1851-1852 – The Election of 1852 (Part I)
The July 1851 session of Parliament was a contentious affair, and was to set the stage for an even more contentious election. The conservatives, or more specifically the Unionists and Moderates (not to be confused with the Moderado-Cristiano), opted to avoid the hotly debated topics, such as the franchise law, by abstaining and thus prevent quorum from being achieved in the Cortz. This way they could not be entirely blamed for its failure, for they had not voted against it. Their inaction not only brought down the franchise reform, but the somewhat radical working reform, safety regulations, and a proposal for a central bank. Isabella’s Law, a reform targeting child labour, managed to sneak by without any opposition due to the highly politicized topic brought up by the young girl’s death. No one dared vote no, even those capitalists who were not pleased with the increased regulations placed on their businesses.
Yet it was abroad where radical changes were contemplated. Stifled by the absolutism of the Scandinavian regime and its French masters, the liberals in Scandinavia drifted increasingly to the far left, making demands for freedom and free trade at any cost. While not as radicalized in Hispania, these ideas made waves within the Partido Fénix, which shared many of the same ideals as this new Anarcho-Liberal movement. With this movement was a way for the Partido Fénix to truly differentiate itself from the other liberals.
As these ideas grew in support, so did the support for the separation of Church and State. The Left wished to break the traditional alliance between the nobility and clergy by removing the latter from the equation. The Church was struggling to hold on to its position in society against this anticlericalism spreading amongst leftist circles. Liberal ideas in general were gaining hold, with support growing for free trade and laissez-faire economics.
Despite these conflicts within Hispanian society, it was foreign affairs that was to come to the forefront during the election. Europe finally found itself at peace as France managed to wear down Poland-Lithuania’s resistance. Despite Scandinavia being entirely occupied, the Lithuanians found that they could not claim their prize while France continued to send army after army at them. The costs were proving too high. To prevent a full-scale invasion, Poland-Lithuania sacrificed Northern Finland to restore peace and give time to lick its wounds.
While peace was settling in for Europe, Asia was ready to erupt into war. Malwa had been recently caught preparing to strike at Bengal, Hispania’s newest ally. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided that such a war would upset the balance of power in the region in favour of Ming if allowed to occur. In secret, spies were sent across the Malwan border to scope out the enemy, knowing that conflict may well be inevitable. The armies in India moved up near the border, while nearly all armies in Central and Southern Italy were sent overseas to combat the potential menace. In total, six corps were on the way to back up the three already in India.
These preparations were still in motion when the expected declaration of war finally came. On September 4, Bengal sent a formal request for Hispania to aid it in a defensive war against Malwa. This came as no surprise, so is was also no surprise when the Emperor, at the behest of his Cabinet, announced that a formal state of war existed between Hispania and Malwa. India was to become a war zone.
Problems rose from the very beginning. Almost overnight, mass unemployment afflicted the artisans of Hispania, with over six million out of work. The Ministry of Finance attempted to alleviate the stress of a wartime economy by removing all taxes on the lower and middle classes. This created a massive deficit, one costing Hispania a few thousand a day, but it did remove some stress on various segments of society.
Hispania was to experience a strong blow to its pride when Bengal announced that it would be entrusting command of the war effort to Qing, who had joined a day after Hispania had. The Bengali officials claimed this was due to Bengal and Qing already fighting a war together against Delhi with Qing in charge, thus making both war efforts more efficiently run with the same nation in command. The fact that Qing claimed it was due to their “superior might and military expertise” did not help matters. Perhaps this was due to the offering of war subsidies the Hispanian government opted to give Qing. Seeing as it was Bengal’s war, Hispania took a step back and let them run things the way they wanted, at least for now. ((I have no idea why Qing was made war leader.))
The one solace Hispania could take in this whole affair was the aloofness of Ming. As the weeks went by, everyone waited expectedly for Ming’s response. None ever came. It seemed the Chinese giant had no wish to embroil itself in a war with Hispania at this time. Perhaps their designs on Delhi were taking priority. This came as a welcome relief. Avoiding the Ming hordes was good news, even when Malwa began mobilizing its reserves.
The leadership squabbles troubled the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but the Ministry of War would have its own problems. The plan it had concocted, War Plan Mosquito, was a well-developed plan that could have worked under ideal conditions. However, it had one fatal flaw, for it assumed that the massive Hispanian armies that could mobilize against the enemy would be fully supplied. This was not to be the case. When war broke out, none of the reinforcements from Europe had arrived yet, leaving India defended by three corps. To make matters worse, the Ministry of Finance had neglected to raise funding for the military until after the war had started. Thus soldiers on their way to the front were marching or sailing with little to no supplies. Apparently the government believed that such supplies could be moved instantaneously to the front. Mosquito called for an aggressive campaign, but such was impossible without the reinforcements or supplies. This lack of forethought was to plague Hispania for the next few months.
The first battle of the war between Hispania and Malwa occurred at Aurangabad. The Malwan forces attempted to break through a gap in the wide front across India. Two corps converged on the enemy force and engaged it in battle. In a two-week encounter, the Hispania army managed to surround and capture the enemy, forcing their surrender. It was a strong first victory, but it was not to last. As the armies fought, three more Malwan armies snuck past the border elsewhere. The one other corps in the east had to retreat as an army of roughly equal size marched by, for they dared not engage without sufficient numbers due to the lack of supplies. However, an encounter was forced anyway when a corps from Europe attempted a naval landing in the contested province. The men aboard had not known of the enemy force and ended up landing just as the Malwan army arrived. The spare corps rushed to the rescue of the new arrival in a desperate attempt to save their comrades. In violent clash that spread across the countryside and lasted nearly a month, the undersupplied and disorganized Hispanian corps were forced to retreat south after losing nearly 15k men, although the enemy had lost almost as many. This was not the outcome the foremost great power should be experiencing against some Asian nation that did not even have any artillery in its army.
Encounters in the west proved less damaging to morale, for the theatre had new corps introduced over the months. A battle at Nasik was won in under two weeks after Hispania battered the enemy with sheer numbers, the only viable strategy until the supply train could catch up. The newly arrived armies were quickly put to work pushing the enemy out of Hispanian India, leading to another battle in Aurangabad and one in Surat. Surat was a marvelous victory, with the enemy thoroughly crushed, while Aurangabad was less decisive than the first battle there.
Following the expulsion of Malwan forces from the northwest front, the corps spread out to form a defensive line until all reinforcements could arrive and supplies were distributed. Once that was done, the line could push forward into enemy territory. Malwa was not so willing to let that happen. An army struck at the one stationed in Nasik, a bold move considering over 100k Hispanian soldiers were stationed in several neighbouring provinces. A second corps moved in and helped dispatch the enemy force, but in turn allowed another enemy army to slip by on the coast. A quick assault on their location removed the threat and secured at least part of the border.
With Hispania on the defensive in India, Bengal was on its own. Qing was too far away to help. Malwa was besieging the western border, but were set back by a sudden rebellion. Bengali reactionaries rose up, seeking to topple the liberal government. In their struggle, they also targeted the foreign invaders, defending their homeland as well.
On the northeast front, things were finally turning around. The arrival of reinforcements allowed the entire front to be defended with fewer gaps. The slow push forward began, with Nizamabad being the first to fall. The superior Hispanian technology allowed the Hispanian troops to take the province in three weeks. Meanwhile, a skirmish in Warangal saw a Malwan army captured and the enemy driven from Hispania’s lands. A similar situation occurred in Nasik. The drive forward could finally occur.
As the year neared its end, Hispania had managed to turn things around, although a nation of such stature should have been able to push forward right from the start. It had suffered more losses than expected, but momentum was swinging in its favour now that reinforcements and supplies had arrived. The neutral status of Ming had proved a godsend. Malwa may have struck several blows against Hispania, but the latter could keep it up much longer than the former. Indeed, the war was already moving noticeably in Hispania’s favour despite Malwa’s minor gains against Bengal and a rebellion breaking out across the Bengali countryside. The fact that Bengal and Qing were also waging a war against Delhi and its allies made it all the clearer that this war was entirely riding on Hispania’s contribution. With plans still in motion to seize Malwan lands, perhaps Hispania could leave this war with some gains.
Yet while the Hispanian army waged war against Malwa, several parties in Parliament were waging a war of their own. The election was becoming increasingly heated, and the key issue of debate was the franchise. The liberal parties had presented reforms several times designed to extend the franchise to the lower classes by removing all property restrictions, but each time they had been foiled. In earlier years, when the conservatives were more organized and had the numbers, they could block such reforms in the Assembly. Now it was entirely up to the Cortz. As the Unión de Justicia y Orden fractured, so did its ability to resist such reforms. Just prior to the election, the bulk of the Unionists followed the example of Duke Villanova, deciding to abstain rather than show any overt resistance. The conservatives had lost their mettle, instead hoping that pretending the problem wasn’t there would make it go away. It would not be that easy.
As December neared, the Fraternidad-Fénix government pushed for another vote on the franchise law put before Parliament in the summer. This time though, they would not sit around waiting for the conservatives in the Cortz to inevitably stop the bill. Several prominent members of the left, spearheaded by Minister of Foreign Affairs and Finance Manuel Medrano, launched a nation-wide campaign for the extension of the franchise. They went directly before the people, stating their intent to see them enfranchised, and throwing insults against those who kept keeping good Hispanian citizens from voting. The conservative parties, particularly the Unionists, received the bulk of such insults, all blame for the failure to extend the franchise dumped on them.
With an existing suffrage movement including over 1.8 million people, it was not difficult to find receptive ears. Those who listened were encouraged to petition their local Assemblyman to support the extension of the franchise. At first this involved mostly sending angry letters and organizing civil protests. The more antagonized were not above resorting to blackmail or threats though, and on a few occasions the police needed to get involved. In most instances, the conservative Assemblymen were unfazed, for as long as the poor could not vote, they just needed the support of the middle and upper class to keep their seats. The more paranoid gave in to save their own skin, not that the liberals needed support in the Assembly. It was the Cortz that was the problem.
How to sway the conservative members of the Cortz was a dilemma carefully debated in many liberal circles. With their positions dependent on the Emperor’s generosity rather than the people’s will, most were not concerned with the franchise and cared little about expanding it. A general apathy had infected their ranks over the year, making them at least less hostile towards the idea if a little less inclined to act as well. Since they were not beholden to the public, it was not so easy to win their support. However, as the liberals ramped up their campaign and the rhetoric became more heated, so did the methods of those wishing to see the franchise extended. Several death threats were sent to various Unionist Cortz members, and at least one nobleman was assaulted while walking out in public. With each action taken against them, the conservatives in the Cortz grew more determined to resist, and in turn this fuelled the anger of the disenfranchised, who were increasingly riled up by the liberal rhetoric.
Those of the liberal persuasion seeking to extend the franchise were willing to agitate the lower classes if it finally encouraged the conservatives in the Cortz to vote in favour of their reform. In their minds, all they needed was to force the conservatives’ hands, and once that was done, everything would calm down, for the goal would finally be achieved. What they didn’t realize was that by stirring up the resentment and discontent of the lower classes, they were shaking a champagne bottle, and the cork was ready to pop. Pouring the champagne back into the bottle would be no easy task.
A vote was called for December 1 on the proposed franchise law. To ensure the conservatives voted with the people in mind, the liberals organized several peaceful rallies throughout Valencia in support of the law. On their way to Parliament, the Parliamentarians would be reminded who the law would impact and the likely response that would be received if it failed to pass. This was certain to sway the less determined of the conservatives, but there were those supporting the suffrage movement who were concerned it was not enough. Something had to be done to ensure the vote succeeded.
With several rallies organized across the capital, the circumstances were perfect for removing the fiercest resistance. As nobles entered the city on their way to Parliament, several groups of protesters tracked down what Unionists they could find and blocked their way. Protesters filled the streets and impromptu barricades were erected to keep them from moving. In several instances, the police interrupted and helped the Cortz member through; other times they were not present and the nobleman found his passage blocked.
It did not take long for things to escalate. Many of these nobleman, surrounded by angry protesters, merely sat silently in their carriage, unwilling to force their way through and risk being the target of mob violence. Not everyone was so timid. A count on his way to Parliament found his way blocked and began yelling curses and threats at those blocking his way. When one protester tried to pull his driver from the carriage, the nobleman smacked him with a cane. Soon the noble was torn from his carriage and beaten to death in the streets. The culprits fled before the police could arrive, but the series of events were clear enough.
While this was all going on, Parliament opened its session and commenced the vote. The franchise reform passed in the Assembly without a problem. As for the Cortz, an unusually high number of Unionists failed to appear. Under normal circumstances, this may have been suspicious, but seeing as for the past few months the Unionists had resorted to a policy of abstaining on all controversial laws, it was believed that those absent had decided to not to bother showing up at all. Thus the vote went ahead. The liberals all voted in favour, and enough conservatives had been swayed to win the support necessary, for the most vocal opponents were not present. The law passed and not a single person in Parliament knew what had occurred outside. That was about to change.
The discovery of a murder prompted the police to bring an end to the rallies and disperse the protesters, for it was clear that it was starting to drift towards violence. This was easier said than done. Unaware that the franchise they so desired was being granted, the protesters felt that the police’s actions were an attempt to silence them. They resisted, some more forcefully than others. Men were dragged off by the dozen as they refused to return to their homes. All it took was a single gunshot and the whole situation exploded. No one was certain who fired first, but in the end it did not matter. The protesters thought the police were trying to keep them from obtaining their desired rights, while the police believed the so-called peaceful protesters were turning violence. The two began to clash, and the situation only escalated from there. A full-scale riot was in motion.
Protesters, now turned rioters, began looting stores, yelling insults at the merchant class and capitalists for hording wealth. Nobles who were unlucky enough to be travelling through the capital by carriage were dragged into the streets and butchered, including the Emperor’s distant relative, the Count of Toledo, whose bludgeoned body was found only five blocks away from Parliament. People locked themselves in their homes, but this only made them vulnerable as the rioters resorted to arson. Several blocks were set aflame, the most significant target being the National Courthouse, the smoke from the flaming ruin visible from Parliament. By then word had reached Parliament. Valencia was in revolt.
As the chaos spread, the police tried their best to maintain order, but they could only manage so much. La Guardia Real confined itself to defending the Palace and Parliament, maintaining a vigilant guard around the buildings and keeping all miscreants at bay. The Members of Parliament were advised to remain within the building where it was safe to wait out the rioting, although the Guardia Real did not have the authority to force them to stay if they chose to leave. As for the I Corp outside Valencia, it focused on containing the threat, targeting those small groups that moved into the countryside. They dared not enter the city itself, at least not until the command was given by the Crown.
They were destined to wait, for the Emperor’s response did not come. Rumour had it that the Emperor had left a few days ago for his countryside estate, where he could relax and tend to his gout-ridden foot, a rumour confirmed in part by the Crown Prince. With him gone, many were at a loss with how best to respond. The army could not enter the city without his permission, if the army was to enter at all. Perhaps there was still hope that the situation could be salvaged. After all, the franchise law had been passed, so the source of the riot was gone. Perhaps there was still a chance of reasoning with the rioters. If that could not be achieved, someone would need to take charge. Perhaps the Emperor could be called back in time, otherwise someone else would need to step up before things went too far. So many things could happen, and there was so little time to do it.
* * * * *
((As you can see, this is a two-part update. I decided to throw in an IC event for fun. Perhaps some of you thought this coup would just see the reform forced through with much jubilation, but coups are rarely bloodless and you can’t stir up the people without consequences. I will finish the election update after this event.
Much like the previous IC event we had around 1836, this event will be solely confined to Valencia. If you are to participate, your character must be in Valencia. If you are a member of Parliament, it is assumed you are currently within the Parliament building. Other than that, you are free to act as you choose within Valencia, within reason. You can have your character move around the city, attempt to end the violence, stir up the rioters more, or anything like that, although I will have to approve anything involving NPCs. If you’re sending out guards against a group of rioters, rallying support, or really making orders of any kind, you will have to post an open-ended IC and I’ll provide a response stating how that action ended up succeeding or failing. Also, keep in mind that due to the dangerous situation, putting yourself in danger risks seeing your character harmed or even killed. Don’t expect to face off against an entire group of thugs or wander around Valencia alone and survive unscathed. Those who are on the Cabinet have additional actions open to them. They can make use of government resources and command various government forces or even the army, although the latter has its risks under our current laws if let in the city. The question of leadership during this crisis may want to be considered, seeing as the Emperor is currently absent. I’m leaving this fairly open-ended, although I will have to impose necessary restrictions seeing as I can’t let things get too out of hand. I’ve already played until 1852, so this will mostly be used to determine public opinion going into the election, and perhaps have implications on what shape the government will take. A party may have its support drastically improved if it performs admirably during this crisis, while those who make blunders may find themselves fall far.
Time-wise, I will likely let this event run until
Friday, depending on how time-consuming this event it. Seeing as I work during the mornings, I may not be available to give prompt responses all the time, like until tomorrow afternoon at the current moment. Please be patient with me. I can only do so much. Anyway, let’s get this event going.))
. Faixòn is not happy that we get involved at all - should it happen - and even then he'd just want to keep the status quo and not antagonize Ming.))
