• We have updated our Community Code of Conduct. Please read through the new rules for the forum that are an integral part of Paradox Interactive’s User Agreement.
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): No
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): Yes
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Abstain
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): No
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): No

[Politician]
[No Bonus]

- Maxwell Macpherson, Tory MP for Bolton
 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): No
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): Aye
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Aye

[Politician]
[No Bonus]
 
191421_1.jpg

"Mr. Speaker,


Although it is a rare occasion where I find myself in agreement with the government benches, presently on the Indian legislation before the House we witness one of the few exceptions to this rule. Although it grieves me to say so, I cannot endorse my colleague, the Honourable Gentleman for Wigan, and his alternative proposal for India. The exclusion of the Congress from government would be a grave injustice, both to the democratic will of the Indian people and to the civil order of the country; for I would suspect such an exclusion would provoke riots and revolutionary sedition not seen since the Quit India campaign of 1942. The Government's proposal is the best course for stability and progress in the region; and I daresay, I hope never to have to repeat that sentence again..."

"The bill before the House, on the political future of the Mandate of Palestine, is to my estimation a most sensible and wise approach to the region, reconciling the varying conflicting communal claims of the peoples of this significant portion of the world..."

"As with India, the future for these countries [Burma and Ceylon] is inexorable. Although the Communist threat to the South Asia area is reduced, nevertheless the chance for revolutionary malcontent is high in both concerned nations. Let us begin the process of making these peoples our allies, not our enemies..."

India Act (Government Proposal -- ): Yes
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Yes
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Yes
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Yes

[Politician]
[No Bonus]
 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): Nay
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): Nay
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Aye

[Politician]
[No Bonus]


Mr. Speaker,
I hope that some of honorable colleagues take a good look at the two Indian proposals put before them and throw the lot out. Our colonial administrators are exacerbating the situation, something they are keenly aware of and warning us about, and the Congress Party is clearly aching for the chance to ignore Mr. Ghandi's idealism and agree to a partition. If we give them the Muslim League independence and use our colonial presence to secure a more peaceful partition than would happen without us there to protect the vulnerable minority populations of India, which have often been great allies to the Empire even when the Hindu majority was recalcitrant. Ghandi and others will moan and riot in a few Indian cities, but that will be the INC's problem to deal with, and surely they are ambitious enough and modern enough in sensibility to want to secure their own independent state while we're focused on building up a Dominion of Pakistan.

Were there ever a time for a rebellion in the backbenches of the two larger parties, now is the time. It is time to throw both the Government and the Opposition's plans out and to get behind the League!


- Warwick Pike, DDS, MP - Populist Party

 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): Aye
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Aye

[Politician]
[No Bonus]

Theodore Gunther Williamson MP
MP for Brighton
Member of the Liberal Party
 
Operation: Kick-Start, Part 2

1151px-Gde.svg.png


Laconia, Greece.


Mansfield was still tasting the blood in his mouth as the latest skirmish with Communist guerillas ended in a victorious, though costly maneuver. Leading 35 men they were to attack a village while under limited mortar support to minimize civilian casualties. However, this assault was already expected. A grenade made mince-meat two of his men while sending him flying smack into the side of the ruined local church.

At least he wasn’t dead.

Outnumbered and outgunned the DSE units withdrew from the area but not before losing 12 of their own, 3 were taken prisoner. For his part, casualties numbered nearly half of the task force. This was a growing trend leading Gifford to suspect that the Reds had an extensive intelligence web throughout the nation, MI6 figured at least 1 in 4 villages had an informant feeding the DSE information which not precisely fatal but hampered government and allied efforts at neutralizing enemy positions.

After taking the location Nigel had appeared to see the progress, or lack thereof, on the ground to form up his own assessment. He would find the Lieutenant sitting on a nearby wooden wagon smoking “Luckies”, Mr. Mack had offered them to him.

“You all right?” Clive would point to his ruined combat fatigues and the dried blood on his chin.

“Alive. Village taken, took prisoners for interrogation.” Mansfield took a long drag of the cigarette. Bloody yanks. “They’re anticipating us. The army and paramilitary groups are fighting on an even, dare I say professional footing but these casualties are starting to bite.”

Nigel rubbed his brown moustache and nodded. “I concur, I am putting you in charge of organizing a spy ring mate. You pick the men, send in the one you wish to deploy and see what we can dig up to grab a better edge. The funding and training of the Greek loyalists is being curtailed out of British hands and into the Americans, regretfully so.”

A loud snort and a curse followed.

“Fan-fucking-tastic. Right then, we can’t be mucking about then.”

Several weeks had passed since the formation of the spy-ring, the group was tightly knit while purposefully kept as small as possible to retain the ability to keep sensitive information from being accidentally, or intentionally, leaked.

Gifford found himself deep inside enemy territory with a man he simply called Ronald, the Peloponnese had seen some heavy fighting and some of the worst atrocities thus far in the Greek Civil War. They had sent a local man by the codename of “Elias” to infiltrate the KKE establishment in the area, today would be the first exchange of information.

Hiding behind several rocks on a ridge the gentle breeze and distant waves provided the only sound, the skies were clear with a full moon pale as death.

“We should have sent Stavros. He was the better choice.” Ronald whispered.

“No, he is a demolitions expert. I need him more than ever, and he knows more than Stavros. It benefits us and him if captured, he has little to say.” Going personally was out of the question as becoming one with Greek culture and its language was at best, slow going.

The minutes felt like hours, their infiltrator was late. A distant popping sound was heard.

Ronald spotted quick movement down by the road and tapped his pistol, was it a patrol? For a time nothing came except a new sound emerged, rustling in the bushes. A black mangy dog appeared looking around.

“Just a d—“Mansfield held his hand up.

“No. That’s our contact.”

The canine ventured ever closer to the ridge until it heard a faint whistle, luring it to the hidden duo. He had a dark makeshift collar strapped onto him although the corner of something curiously stuck out. It was a piece of ripped cloth confirming successful infiltration of the KKE operative ranks.

Semper Occultus.
 
Situation: Burmese Debacle​

8JroIqp.jpg

The ethnic disparities in Myanmar.

Field Marshall Sir Claude John Eyre Auchinleck commander-in-chief in India took the reigns from SEAC and its Lieutenant-General. While SEAC was responsible for offensive operations, this was an Indian issue, and as such many of the forces operating in the East Indies were recalled. Of course the Australian forces were to remain, currently pacifying British Borneo, an invaluable ally in such trying times. Field Marshall Sir C J E Auchinleck would hardly be taken a fool of, and sent Fourty-Nine-Thousand strong army to pacify the province. Among those were the 49th Indian Infantry Brigade, now commanded by their former Colonel, Elon Presley after Wallaby faced an untimely death. First in Jakarta, and now first in Myanmar. Under the Japanese Occupation, around 170,000 to 250,000 civilians died. This would leave somewhat of a hole in their economy, as many others had also been conscripted in their anti-british forces, having already been subdued, the situation was anything but pleasant. The civilian governments worked their ways around each other, but political instability in Burma was brewing.

The Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League was a popular choice, an alliance of the former Burmese National Army(disbanded due to its possible threat to the british state) the communist party, and the socialistic party in Burma. Its leader was Aung San, a name well known throughout British politics. He was the elected leader of the British opposition, coincidentally being a decisive leader in the anti-japanese offensive as well. His usefulness was deemed cut short however, and the British forces observed as internal conflicts tore Burma secretly apart. The communists wished for full independence, demanded it. Some had already left their posts, calling Aung Sans talks with the Prime Minister 'a sham' an wanted a more direct approach.. SEAC deemed this a very precarious, dangerous situation, but the perils of their own existence were weighing british command down. A united operations command was being deemed more and more useless, but the struggle for rank went on and more nefarious measures were hiding among-st the Burmese.

A clear-cut answer this was not, the communist wanted one way, the socialists the other. The conservatives wanted none of it, and despite their pleas for independence and self-determination(some labour MPs talking with more passion then even the leaders of the AFPFL) the fact of the matter was that Karen, Mon, Pa-O, Rakhine, Muslims and more all disagreed about joining this new Burmese government. Aung San liked to keep this fact away from British politics, as well as the fact that he had several esteemed members from the japanese government as his personal affiliates. The most notorious of these was U Nu, right hand man of Ba Maw(prime minister of the japanese burma government) and the Foreign Minister of the old war-time state. The old figures that followed the footsteps of Saya San(of the 1930 insurgency.)

British command noted that splitting Myanmar amongst ethnic boundaries, or as it were 'partitions' as seen in Isreal/Palestine would be inefficent. The border difficulties would result is several wars across the state once british forces left, and that Communists in northern Indochina were strong... The French having no possibility of retaking it from the Viet Cong, what would stop Communists from splitting from the AFPFL after full-independence had been granted, and launched a full-scale revolt with the backing of the soviets? These forces would never materialize, and the British state would be allowed to resume in the colony, if not for one man: Aung San.. His leadership was too inspiring, and the Burmese were working around a cult of personality around the man, one assassination or two would collapse the anti-British sentiment long enough for order to be restored perhaps one would say. Whatever solution, nationalists engulfed the ever shrinking Indian Army, dissent and turncoats all around.

-Brigadier E H Presley​
 
Last edited:
India Act (Government Proposal): No
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal): No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: No
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): No
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): No


[Politician]
[No Bonus]


Mr. Speaker,
These acts are all ion one way or another suggesting that the British should continue to interfere in the colonies that are mentioned. The Communist Party of Great Britain is opposed to all capitalist imperialism which these acts represent. The Labour Party, has acted in a way that favours a continued oppression. I'm firmly condemning these attempts at trying to preserve imperialism, and will vote against all such measures, whether they come from the opposition or majority benches.

Jarlath Connor,
Communist MP for East London
 
Last edited:
India Act: Yes
Imperial India Act of 1947: No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Yes
Burma Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947: Aye

[Politician]

[Social Warrior +1 PP,
Privy Councillor +2 PP]
 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): Aye
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Aye

[Bureaucrat]
[No Bonus]
 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): No
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): Aye
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Yes
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Yes
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Yes
 
India Act (Government Proposal -- ): Nay
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal --): Aye
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Nay
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion --): Nay

[Militarist]
[No Bonus]
 
India Act (Government Proposal): Yes
Imperial India Act of 1947 (Opposition Proposal): No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Yes
Burma Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Yes
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947 (Government motion): Yes
 
viimane%20lotildepp%20provenci%20ja%20taumlismaumlnguga%20briti%20vaumlike_zps456oayrd.jpg

2_zpsvdusbknq.jpg

allkiri3_zpsysgnviay.jpg

India Act: No
Imperial India Act of 1947: Yes
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: No
Burma Dominion Act of 1947: No
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947: No


[Politician]
[High Tory, +2PP]
 
India Bill: Aye
Imperial India Bill: Nay
Palestine Partition and Dominion Bill: Aye
Burma Dominion Bill: Aye
Ceylon Dominion Bill: Aye

[Politician]
[Colonial Erudite: +1PP]
[Privy Counsellor: +2PP]



The Rt. Hon. Parris Marr, PC MP
Secretary of State for the Colonies
 
India Act: No
Imperial India Act of 1947: Yes
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: No
Burma Dominion Act of 1947: No
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947: No


[Politician]
[N/A]
 
India Act: Aye
Imperial India Act of 1947: No
Palestine Partition and Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Burma Dominion Act of 1947: Aye
Ceylon Dominion Act of 1947: Aye

[Politician]
[No Bonus]
 
India Bill: Aye
Imperial India Bill: Nay
Palestine Partition and Dominion Bill: Aye
Burma Dominion Bill: Aye
Ceylon Dominion Bill: Aye

[Trade Unionist]
[Protector of the Proletariat : +1PP]
 
The National Union of Shop Assistants, Warehousemen and Clerks expands into the Cornwall national port.

((GM Approved))