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((Hey guys what did I miss-

oh...

OH))
 
((If you're wondering how logistically, the government fell, there will be an explanation at the end of the update.

Best,
99
))
 
Excerpt from a speech.
The inevitable is happened: politicians have failed to save our nation. They failed to help the people of the Empire. They first thought to their interests. Our country need a change. A real change. To rise from the ashes of war. Long live Britain!

Iain Sutherland, Common Wealth Party MP for Liverpool Walton
 
((Unless I have either totted things up wrong or gravely misunderstood how PP works, neither of which are not beyond the realms of possibility, I make the budget vote deadlocked.

Hence the explanation, I trust?))

__________________________

The Colonial Office, Whitehall. 1949.


Returned from the House, the Secretary of State for the Colonies arrives at his office in a atrabilious temper.

“Denis? Be a darling and get me the editor of The Times on the line for me. Then you can be even more of a darling f—ing off to Leeds and imagining it's Anzio. I hope you've got energy left after last month, because Lord knows you'll need it.”
 
Exert from speech after the Commons
"The Labour Atlee government has fallen. [...] Whether it was concerning the colonial oppression or social inequalities, the government proved itself as a friend of capitalist rule. [...] The Communist Party of Great Britain is ready to build up Britain after the long war that ended in 45. In 1945, we campaigned for a continued wartime coalition to give stability and rebuild Britain. Both back then and today we are going to campaign for an end of the oppression the British workers are facing!"

- Jarlath Connor, Communist MP for London East
 
It's a Long Way to Tipperary (March-April 1949)
In 1949, Labour nervously entered their fourth year of government. Opinion polls showed a tight race between the enlivened Tory Party and the Government, with Labour's domestic popularity overshadowed by American and Asian pressures. But the implementation of the National Health Service had spared the Government serious concern. Bevan's and Bennett's campaign across England and Wales in support of the new NHS was a prodigious triumph; News Chronicle polls showed that Labour entered February with a six point lead over Eden's Conservatives. The preservation of this position, however, would prove more difficult than anticipated. There was first the question of the American dues -- sizable loans that would have to be recompensed for the fiscal camaraderie shown by their Atlantic cousins during the war. Foreign analysts had shivered with disapprobation when the Exchequer delayed budgetary austerity to pursue the public programs of the Labour Government. Although retrospectively, the programs assured the public of Labour's administrative credibility, contemporary viewers perceived the Labour position as farcical to conventional economics. While the Labour Government demonstrated a deft acuity to needed socialized programs, the Exchequer had flaunted no such intuition. Quite simply, the lucidity of Labour on public programs was not extended to matters of capital and balance -- or so the contemporaries believed. Cripps' appointment had, however, ushered in the much needed disenchantment of the national finances, which elucidated the true status of the Government's reserve. The second question, the subcontinental problem, remained a toxiferous subject for British politics. Indian and Burmese independence proved the fallibility of Parliament to resolve distant conflicts -- MPs preferred to view the resolution as a matter for the regional administrations and resigned the issue to parliamentary apathy. But Britain was not apathetic; The Daily Telegraph continued to push for a definitive resolution, and spited Labour and Conservative alike in its pursuit for settlement. While Tories avoided the issue for fear of being labeled imperialists, Labour avoided the issue for fear of arousing memories of its failed Indian policies.

7DklZCB.png

In February of 1949, the Exchequer published its definitive report on the contemporary condition of British finances. Although not explicitly spelled out in the publication, the report was widely anticipated to be the predecessor to an austere budget. Meanwhile, the Minister of Defense drafted his own report, finding definitive evidence that the Royal Navy was rotting; the destitute condition of the supply chain and the exorbitant waste rendered nearly ninety-five percent of HM Navy's as unprepared for combat. Lacking the American provisions that had allowed Britain to feed such a force, the fanciful halcyon of the old British fleet had lost its gaudy grandeur. The navy was an indigent pension fund, unable to hoard enough supplies to protect even it's Mediterranean possessions. With the munificence of the Exchequer now terminated by Cripps' harsh frugality, the Minister of Defense took the only step an impecunious department could: he resolved to slash the Royal Navy in half. Politically speaking, this was the wisest course of action. Mr. Staines had published an extensive report to the cabinet, entitled Labour Party Report into Public and Press Opinion in Regards to De-Militarization and Budgetary Affairs. The dispatch, which was later given to the Parliamentary Labour Party, posited that the most lamentable decision would be to slash the British Army and Royal Air Force -- both which were seen by the British public as essential deterrents against the Soviet Union. Furthermore, Staines theorized that the potential devaluation of the pound sterling, the alternative to the austere budget, would be ruinous for the Labour Party. Therefore, the reduction of the Royal Navy to a "peacetime force" was the shrewdest course of action. When word spilled that the Government was planning to cleave the defense budget, the pompous Force Britannia Club took up the cause. The FCB was joined by Sir Reginald Jeremy Gibbons (the quintessence of the 1922 Committee) in a perspicacious condemnation of the Government motion. And soon, the anticipated tenant of the Budget had become the favored target of the Tory Party. The debates in Parliament conveniently corresponded with Lord Scarsdale's To Make A Nation -- another poignant representation of national self-flagellation. All together, the approaching budget was not doing popular wonders for the Labour Party, but neither had it fallen into a popular abyss.

1BKICTu.png

Needless to say, Attlee was exhausted. The Prime Minister had managed the smallest government majority in parliamentary history -- the mere energy to sustain such governmental vigor had drained him dry. In private, Attlee had resolved to hold elections in 1949, but the reversal in Labour fortunes caused concern in cabinet. The President of the Board of Trade and the Minister of Education sought to recapture Labour's lost vitality. Cadwell believed the Government's salvation rested in the Unions, and specifically, the National Union of Mineworkers. George Whiterose's push for a 3 shilling minimum grasped the attention of cabinet -- Cadwell believed the concession of this demand would ensure that discontented unionists did not stray to the CPGB. For the Minister of Education, Labour's preservation rested not in union pandering, but in the pursuit of those great social reforms. Dr. Bennett proposed to discard a great many elements of Rab Butler's 1944 Education Bill, and replace them with a fresher stratification of education. For Staines, however, electoral victory rested in parliamentary domination. He furiously rebuked Cadwell's approbation of Maxwell Macpherson's (a Tory backbencher) Anti-Pornography Bill because support for Opposition bills was"repulsive and essentially treason." But these divisions were suddenly disseminated when the Prime Minister revealed to Cabinet his intention to dissolve Parliament in Autumn -- a plan that was unanimously spurned by cabinet ministers. The Colonial Secretary and the Chancellor both argued that distance from weather, and distance from the Budget, would be the best course of action. Attlee's fatigue, however, warranted his design to avoid his cabinet's advise. Labour MPs, tired of the rigid whip-lines, were also clamoring for election, despite the reluctant protestations of Cabinet. Attlee privately resolved to call an election, but only after the Budget was suitably covered by Bennett's education bill and Cadwell's union motions. Furthermore, Attlee promised to expand his public revolution and acquiesce to the Labour left's urgings for greater nationalization, but only after the Labour secured an enlarged majority in the next election.

JGwbkGz.png

The Opposition, meanwhile, was waiting with their knives out to ambush the Government. Eden and Macmillan appointed Lord High Dylath-Lean as a bicameral party whip -- with FBC MPs enforcing Opposition discipline alongside the party whips. The hard-right placated moderate Tory MPs with comfortable retreats to their country estates, and oscillated between benevolent flexibility and harsh discipline. The Tories wanted to rout the Government on the controversial British Nationality Act, and delicately cherry-picked parliamentary fights in preparation for the BNA vote -- even allowing Dr. Bennett's Education Bill to pass through the Commons and the Lords. With the budget just days away, the Tories delivered the Government a surprise defeat by a vote of 289-287, just days after Richard Cadwell (who had missed the vote, alongside several other MPs who he employed) told Cabinet "Mr. Bennett, I will vote but there is no reason to rush things. We have the votes we need, so we can and should take our time so that we can begin working on our next manifesto and consider other problems." The terrible irony of the declaration was far from over. When the Chancellor read the budget before the House on May 22nd, Cadwell was again missing -- but the Tories were there in force -- inspired by their victory on the BNA bill. Eden believed that Labour's exhaustion would yield it incapable of defending an endless barrage of attacks from the opposition. Some even predicted that Cripps' budget would go the way of the 1910 failure. Joined by the Communists, the Populists, the Common Wealth Party, and the Liberals, the Tories defeated the Chancellor's Budget by a single vote: 309-308. Having been defeated twice in the House of Commons, the Government fell -- and Attlee (allegedly pleased that he could pursue a greater majority) went to His Majesty and asked him to call elections. Attlee believed, with supreme conviction, that the battle ahead would lead him to victory. Indeed, as Sir Stafford Cripps declared before 2 Downing Street, Labour had "two weeks to save the pound."

--
Right, if you're wondering how the Government fell, this is how:


Albion and Empire has a factor known as the "attendance component." This component represents the number of MPs needed to represent the total number of MPs that a party has in Parliament. So, acts are not merely won by simply who has more PP -- PP itself renders a number of people voting for or against an act inside the Party.

Yes, this sounds rather complicated. But it's not really. What is important is that the size of a majority is extremely important -- the larger the size, the more room for "absences." The attendance component works as a "restrictor" or "penalty" on PP. The larger the majority, the smaller the attendance component. The smaller the majority, the larger the attendance component. The attendance component is offset by the participation of player voters. A backbencher not voting will not have much affect on the attendance component, but a Cabinet minister with PP bonuses not voting will.

For example, in this election, Labour had an extremely small majority. Qwerty, a cabinet minister, did not vote. His position as a cabinet minister with PP gives him a sizable group of "influence" over a number of Labour MPs. When he votes, attendance component is not enforced. But in this vote, Qwerty did not vote. This "triggered" the attendance component, which put a penalty on all Labour voters PP. If it was just a Labour or Tory backbencher, likely the attendance component would not have been triggered. But in the case of a big-shot -- it was. This was only made worse by the fact that the attendance restriction was large, due to the small Labour majority.

--
We now have an election.
I'm predicting about 8 PP to be distributed for the merits of good IC. We will have a three to four day period of campaigning, followed by the voting. Newspaper endorsements, opinion polls, etc. will be posted throughout the process.

To those wondering about their orders, this update obviously doesn't cover much time, so you can expect it in the next large update.


@sealy300
--
ROPA II has passed
Colonial Veterans Act has passed
Education Reform has passed

All other bills have been defeated.
 
Last edited:
Voting opens Wednesday and closes on Friday. I'm keeping debate and discussion open until then.

VOTING CLOSED. The government has fallen. Update today.


For example, in this election, Labour had an extremely small majority. Qwerty, a cabinet minister, did not vote. His position as a cabinet minister with PP gives him a sizable group of "influence" over a number of Labour MPs. When he votes, attendance component is not enforced. But in this vote, Qwerty did not vote. This "triggered" the attendance component, which put a penalty on all Labour voters PP. If it was just a Labour or Tory backbencher, likely the attendance component would not have been triggered. But in the case of a big-shot -- it was. This was only made worse by the fact that the attendance restriction was large, due to the small Labour majority.

((I was under the assumption that the vote was to end Friday and that we would get the standard 48 hours to cast our votes. I intended to vote after I got home from school and expected that I would get it in before the deadline, which no on knew until three hours prior. I ask that you make your deadlines clear next time and give the standard 48 hours which most have come to expect in these votes as it's not very fair to the players for the GM to make the deadline up as they go along and we get things like this happening. As of right now it looks like you've just couped the government.))
 
((I was under the assumption that the vote was to end Friday and that we would get the standard 48 hours to cast our votes. I intended to vote after I got home from school and expected that I would get it in before the deadline, which no on knew until three hours prior. I ask that you make your deadlines clear next time and give the standard 48 hours which most have come to expect in these votes as it's not very fair to the players for the GM to make the deadline up as they go along and we get things like this happening. As of right now it looks like you've just couped the government.))
((You're right. The deadline has been "Friday Afternoon," which perhaps is too vague. Unfortunately, this was the only way I could do the update -- or else we'd have to wait until Sunday.))
 
Excerpts from a Speech made in Wigan by Sir Reginald Gibbons.

"... thus the actions of the Labour Party failed the British people. Their fiscal irresponsibility, their willful disregard for our hardworking men in our Royal Navy, and their poor handling of Imperial colonies have doomed them in the eyes of parliament and the eyes of you all, my constituents. I will, as ever, serve your interests in parliament in defending the proper British way of life, of fiscal responsibility, and of reducing the enormity of their taxes on you.

While the other day I found in Parliament that ...."
 
The following proposal is to be put to vote by the Liberal, National Liberal, and Populist parties:

PLAN A
The Unification of the Liberal, National Liberal, and Populist Parties
Having noted, with great disdain, the poor performance of the former Liberal Party in the 1945 elections, it is hereby resolved that the three aforementioned parties will be merged at the constituency level in anticipation of this next election as the Liberal-National-Populist Alliance. From that alliance, it is herein agreed that within the following ten years from its signing, that the aforementioned parties will explore the possibility of a total unification, which should then be put to vote.

Noting with pleasure, the presence of several points upon which the aforementioned parties agree, it should be made expressly clear that this political alliance will operate under a unified platform, which will, itself, emphasize a commitment to balanced budgets, an emphasis on personal responsibility, encouragement of public-private partnerships, improving labour supply, investment in human development, and the protection of social capital. This would be further accompanied by a focus on tripartism as an approach to highly contentious economic issues, and a dedication to the pursuit of a status-based welfare state as well as the minimization of an expanded government bureaucracy.

Hereby resolved, the leaders of these respective parties, with the approval of their members, shall join together in signing this agreement, which will result in the creation of a new Liberal-National Liberal-Populist platform. It, however, must be noted, that, at the present, the respective leaderships of each party will remain, with an alliance-wide election only to be held upon the 2/3 agreement of all seated members of all respective parties.

___________________________________
((Private - NLP/Liberals/Populists))

Plan A: Yes/No/Abstain


((Party))
 
Mr. MacAlastair is cornered by a few members of the press

"Mr. MacAlastair, what do you have to say on the fall of the labour government?"

"Wull, as yuo all kno, I'm no socialast" *Crowd awkwardly chuckles* "Yet Attlee's govarnmant had some solid points an welfare and thas newe Natshunal Heelth Servace, whach I think tae bee a stap in the right direcshun. All I can saye is th'at af a torie gavarnmant is too taek pewer, I only hope they keep to ther mantra of protacting thar britash people."

"Robert, what is your opinion on the failure of your Representation of the People Act?"

"Wull, for startars, thar second part of the bill didna fail at-all, and I am glad th'at thoose industrious foragn studants can now vote in Parliamant. As for thar firest bill, eit was onlee dafeated with a small margan, so I still hav hoope yat."

"Now Robert, we've all seen the 'Scarsdale Manifesto', as one of the liberal's only MPs, will you vote for it?"

"Wull, I leik the concept, and I think I can saye that this is most certanly noot the first teim that I've talked Lord Scarsdale an thas issue, however th'at is all I wull saye for now"

"Mr. MacAlas-"

"I'm sorry, I have a meeting wit' the Studant union of UCL, So long."

((Private - NLP/Liberals/Populists))

Plan A: Yes

((Liberal))
 
((Private - NLP/Liberals/Populists))

Plan A: Yea

((National Liberal))
 
((Private NLP/Liberals/Populists))

Plan A: Yes

((Liberal))
 
We now have an election. I'm predicting about 8 PP to be distributed for the merits of good IC. We will have a three to four day period of debate, followed by the actual election. Newspaper endorsements, opinion polls, etc. will be posted throughout the process.
((The debate isn't the campaign, right?))
 
((The debate isn't the campaign, right?))
((It is the campaign, I'll correct it.))

For those who were confused, this is the campaigning period.
 
((It is the campaign, I'll correct it.))
((Oh, OK, thank you for precising, in that case I will go back to my initial position as a candidate in East London, expect that now I have 4 years of experience))