = kanauji
           primary_culture = panjabi
           primary_culture = kashmiri
           primary_culture = gujarati
           primary_culture = marathi
           primary_culture = sindi
           primary_culture = rajput
           primary_culture = kannada
           primary_culture = malayalam
           primary_culture = tamil
           primary_culture = telegu
       }
}

Based on how I read it, they'd have to be uncivilized, a puppet, and have one of the Indian cultures to be annexed.))
((Thanks for clarifying. Which of the three Indian states is uncivilized?))
 
((Thanks for clarifying. Which of the three Indian states is uncivilized?))

((Bengal.))

* * * * *

I wish to rectify a glaring error in the Transparency Reform Act that was ignored despite my statements regarding it when it was voted on. These changes don't require altering the existing clauses, just adding it sections for the

Additions to the Transparency Reform Act
  • The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is exempt from having to publish any part of their plan publicly that includes anything to do with declarations of war, ongoing negotiations with foreign powers, or anything that would compromise Hispania's relations with a foreign power.
  • The Emperor may classify or declassify plans as he sees fit, and may override the Prime Minister's decision.

I must also express my concerns with the Government of India Act, 1855. I am confused by why India requires a special colonial government, one that at face value appears to be meant to alienate India from the rest of the Empire. Perhaps there are always ways to improve upon the existing colonial governments we have established across the world, but why restrict this to just India? All this does is show that India is different from the rest of the colonies; whether that is good or bad is up for interpretation. I personally believe it to be the latter.

Just over a year ago, the government decided to grant statehood to numerous colonies across the world. Some of these colonies have less people than a single Indian city or have been part of Hispania for less time than parts of India. How are the Indians supposed to feel seeing many of Hispania's other colonial subjects being granted representation in Parliament while they trade one colonial government for another? Thousands of our Indian subjects now serve in our military, bleeding and dying for our causes, and this would send a message that we will always think of them as less than the rest of us.

The fact that this act proposes that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has some jurisdiction over the governance of India is a puzzling decision. Why would the Minister of Foreign Affairs be involved in anything to do with governing part of Hispania? The word "Foreign" implies that his jurisdiction is over interactions with foreign nations, not our colonies. Quite frankly, all this accomplishes is to send a strong message to India that not only do we consider them our colony, but we also think of them on the same level as we do any foreign nation. We would be saying that they are not part of Hispania and likely never will be. If that isn't a slap to the face of the Indian people, I don't know what is.

If we truly want to treat India as a valued part of the Empire, we need to stop treating them like they are not only worth less than us, but less than even the rest of the Empire. They are not to be eternally subjugated. They are not to be treated as a foreign power. If we want them to serve in our army, pay taxes, and remain loyal to Hispania, we need to treat them with the proper respect. That is all I ask.

- His Royal Highness, Crown Prince Alfons de Trastámara, Duke of Roma

* * * * *

The people of Shaozhou and Guangdong submit the following petition to the Parliament of Hispania:

In recognition of the developed institutions of government and industry existing within Shaozhou and Guangdong, as well as the civilized nature of the region's population in comparison to Hispania's colonies, the people of Shaozhou and Guangdong formally request that the Parliament of Hispania grant them representation within the body on equal terms with all existing members, and as such, grant both Shaozhou and Guangdong the status of state in accordance with Hispanian law.

((Seeing as Ming is civilized, the two provinces we just took are technically considered states. I suppose it doesn't make much sense for them to be full states when Hong Kong and Macau are colonies. I shall leave it up to Parliament to decide whether to accept granting them full statehood or turning them into colonies, that is if it is even possible to do the latter.))
 
I must also express my concerns with the Government of India Act, 1855. I am confused by why India requires a special colonial government, one that at face value appears to be meant to alienate India from the rest of the Empire. Perhaps there are always ways to improve upon the existing colonial governments we have established across the world, but why restrict this to just India? All this does is show that India is different from the rest of the colonies; whether that is good or bad is up for interpretation. I personally believe it to be the latter.
"You are right when you say that India is different from the rest of the colonies. India is the most populous of our non-American colonies. Such a densely populated region, with a highly developed culture, ought to have a system more appropriate for its circumstances. It wouldn't be right to treat the city of Mumbai equal to a small village in the middle of Africa. If this bill passes, I intend to pass similar legislation for other colonial regions across Hispania's empire which would over time raise them to dominion status like our American colonies, should they not be integrated as states first."
Just over a year ago, the government decided to grant statehood to numerous colonies across the world. Some of these colonies have less people than a single Indian city or have been part of Hispania for less time than parts of India. How are the Indians supposed to feel seeing many of Hispania's other colonial subjects being granted representation in Parliament while they trade one colonial government for another? Thousands of our Indian subjects now serve in our military, bleeding and dying for our causes, and this would send a message that we will always think of them as less than the rest of us.
"Yes, I myself voted for that legislation. I was in favor of integrating those states. However, I must point out to you that the colonies we chose to integrate all had a majority Hispanian and/or Christian population. India, with its teeming millions and highly developed culture that is wildly different from Hispanian culture, is a different case. We cannot hope to get a majority Hispanian or Christian population in even the smallest village, either by immigration or by assimilation. The Indians are a proud people with a long history behind them. They may adopt some Hispanian traditions, but they'll always consider themselves Indians, or at least Indian citizens of Hispania. They will always outnumber the Hispanians who settle in their homeland. Therefore, our model of integrating colonies which have a majority Hispanian or Christian population does not apply to India, because no region in India has such a majority. Correct me if I'm wrong, but I doubt that this Parliament, as liberal as it is right now, approve a bill integrating an Indian region. There is no precedent for it; India is like no colony that we have integrated in the past.

"Thousands of Indians do serve in the military. I am aware of that, Your Highness. I served in the latest war against Malwa. I commanded many Indian soldiers. They were among the bravest and most loyal men I have ever known. And I thank them for their service. They fought for our country, and yet we still treat them on the same administrative level as our colonial populations in Africa and Oceania, among other places. My intentions for this bill were to give them a higher place in Hispania's empire. I did specify that the new colonial government would rank higher than regular colonial governments such as those in Africa, and over time it would progress into a dominion like those in America. Nowhere in my bill do I say that Indians cannot serve in the military or will be treated as lesser than Hispanians. They have the potential to be as Hispanian as the rest of us, if not in skin color or religion then in customs and loyalty. This bill will help elevate them from citizens of mere colonies to citizens of Hispania through a dominion, with all of the prestige that entails.
The fact that this act proposes that the Minister of Foreign Affairs has some jurisdiction over the governance of India is a puzzling decision. Why would the Minister of Foreign Affairs be involved in anything to do with governing part of Hispania? The word "Foreign" implies that his jurisdiction is over interactions with foreign nations, not our colonies. Quite frankly, all this accomplishes is to send a strong message to India that not only do we consider them our colony, but we also think of them on the same level as we do any foreign nation. We would be saying that they are not part of Hispania and likely never will be. If that isn't a slap to the face of the Indian people, I don't know what is.

If we truly want to treat India as a valued part of the Empire, we need to stop treating them like they are not only worth less than us, but less than even the rest of the Empire. They are not to be eternally subjugated. They are not to be treated as a foreign power. If we want them to serve in our army, pay taxes, and remain loyal to Hispania, we need to treat them with the proper respect. That is all I ask.
"My revised bill states that the Foreign Minister and the Colonial Minister jointly share jurisdiction over the new Indian colonial government. However, you do bring up a good point. My job is to be a diplomat to foreign nations, and India is no such nation. I suppose I could add in a clause that would define the limits of both the Foreign and Colonial Minister's jurisdictions in India. Although the Foreign Minister will remain on the Council, their jurisdiction will be primarily focused on Malwan territory (as Malwa is still technically a foreign country) and be limited in regions directly under Hispanian administration. Such regions under direct rule will be primarily under the jurisdiction of the Colonial Minister. I believe that is a more appropriate organization of the proposed Indian colonial government."
 
"You are right when you say that India is different from the rest of the colonies. India is the most populous of our non-American colonies. Such a densely populated region, with a highly developed culture, ought to have a system more appropriate for its circumstances. It wouldn't be right to treat the city of Mumbai equal to a small village in the middle of Africa. If this bill passes, I intend to pass similar legislation for other colonial regions across Hispania's empire which would over time raise them to dominion status like our American colonies, should they not be integrated as states first."

"Yes, I myself voted for that legislation. I was in favor of integrating those states. However, I must point out to you that the colonies we chose to integrate all had a majority Hispanian and/or Christian population. India, with its teeming millions and highly developed culture that is wildly different from Hispanian culture, is a different case. We cannot hope to get a majority Hispanian or Christian population in even the smallest village, either by immigration or by assimilation. The Indians are a proud people with a long history behind them. They may adopt some Hispanian traditions, but they'll always consider themselves Indians, or at least Indian citizens of Hispania. They will always outnumber the Hispanians who settle in their homeland. Therefore, our model of integrating colonies which have a majority Hispanian or Christian population does not apply to India, because no region in India has such a majority. Correct me if I'm wrong, but I doubt that this Parliament, as liberal as it is right now, approve a bill integrating an Indian region. There is no precedent for it; India is like no colony that we have integrated in the past.

"Thousands of Indians do serve in the military. I am aware of that, Your Highness. I served in the latest war against Malwa. I commanded many Indian soldiers. They were among the bravest and most loyal men I have ever known. And I thank them for their service. They fought for our country, and yet we still treat them on the same administrative level as our colonial populations in Africa and Oceania, among other places. My intentions for this bill were to give them a higher place in Hispania's empire. I did specify that the new colonial government would rank higher than regular colonial governments such as those in Africa, and over time it would progress into a dominion like those in America. Nowhere in my bill do I say that Indians cannot serve in the military or will be treated as lesser than Hispanians. They have the potential to be as Hispanian as the rest of us, if not in skin color or religion then in customs and loyalty. This bill will help elevate them from citizens of mere colonies to citizens of Hispania through a dominion, with all of the prestige that entails.

"My revised bill states that the Foreign Minister and the Colonial Minister jointly share jurisdiction over the new Indian colonial government. However, you do bring up a good point. My job is to be a diplomat to foreign nations, and India is no such nation. I suppose I could add in a clause that would define the limits of both the Foreign and Colonial Minister's jurisdictions in India. Although the Foreign Minister will remain on the Council, their jurisdiction will be primarily focused on Malwan territory (as Malwa is still technically a foreign country) and be limited in regions directly under Hispanian administration. Such regions under direct rule will be primarily under the jurisdiction of the Colonial Minister. I believe that is a more appropriate organization of the proposed Indian colonial government."

Perhaps you are correct in that we should look to treat the Indians as we do the American colonies. They serve as an excellent example, although the difference being that the latter consists of a significant European-based population. India does have a larger population and would not integrate as seamlessly into the Hispanian administration if granted statehood. Forgive me for not seeing the difference between India and those colonies granted statehood at first. It is an easy mistake, seeing as the previous law granting statehood to those colonies was introduced with little explanation. India does stand out. Then again, so did North Africa a century or two ago. Egypt is one of the most populous regions in Hispania, and certainly one not populated by Europeans, yet it was not so long ago it was viewed as nothing more than a colony. Now they have equal representation in Parliament. It is something to consider going ahead.

I'm afraid though that as long as the bill grants the Minister of Foreign Affairs any say in this new colonial government, I cannot give it my support. The position has that name for a reason. India is not a foreign country, and thus the Minister of Foreign Affairs has no place dabbling in its affairs. Indeed, it should fall to the Minister of Colonial Affairs or even Interior. As for the mention of Malwa, this law would have no impact on them, for they are a foreign country. Our recent war opened up their borders and helped sway the Malwan government to our side, not forced them into vassalage. Our laws have no validity in their lands, for they govern themselves. Even if they were to be a subject of sorts, I imagine they would still retain some semblance of self-government, as with the colonies in the Americas, and thus the Minister of Foreign Affairs would not be involved in governing anyway. We must be careful not to send the wrong message, to both our Indian citizens and Malwa.

- His Royal Highness, Crown Prince Alfons de Trastámara, Duke of Roma
 
CPB and TGPN policies:
All petitions that achieve majority in CPB meetings will be permitted a maximum of one hundred words.
All petitions that achieve a two thirds majority will be permitted a maximum of five hundred words,
All petitions that achieve a nine tenths majority will not be constrained in length beyond what is technologically possible.



Research:
*Finish the project to modernise Hispanian artillery by the reproduction of Iron Breech-Loaded Artillery.
*Investigate the uses of iron in railroad tracks in an effort to create Iron Railroad.
*Import and reproduce Breach-Loaded Rifles.

Note: Members of Royalty, the Nobility, Factory Owners and those sitting in the Assembly are permitted to request research by the Ministry of Education. This will not always be an immediate priority but will be taken into consideration.

((To my undersanding, telegraphs were very expensive to send, so I'd added those requirements. Btw, is education not efficient early on? Just curious why we don't throw money into it for higher literacy.))
 
Government of India Act, 1855
(second revision)​

RECOGNIZING that the Hispanian possessions in India are the jewel in the imperial crown and should be granted a status within the empire as befitting of such a rich and populous region, the following provisions shall be enacted.

I. THE Hispanian Indian Trading Company, and its monopoly on Indian commerce, is to be broken up and privatized to ensure the growth of a free market in India.

II. India shall be governed by and in the name of His Imperial Majesty.

III. Save as herein otherwise provided, the Colonial Minister shall have and perform all such or the like powers and duties over all officers appointed or continued under this Act either alone or by the direction or with the sanction or approbation of the Commissioners for the affairs of India in relation to such government or revenues.

VII. For the purposes of this Act a council shall be established; to consist of fifteen members, and to be styled the Council of India; and henceforth the Council in India now bearing that name shall be styled the Council of the Governor-General of India.

IX. Every vacancy happening from time to time among the members of the Council appointed by His Imperial Majesty, not being members so appointed by reason of the refusal or neglect of the Court of Directors or the refusal to accept office herein before mentioned, shall be filled up by His Imperial Majesty, by warrant under His Imperial Sign Manual, and every other vacancy shall be filled up by the Council by election made at a meeting to be held for that purpose.

X. The major part of the persons to be elected by the Court of Directors, and the major part of the persons to be first appointed by His Imperial Majesty after the passing of this Act, to be members of the Council, shall be persons who shall have served or resided in India for ten years at the least, and shall not have last left India more than ten years next preceding the date of their appointment: and no person other than a person so qualified shall be appointed or elected to fill any vacancy in the Council unless at the time of the appointment or election nine at the least of the continuing members of the Council be persons qualified as aforesaid.

XI. Every member of the Council appointed or elected under this Act shall hold his office during good behaviour: provided that it shall be lawful for His Imperial Majesty to remove any such member from his office upon an address of both Houses of Parliament.

XII. No member of the Council appointed or elected under this Act shall be capable of sitting or voting in Parliament. This clause shall not apply to the President of the Council.

XIII. There shall be paid to each member of the Council the yearly salary of one thousand two hundred peseta, out of the revenues of India.

XIX. The Council shall, under the direction of the Colonial Minister, and subject to the provisions of this Act, conduct the business transacted in Hispania in relation to the Government of India and the correspondence with India, but every order or communication sent to India shall be reviewed by the Colonial Minister; and, save as expressly provided by this Act, every order in Hispania in relation to the Government of India under this Act shall be signed by the Colonial Minister, including all dispatches from Governments and Presidencies in India, and other dispatches from India shall be addressed to the Colonial Minister.

XX. It shall be lawful for the Colonial Minister to divide the Council into committees for the more convenient transaction of business, and from time to time to rearrange such committees, and to direct what departments of the business in relation to the Government of India under this Act shall be under such committees respectively, and generally to direct the manner in which all such business shall be transacted.

XXI. The Colonial Minister shall be the President of the Council, with power to vote, and he may designate a council member of his choosing to be Vice-President, who will assume the duties and responsibilities of the Presidency in the Colonial Minister's absence.

XXIX. The appointments of Governor-General of India, fourth ordinary member of the Council of the Governor-General of India; and Governors of Presidencies in India, now made by the Court of Directors with the approbation of His Imperial Majesty, and the appointments of Advocate-General for the several Presidencies now made with the approbation of the Commissioners for the affairs of India, shall be made by His Imperial Majesty by warrant under His Imperial Sign Manual; the appointments of the ordinary members of the Council of the Governor-General of India; except the fourth ordinary member, and the appointments of the Members of Council of the several Presidencies, shall be made by the Colonial Minister in Council, with the concurrence of a majority of members present at a meeting; the appointments of the Lieutenant-Governors of provinces or territories shall be made by the Governor-General of India, subject to the approbation of His Imperial Majesty; and all such appointments shall be subject to the qualifications now by law affecting such offices respectively.

XXX. All appointments to offices, commands, and employments in India, and all promotions, which by law or under any regulations, usage, or custom, are now made by any authority in India, shall continue to be made in India by the like authority, and subject to the qualifications, conditions, and restrictions now affecting such appointments respectively; but the Colonial Minister in Council, with the concurrence of a majority of members present at a meeting, shall have the like power to make regulations for the division and distribution of patronage and power of nomination among the several authorities in India, and the like power of restoring to their stations, offices, or employments, officers and servants suspended or removed by any authority in India as might have been exercised by the said Court of Directors, with the approbation of the Commissioners for the affairs of India, if this Act had not been passed.

LVI. The security forces of the Hispanian Indian Trade Company shall be deemed to be the Indian military and naval forces of His Imperial Majesty, and shall be under the same obligations to serve His Imperial Majesty as they would have been under to serve in other parts of Hispania, and shall be liable to serve within the same territorial limits only, for the same terms only, and be entitled to the like pay, pensions, allowances, and privileges, and the like advantages as regards promotion and otherwise: such forces, and all persons hereafter enlisting in or entering the same, shall continue and be subject to all Acts of Parliament, laws of the Governor-General of India in Council, and articles of war, and all other laws, regulations, and provisions relating to the former security forces respectively; and the pay and expenses of and incident to His Imperial Majesty's Indian military and naval forces shall be defrayed out of the revenues of India.

LVII. Provided that it shall be lawful for His Imperial Majesty from time to time by order in Council to alter or regulate the terms and conditions of service under which persons hereafter entering His Imperial Majesty's Indian forces shall be commissioned, enlisted, or entered to serve, and the forms of attestation and of the oath or declaration to be used and taken or made respectively on attesting persons to serve in His Imperial Majesty's Indian forces shall be such as His Imperial Majesty with regard to the European forces, and the Governor-General of India in Council with regard to the native forces, shall from time to time direct: provided, that every such order in Council shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament within fourteen days after the making thereof, if Parliament be sitting, and, if Parliament be not sitting, then within fourteen days after the next meeting thereof.

LXXII. His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Hispania shall be recognized as the Kaisar-i-Hind, the Emperor of India.

((After rewriting this bill again, I've agreed to drop the references to the Foreign Minister. The new bill does the following:

Grants the Emperor the title of Emperor of India, an upgrade of the title of Maharaja of India (a king-level title in CK2/EU4 terms).
Privatizes and breaks up the Hispanian Indian Trading Company. This doesn't really do anything in-game.
Although the HITC is owned by the Crown and thus the state, it still owns security forces that answer to its leadership first. This bill will integrate those security forces into the regular Hispanian military.
Establishes a new colonial government of India above the level of a regular colony and below the level of a colonial nation and headed by a Governor-General and the Colonial Minister. That means that the Colonial Minister has primary jurisdiction over Hispanian provinces in India.))

((I would vote against votes for Chinese for the simple fact that their population is larger than Aragon ! That basically would make anyone with Chinese voters the big one in assembly.))
((It would be a shame if they voted conservative, then.:p))
 
This warmongering government now has to face the truth of conquest - especially now that we as an enlightened people don't have any slavery. What to do with the conquered? His Highness is entirely right when saying that they cannot be eternally subjugated. Sending oppressors to a hardly defensible region to tell its many inhabitants that their fate is to serve Hispania without earning anything in return is not the right answer. The empire has a long history of religious tolerance, and this has proven to be a key element of its success. Cultural tolerance can achieve the same. We should accept the petition, and further extend citizenship in our existing lands, including India which the Minister of Foreign Affairs needlessly wishes to reform.
Speaking of which: Could the minister be so kind and fulfil his obligations imposed by the Transparency Reform Act? Not only as it is the law - reason enough - but also as has been proposed by a member of his coalition (Fraternidad) and he supported the act in question. Vague statements are certainly not enough. As much as Minister Medrano's defence of 'war taxes which are not war taxes because they are not called war taxes'. A government disrespecting the law is hardly a rightful one.


((private - @05060403 ))
Faixòn sent a short message to St-Pierre:
"I don't wish to say that I told you Alejandría and the Marina don't fit together, but... Let's drop that. My offer still stands, though I wish to clarify that while you would be fairly autonomous in the decisions concerning your responsibility, for any major decisions my word would carry more weight. Through closer cooperation, we would be better placed to avoid making any such mistakes in the future."
 
((Private))

Emperor Ferran VI de Trastámara sat alone, as he had often done over the past month. In his hand he held a photograph, a new type of imagery born from modern technology. Where once men could only capture a person's form through art, now with the new device known as a camera, they could capture an accurate image of a person. It was a wonderful innovation, but one that did nothing but further Ferran's suffering. Where a few decades ago he would have had only a portrait, now he had a photograph of his beloved daughter Maria, one that made him feel as though it was his dear late daughter staring back at him. It was not the finest quality, but her appearance was unmistakable. She looked so much like her mother. As he stared deeply at the photo of Maria smiling back at him, he could only dwell on the fact he would never see her smiling face in real life ever again.

Why had God done this to him? Maria had been the sweetest girl, yet filled with passion and courage. She would never back down from a challenge. In some ways, she was just like her mother in more ways than just her appearance. To have her taken from him in such a fashion wounded him deeply. It stung even more so to know his granddaughter, a girl of only ten, would never have the chance to grow up. He would never see her marry, have children, or grow old. Now she was just a corpse at the bottom of the Bosphorus, along with her mother.

At times Ferran felt like the world was against him. What has his daughter done to deserve such a death? All he wanted was the truth: had it been an accident or murder? There appeared little outright evidence of the latter, yet the fact that there was little evidence at all, or that no one seemed to care to investigate, made Ferran suspicious enough. Perhaps he was being paranoid, but he could not let this go. If his daughter's death had not been an accident, he needed justice. As he looked again at the photo of Maria, he rethought that statement. No, he needed revenge. If someone had taken his daughter from him, they would pay.

The Emperor knew it was not wise to be so fixated on this. He had let his judgment lapse and impinge on his duties. His comments against the new Basileus, a man he had no respect for, had likely led to the collapse of the Byzantine alliance. He knew he should not have said the things he did, but deep down he knew something was not right with the Greek ruler. Byzantium would have been much better off if he had died instead of his brother.

There were times that Ferran considered going to Parliament, or at least consulting his Cabinet about his suspicions. He could not let this matter rest. Yet he felt it best not to get them involved. Those politicians had their own matters to consider. Hispania was plagued with troubles they would be contending with. And then there was the fact that the Emperor was not all that pleased with Parliament at the moment. He had asked them almost four years ago to discuss the possibility of franchise reform so that the next time such a law was proposed it would be well-developed and carefully considered. Instead there had been not a peep about it. The discussion on the Cortz had at least occurred, but had been nothing more than a petty argument about whether it should be abolished or not, a borderline treasonous statement. Ferran suspected he knew how events would proceed. If a franchise reform was proposed immediately after the election after four years without discussion, the entire Parliament would receive quite an earful from him.

Ferran sighed, so tired of everything going on around him. He was thoroughly feeling his age now. His gout-ridden foot continued to plague him, and now he had trouble breathing after his encounter with pneumonia. The emotional pain only added to the physical. These days he was either plagued by bouts of depression or rage. He hoped that one day he would get past this, but it seemed that every day things just grew even worse. Looking down at the photo off his daughter Maria, Ferran slipped back into his own melancholy thoughts, contemplating just how he would go forward.
 
Speaking of which: Could the minister be so kind and fulfil his obligations imposed by the Transparency Reform Act? Not only as it is the law - reason enough - but also as has been proposed by a member of his coalition (Fraternidad) and he supported the act in question. Vague statements are certainly not enough. As much as Minister Medrano's defence of 'war taxes which are not war taxes because they are not called war taxes'. A government disrespecting the law is hardly a rightful one.
"It is true that I did support that law. In theory, further transparency is the right thing to do. But in practice, it causes complications. I'm sure you know that it is a crime for any minister to reveal classified or compromising information to the public. Surely declarations of war and interference in other countries' spheres of influence count as classified or compromising information. I am currently under obligation to respect both laws, and this is the only way I can do so. Or would you rather I leak information necessary to national security to the public?"
 
5 more frigates from each fleet shall be replaced with commerce raiders. I will move to reassume control of the Flota Barcelona, hereby renamed to Flota Valencia.


Greetings your Majesty,
I wish to offer my condolences for the loss of your daughter and granddaughter. Although I doubt there is anything I can do to assuage your suffering, should there be anything I can do to so, I shall do it. I want you to know I will devote my Ministry to investigating the incident, as well as to investigate other steamers made by the same company to ensure that such a tragedy won't happen again.
Your Loyal Servant,
Alfonso de Alejandría

The Ministry of the Navy will launch a full inspection of all Hispanian steamers made by the same company as the steamer involved in the Bosphorus incident, and asks for the cooperation of the Ministry of Justice in doing so.
 
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Dear brother-in-law,

What happened in the Bosphorus was a tragedy. I'm sorry, I don't know how to put it any other way. The Greeks lost their Basileus. You lost your daughter and granddaughter. I lost a niece and her daughter. We both lost loved ones there. My sister, your wife, hasn't gotten over their deaths yet, I'm sure you know. She normally keeps herself composed very well. But we must move forward. I don't want anymore tragedies like this happening again. Our loved ones who died on that ship will not have died in vain. If they were murdered, I will find out who's responsible. Yes, I am not ruling out the possibility that it was murder. The new Greek Basileus is a shady individual, and his actions and behavior after the incident make him a suspect, at least to me. But I will not be throwing out accusations until I have more evidence.

On that note, I wish to inform you that I have sent a letter to the Minister of Justice, asking for his assistance in investigating the incident. I have also begun my own investigation into the circumstances before and during the incident. Rest assured, I will get to the bottom of this.

Regards,
Carlos Maria

Your Majesty,

What happened in the Bosphorus recently was a huge tragedy. Yet the circumstances surrounding the incident remain unclear. I'd like to ask your help in releasing all relevant documents pertaining to the ship, its passengers, and its voyage, if that is possible. It would go a long way towards finding out what happened to those who were on that ship.

Regards,
Carlos Maria de Leon, Foreign Minister

The Foreign Ministry will begin an investigation into the incident, looking through customs records, passenger manifests, and other relevant documents within the Ministry's jurisdiction.
 
((I'll help with the investigation))

Speech in Parliament.

In response to petition from the newly acquired states in Asia, I declare my full support, for our franchise laws to apply to them as they would in any other state.

The reason for this is mutiple fold. On a moral level, it is simply not right that we should treat these people any different than the other Non-Iberians we have incorporated into the electoral process over the years. Their institutions and education are quite close to our own, closer than other states we have in corporated.

On a security level, there is no better way to cut the legs from underneath separatism, than by doing away with differencesby which there would be separation. To leave these people seperate from Hispanians by denying the the application of franchise laws, is a gift to future separatism.

Lastly, the whole of Hispania would benefit economically from incorporating their institutions and seeing too their maintenance and improvement. It is a fact that we only see large scale in our industry in our states and not our colonies. These factories will produce products that we can consume in Hispania and fund the government so that we can keep poor and middle class taxes low. Their wealth will also allow them to purchase more of what we produce in Hispanians, helping Artisans and factories directly and helping us all with a strong growing economy.

It is clear, to me, that we must ensure that our civic institutions, electoral and otherwise, must extend into the newly acquired states.
 
"I endorse the motion to apply our franchise laws equally to the Chinese states. As Senor Medrano has said, we gain nothing from administering them in a separate way, and we gain much from integrating them as full states. Of course, there will initially be some bureaucratic issues that we have to deal with, but there is nothing we can't overcome eventually. Like our Indian citizens, the Chinese will eventually become productive and enthusiastic members of Hispanian society.

"Furthermore, I wish to bring people's attention to an issue that is closer to home. I'm sure you all are aware of the elephant in the room that is franchise reform. No, I'm not going to propose any franchise reform bills at this time. The emperor has already said to wait until the election concludes for that. He did, however, urge discussion so that when a law is eventually proposed, it will be thought out. I'd like to open a dialogue now on the question of franchise reform in that spirit.

"As you know, all Hispanian male citizens are eligible to vote, with weights based on property ownership. The only logical reform from here is to remove those weights and equalize the weights of all votes regardless of property ownership. This seems simple enough. If passed, the election of 1860 will be one in which all Hispanian citizens vote in a non-weighed universal system. But there are a few questions this brings up. Some might wonder if this takes from the privileges of the upper classes and gives to the lower classes, some of whom, they argue, might not be informed well enough to decide our next Parliament. Some might wonder if this might lead to mob rule. All are valid concerns. If we are to propose franchise reform which would end the weighted vote, we need to address these concerns. Both sides ought to present their arguments for and against reform, so that we can formulate a bill that reaches a compromise, if possible. This is the hallmark of a democracy: we talk to each other. We deliberate and discuss a course of action and agree on the best one."