Revolution and Reaction - A (very) French Victoria II Interactive AAR

[baboushreturns]

((Secret @ManuelD'Garkia ))

Sir Alexandre Maximilian Reynard,

I am afraid I do not have the contacts you may indeed be looking for Reynard. Do not fear my friend, the Whites have an ax to grind but not with men like you. Ride out the storm in peace, order will soon be restored. The Germans won't tolerate this sort of disorder for long, nor will the Bourbon's I imagine. Attempting to smuggle guns into Paris would be a foolhardy endeavor and furthermore I believe the use of arms against our fellow Frenchmen must be avoided at almost all costs if we are to try and heal this country of its pains.

-Jean Lamarque

 

[oxfordroyale]

- Private -

A letter from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Lyra Lafontaine née Desrosiers, dated 19 July 1815.​

Dearest Lyra,
​

I hope you are well, though I must admit that your safety weighs greatly on my mind. The city is alight with news of the horrific and barbarous acts of violence occurring in Toulouse; it is said that mobs of royalists are roaming the streets in search of Bonapartists with the aim of doing them grievous harm, and already there have been several noteworthy incidents of savage butchery against civilians. I fear that your husband might have the ill-luck of becoming a target of these so-called "verdets" as a consequence of his prosperous dealings with the former Napoleonic government, and that you could be made to suffer due to your relation. It would be a great comfort to me if you would both depart Toulouse immediately for the family manor at Roybon, or perhaps to Paris where I would be able to settle you in temporary lodgings. Every day I am sick with worry that your names might be among those of the most recent victims that trickle in from the south.

Rumors abound that the crown might dispatch a force to quell the unrest, with the aim of reestablishing civil order and preventing the spread of violence to other regions. It is my earnest desire that I be made a part of said force should it be created. No citizen - royalist or otherwise - has the right to mete out extrajudicial punishment on whomever they see fit. Such lawless violence harkens back to the terrible chaos of the French Revolution in which aristocrats were butchered like animals by the common folk. It is a gross violation of the King’s Peace, and I would see it ended with my own sword if necessary. This is not to say that a military response is my hope, but rather that I desire the violence to cease by any means. Perhaps the energies of the gangs could be channeled in a more productive (and peaceful) way?

Please respond as soon as possible, so that these ill thoughts of mine might be put to rest. You know my concern is born from love. Celeste sends her regards.​

​

My warmest affections,
Alexandre​

 

[m.equitum]

 

[Firehound15]

AT THE PAVILION DE MARSAN

​

The gentlemen, who had made procession to the Pavilion de Marsan, were greeted at the gates of prodigious residence with an unwieldily display of servants and maids. First, the écuyer directed the equestrian beasts of the noblemen to the adjacent stable, before the maître des cérémonies presented himself to the esteemed guests and ushered them through the sumptuous entryway and into a world that seemed long extinct. As the gentlemen passed through the lofty palace's glistening walls and decorated ceilings the maître d'hôtel and his army of servants and chefs scurried past. Next came the retainer of the duc de Berry, who proceeded in the opposite direction, while the maître des cérémonies continued his onward march into the heart of the Pavillion. Enfin, the entourage arrived in the the drawing room, where the comte d'Artois awaited, draped in the armoured uniform of the colonel général des Carabiniers. The duc de Berry also lingered around the room, but took no note of the guests, distracted in conversation with some debutantes of noble birth. The ancien régime lived through this man.

​

The comte d'Artois gave his approach, and the guests esteemed his presence with a royal referral.

"Chevaliers, I am so very glad that you have come to meet with me this evening. I must confess that your presence is well-timed; my children grow tiresome of my complaints at all occasions. But, come now, you must enjoy our refreshments before we tire ourselves with matters of severe politics."

A servant brought forth drinks for the gentlemen; none dared refuse.

"Now, I beg you, let me hear your grievances with our present policy. I admit, although I love my brother with all my heart, I fear that his path will lead our ancient monarchy to revolutionary compromise and spoil the providence that affords our privileges. What is more, I cannot see hope for our cause without the exertions of cooperation -- the circumstances across the kingdom are too grave to be conceded only to the whims of chance. But no more rambling, good chevaliers, I have brought you here so that we may be fortified in our recent competition with the insurrectionist foe, and wish you give me your opinions what may be done to salvage our domain."

​

"Monsieur, before I begin, I am especially honored to have been called into your presence this day. Certainly, your actions have defined you as a fils-de-France as much as your blood has, and as such, I believe your person to be exceptionally suitable should God ordain you to become the next King of France. Indeed, the permanence of your character, Monsieur, is a model which more throughout France and, perhaps, its government would be wise to commit themselves to.

"What I mean to speak of, more directly, is the continued presence of certain disloyal elements as close advisers to His Majesty. In the military and among his ministers, Jacobin and Bonapartiste remnants continue in their attempts to exert influence upon him. One man whom I believe to be one such dark influence is the Prince de Talleyrand, who is well-known throughout France for his lack of loyalty to any institution with which a broader favor does not go. Similarly, the Marquis de Gouvion-Saint-Cyr remains a factor in both the military and the government, and that he is allowed to be included in either despite his prior dedication to Bonaparte - c'est décevant.

"In my ideal, we would see these disloyal figures removed from such esteemed roles and replaced with similarly competent royalists. There are many men throughout France who had been so loyal to the esteemed House of Bourbon that they have served for two decades or more, fighting with the other powers of Europe for the opportunity to return; yet there are few men of such caliber who presently sit as ministers. This, in particular, is an immediate concern which I believe must be addressed.

"However, please pardon me, Monsieur. I fear I may have begun to speak at too long of a length."


Alexandre de Berstett

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

((Secret - @baboushreturns ))

- Sir Jean Lamarque,

I hope that order truly restores soon, even if I despise the Borbons and the Ancien Régime, we need calm to organize and if possible, to restore the Republique peacefuly and blodlessly, but as a revolutionary, I say that if they want to prohibit peaceful change, they will earn a bloody revolution, as Louis XVI and Marie Antoniette learned.

Concerning the Prussians, I don't trust them neither any external power, as I want them out of our soil for good, it is our right to have self-determination and home rule, so I hope they leave our motherland soon.

I'm sending with this the las publication of Le Républicain Révolutionare, in which I say how a new Republique should be formed to be the most fair and strong as it could be, I hope you can give me your opinion.

Le Républicain Révolutionare.
1 Fructidor XXIII

How a republic should repart its powers and who shall occupy them.
​

- Having a healthy and prosperous republic is difficult, even more if when its born the tyrants that surround it start to attack it, so it is impertive that once it is born, our Republic should stablish a strong and fair government as fast as posible, not an tyranical an barbaric one like the one Robespierre turned our old Republic to, son in the eves of that, I want to express the ideals on how our new republic should be divided and ruled, so it can be fair, prosperous and strong for all of us.

First, let me begin with the legislative power, our representatives, the ones that we are going to trust the direction of our great nation. We should establish an Assembly and a Senate, an Assembly elected by our people with 500 seats that will be distributed in a manner following the Jefferson Method used by the United States House of Representatives. The senate shall be a house in wich every one of the Departments should elect a senator to represent them and giving every department a voice even if it have a low population. In my opinion all the legislative power should fall on the hands of the Assembly, with the Senate serving as a advisor body for the Assembly. The Assembly should be elected every 5 years.

For the executive power, a model based on the Directory should be stablished, with five integrants, from which four will be elected by the Assembly, and one, the Director, serving as as primus inter parem, will be elected by popular vote. The four Assembly elected members will change each year unless reelected by the Assembly, and the Director will change every time a new Assembly is elected.

The Judicial Power is more complex as it is obvios that there should be a Supreme Court, but its composition id something of more debate as that body is of utmost importance for the mantainance of the security and justice of the Republic. But in my opinion there should be a Supreme Court, with the Supreme Judge elected by the Assembly for life unless he is uncapable of keeping the Justice in the Republic, and five Associated Judges that should be elected every year by the Assembly to help the Supreme Judge and to make sure that he is accomplishing with his duties.

Some people may differ from my opinions, so join us to debate and talk about the future of the Republic that we soon should stablish.

And remember,
Vive la Revolution, vive la République!

Best wishes,
Alexandre.

 

[Syriana]

((Private - Council of Ministers))​

MEMORANDUM


On the Russian Empire,

with Commentary on the Character of the Emperor,

and a Description of their Policy Abroad;​

On the Personality of the Emperor.
​

The Emperor is perhaps the most confounding character that has ever existed in the bounds of Christendom. He is, in one judgement, an arch-Bonapartist eager to smash the antiquated machinery of the Russian state, and in another, a solemn defender of the conservative order. A similar dissonance is evident in his foreign policy. On the one hand, he is an eager consumer of lofty phraseology concerning order and justice; on the other, he is a firm advocate of pursuing state interests at all costs. Any appeal to the Emperor must therefore judicially admixture sentiment and self-interest.

Although I only rarely saw the Emperor himself, and the Imperial Court is more averse to the scurrilous gossip that bedevilled the Old Regime, it was made manifest to me by certain trusted individuals that the Emperor is a captive of his counsel. He is encircled by a certain Madame de Krüdener, a religionist of forceful personality, and Monsieur de La Harpe, an arch-Jacobin of the Mirabeau mould (which is to say, overly enamoured of power). So great is the latter’s power over the Emperor, that he compelled him to become involved in some trifling internal affair of the Swiss Confederation, causing it to be elevated to the highest discussions of the Great Powers. It is evident, therefore, that the Emperor has a very trusting and impressionable character, which is easily shaped by the agenda of others.

Such an instability of character would appear deleterious of relations in the long term. But equally, it may well be of advantage to France, for we need merely to imprint the right ideas upon the Emperor and he shall carry them like a curse. It is obvious that he subscribes to high-minded ideals regarding the good conduct of the affairs of Europe. In spite of the dissolution of Poland, he has a very profound sense of rightful process. We might avail ourselves of such weakness, should France be inflicted with a punitive peace in the coming negotiations.

On the Contradictions the Alliance.
​

There is an inherent tension in the Alliance, insofar as Russia so greatly dwarves all her partners that, even prior to Bonaparte’s deposition, they were already conspiring against her. Britain and Austria were reluctant to draw her into their partnership, and Russia was equally reluctant to be embroiled alone in a conflict from which Britain might easily disentangle herself and which Austria, time and time again, proved shrewd enough to evade. Any alliance based on temporary and expedient interest, and riven by mistrust and suspicion, shall not endure much longer than the cause which convened it.

The Emperor has refused steadfastly to relinquish Poland to independence. He cannot do otherwise. Poland is a great and endless plain which rolls across Russia proper. Between Warsaw and Moscow, there is not one mountain which might delay the advance of an armed host. Such facility does this offer an invading force, that between the beginning of the campaign and Borodino, Bonaparte was able to march a distance of nearly a thousand kilometres in a matter of months. So far as Russia is concerned, Poland is a dagger aimed at its throat, which must remain permanently sheathed under Russian hegemony.

Although the Polish Question has been postponed, it has not been settled, and the spectre of Poland shall continue to haunt Russia, Prussia and Austria by various degrees. And so long as the corpse is fresh, it shall continue to raise concerns and pieties in the British Parliament, which shall estrange the public opinion against Russia. The British Government is most susceptible to popular pressures. Notwithstanding the people, however, it must be concerned that Russia has advanced as far as she can. Any Russian advance – wither north, west or south – shall bring it to blows with Britain. The British sincerely believe in nothing, except the balance of power; the Russians believe in everything but that.

No such sincerity might be found in the policy of Austria, but she has reasons beyond abstract principles to be concerned. She was the most laggard of the vultures that fed on Poland, and her prize was the least of all. From what I understand, the so-called Poles of Galicia are not Poles at all, but bastardised Russians ruled by Bohemians. The Polish Question therefore provides only scant common ground between Vienna and St Petersburg. But even that commonality vanishes when it comes to Turkey. Should the Russians ever make good on their stylisation as the Third Rome, it shall be the day that Austria ceases to exist as a state. Whomsoever masters the Danube, masters the House of Hapsburg.

As such, it is in the interest of France to align itself with Austria and Britain. Both of these states have a vested concern in the settlement of Vienna remaining undisturbed. In exchange for acting in concert with these Powers to constrain Russia, they may yet alleviate their harsh penalties on France, and more swiftly accept her reconciliation to the community of states.

Signed and delivered,

Marquis de Valence​

 

[ManuelD'Garkia]

Le Républicain Révolutionare.
2 Fructidor XXIII

Critic to the current situation and the occupation of foreigners.
​

- As you may know, I'm not the one in charge of the section that analyze and criticize the current situation of France, but I cannot keep quiet about whats happening to our most beloved motherland.

First, I want to say on how shameful is for me to see Prussian soldiers in our great capital under the pretext that they are mantaining taking care of the safety and security of our people, when they are just here because they are afraid that we walk into the Bastille again, that we exile the Borbons again.

Secondly, it is no secret that the government is doing nothing to stop the massacres of our Republican brothers, neither to stop the killing of the Napoleonic supporters, that even if I have no sympathy for them, they are still Frenchmen and citizens of our nation, but of course, if any of us touch even a hair of a Royalist we will all be dead in less than a second, those hypocrits are just saving themselves, and it should be shameful for them that even the Prussians are mantaining a better Status Quo, even if they do it just for their interests, than the so called King of France.

Lastly, we now know that the Royalists got a copy of this Newspaper and that they finded out of its existance, so be careful all of you, they call what we do treason, and if we are not careful they are going to find us and hang us all.

Be strong, me honest and loyal, my brothers and fellow revolutionaries, and remember,
Vive la Révolution, vive la République!

 

[Marschalk]

AT THE PAVILION DE MARSAN

​

"

Clad in a dress uniform of a general officer, the simple white cross of the Order of St George shining on his breast, Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers, the Duke of Saint-Aignan, silently moved through the corridors of the Pavilion de Marsan. As the nobleman looked at the offish lackeys and the ceremonious maides, strange emotions overwhelmed him - it seemed that he has returned to the times of his youth, to the world that has long gone. He did not live in this world for very long though - Ancien Regime has started to agonize in three years after his graduation from Ecole Militaire. In another three years it died completely - and so did his father.

For a moment the lips of the Duc curled into a strict and even cruel line. But then he smiled to the man walking besided him - the Comte de Berstett - and said quietly: "Reminds of Versailles of old times, doesnt it?" However, they did not have much time for idle chatter, for were soon led into the drawing room, where the Count of Artois was waiting for them. He was not alone - the Duc de Berry was present as well. however, he did not indicate any willingness to talk to the new arrivals.

Bowing to both royals, the Duc de Saint-Aignan advanced the Count of Artois. Wearing the carabinier uniform, the champion of the Restoration looked as imposing as ever. Much more imposing than his overweight brother - this scandalous thought for a moment visited the head of Saint-Aignan, but he immediately kicked it away. Thinking in that way about the anointed Monarch was a sin. And, to say the truth, to the Duke it did not matter much, how the King looked. A Sovereign was a mystic being, his heart was in the hands of the Almighty - and he was not to be judged by physical qualities.

"I am always happy to be of service to Monsieur."- Saint-Aignan took a glass of Burgundian wine from a servant. Sipping the drink, he silently listened the monologue of the prince, as he asked for their opinion on the latter political happenings. When the Count of Artois finished, Saint-Aignan first listened to the Count de Berstett, and then spoke up.

"It is not my call to criticize the actions of my King. However, I must confess that I share... certain qualms of Monsieur. And much could be done to address the current sad situation - but, alas, I have to agree with my venerable colleague, nothing by present hands."

The pale face of the aristocrat became very serious, as he started to explain his thought. Much of that he has already said in his private letter to the Count of Artois - however, it was useful to repeat and elaborate.

"The King is kind and merciful, but the fact that men like kingslayer Fouché and renegade priest, the Prince of Talleyrand, are managing the affairs of his government, undermine the... principle of the moral superiority before the revolutionary usurpers that his government can and should claim. These people are trusted neither by the friends of the King nor even by most of his enemies. As result, the people are confused. The events in the South, say... Until truly honorable and principled people, one who proved their worth before the Crown and are beyond reproach, replace Bonapartist turncoats, if you would forgive me my strong language... This confusion and the resulting turmoil would not end, I believe."

The Duc de Saint-Aignan shrugged, as he took a break from a long speech. Taking a gulp from his glass, he made another point he believed to be important.

"I am also worried about the maneuvers of the closet radicals that may happen after the elections. By hook or by crook, they may attempt to force the tradition of the Chamber overly involving itself with the matters of executive upon His Most Christian Majesty. It is important to maintain that the ministerial power comes only from the King and that his appointments do not have any true connection to the parliamentary proceedings."

 

[Qwerty7]

​

Name: Claude Artaud
Born: 6 May 1770 (45)
Party: Independent
Profession: Author, Intellectual, Playwright
Department: Loire (Currently Resides in London)
Background: The son of a well-to-do Parisian merchant, Artaud was thus provided with a substantial education at fine institutions in both France and, during the Revolution, England where devoted much of his time to reading the works of Jeremy Bentham, John Trenchard, Thomas Gordon, and even Thomas Paine. Although the young emigre indulged in whatever atmosphere London had to offer, he was considerably moved by the stirrings occurring in his homeland. While at first supporting the Revolutionaries, Artaud would be turned off to its seductions during the height of Robespierre's power and the Reign of Terror. Artaud, sympathetic to the Girondins, also objected to the execution of Louis XVI. He would briefly put aside all things political, and committed himself to being a full-time playwright.

However, Artaud would be awakened from his apolitical slumber by Napoleon's rise to power. Opposed to what he saw as despotism, Artaud would take up a correspondence with one of the Emperor's greatest rival, Madame de Staelle, whose few letters to the French expatriate would help shape his beliefs on political liberty. Around this same time, Artaud was introduced to Benjamin Constant, and although the two would write to one another rather sparingly they would usually discuss the rather important topic of Liberalism in France after the Revolution. Indeed, Artaud would spend much of his life trying to define Liberalism.

Spoiler: Works

Liberalism After the French Revolution: Benjamin Constant and the Two Liberties
Letter to Benjamin Constant, 1817
Letter to Alexandre Cazal, 1817
Letter to Duc de Piombino, 1817
Liberalism After the French Revolution: Artaud, Constant, Cottu, Tocqueville, and Safeguards against Despotism (Part One: The Protestant Pluralism of Constant)
Liberalism after the French Revolution: Artaud, Constant, Cottu, Tocqueville, and Safeguards against Despotism (Part Two: Tocqueville and Dogma and Artaud and Education)
In Response to the Vicomte de Saint Fulgent
Address to the Chamber of Deputies on Nothing in Particular
Address to the Chamber of Deputies in Favor of the Controversial Bourbon Press Law
What is Liberty? (His magnum opus)
Proposed Amendments to the Charter of 1830
In Defense of the Two-Thirds Requirement for Amending the Charter of 1830
His Death

 

[Eid3r]

- Private -

A letter from the Bishop of Montauban to the Duke of Piombino​

Your Grace,

It is with great horror that I learned of the disruption which occurred at your residence and during which threats were uttered against your person. Such an agitation must be a frightening experience indeed.

While we are not personally acquainted, I have learned of your ordeal through a common friend at the Salon of Madame de Tourigny and I felt it my most Christian duty to extend to you a hand of friendship in these hard and tumultuous times.

Should you find yourself in need of help, feel free to call upon me at the Hôtel de Neuilli, rue Vaugirard, or at Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois Church.

Being told by our common relation that you are a man of deep knowledge, please find enclosed an original copy of “On crimes and punishment” by the Marquis of Gualdrasco and Villareggio, Cesare Bonesana-Beccaria, which fell into my possession several weeks ago.

Avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban​

 

[oxfordroyale]

The Arrogance of Youth​

“Are you awake?” Adalene asked. The sun had long since set, cloaking the bedroom in darkness.

Alexandre shifted beneath the covers, startled awake from his half-dream; smoke and death, and the sound of trumpets. “Yes?”

“Did you hear?” She asked in a poor attempt at spontaneity. “There was an angry mob outside the duke of Piombino’s residence this morning. My sister’s husband owns a bakery near there … she said it was terrifying.”

He nodded hesitantly. “I had heard there was such an incident. What of it?”

“They say two men were shot before the soldiers arrived. The mob wanted blood.”

He resisted the urge to sigh. “For this you wake me?”

“Are you not afraid? I don’t like the thought of you patrolling the streets at night … what if someone was looking to cause trouble?” She traced a line across his chest with a finger, her voice tinged with worry. “I fear for you. This city grows more dangerous by the day.”

“I doubt very much that anyone would target an officer of the King’s own army. Besides, the duke was a Bonapartist, everyone knows that. Why would I be in any danger?”

“’Violence is like fire – once fed, no one is safe from the flames.’ My father used to tell me that.”

Your father was a wine seller, Alexandre nearly retorted. Pray tell, on what basis did he claim to be an authority on violence? Instead he pressed his forehead to hers, meeting her worried gaze with an air of calm confidence. “You have nothing to fear, sweetling. I do not intend on meeting my end in some Parisian back alley. As for fear, I have faced greater threats.”

“No one intends to die,” she murmured, eyes downcast. Alexandre thought of the war, of the men he had met and the corpses they became. “Promise me you will be safe? Please?”

Gazing at the tall, dark-haired woman before him, he often had to remind himself that Adalene was still quite young, only twenty years old; moreover, she had never even left Paris. Her husband, a wealthy yet gormless tradesman who was always away on business, ensured her a rather lonely existence – hence why they met so frequently. It was understandable that she would be scared, if somewhat childish.

“I promise.” Alexandre smiled, attempting to soothe her. “Now, enough of this gloomy talk. Tomorrow I’ll take you to that café you like – you know the one.”

Within moments he was drifting back to sleep, though her concern stuck in his mind. He had viewed this affair as a light-hearted pastime and little more – was it possible that she felt differently? He had no desire to pursue a serious relationship with a married woman. Regardless, it was a matter for the morning. He let his exhaustion claim him, and in his dreams, he fought for France.

 

[m.equitum]

 

[Shynka]

The Comte mulls it over, his teeth grinding against each other as his enormous jaws chew at nothing. He nods eagerly at Berstett’s grievances, hesitating to speak first. He lets the others have a go before finally filling the room with his monotonous drone.

‘Monsieur, I fully agree with the others; Talleyrand is a merchant of destruction and distrust. Pardon me for being rash and brutish in my words, my most honourable Monsieur, but my distaste with the man runs deep. Talleyrand leads the clique of revolutionary thieves that is currently trying to bring back the Bonapartist order. I have already spoken about this at countless meetings, but let me reiterate; the freedom of faith currently exercised by the revolutionaries is a way to bypass the divine right of rule of the Bourbons.”

The count pauses, looking into the sky as if gazing into the eyes of the almighty Father. The effect is intended to make his word more dramatic but looks foolish.

“Those who chose to not make themselves compatible with the One True Faith are defying the King’s absolute and divine to rule. The revolution, the Bonapartist Empire and the subsequent return were never caused by anything as simple as economic or social factors; all of these issues had their source in our lack of faith. What good is a man’s oath of loyalty to his King if the man has no true belief in our Lord? The charters guarantee of freedom of worship is a guarantee of another revolution.”

 

[99KingHigh]

​

"Monsieur, before I begin, I am especially honored to have been called into your presence this day. Certainly, your actions have defined you as a fils-de-France as much as your blood has, and as such, I believe your person to be exceptionally suitable should God ordain you to become the next King of France. Indeed, the permanence of your character, Monsieur, is a model which more throughout France and, perhaps, its government would be wise to commit themselves to.

"What I mean to speak of, more directly, is the continued presence of certain disloyal elements as close advisers to His Majesty. In the military and among his ministers, Jacobin and Bonapartiste remnants continue in their attempts to exert influence upon him. One man whom I believe to be one such dark influence is the Prince de Talleyrand, who is well-known throughout France for his lack of loyalty to any institution with which a broader favor does not go. Similarly, the Marquis de Gouvion-Saint-Cyr remains a factor in both the military and the government, and that he is allowed to be included in either despite his prior dedication to Bonaparte - c'est décevant.

"In my ideal, we would see these disloyal figures removed from such esteemed roles and replaced with similarly competent royalists. There are many men throughout France who had been so loyal to the esteemed House of Bourbon that they have served for two decades or more, fighting with the other powers of Europe for the opportunity to return; yet there are few men of such caliber who presently sit as ministers. This, in particular, is an immediate concern which I believe must be addressed.

"However, please pardon me, Monsieur. I fear I may have begun to speak at too long of a length."


Alexandre de Berstett

Clad in a dress uniform of a general officer, the simple white cross of the Order of St George shining on his breast, Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers, the Duke of Saint-Aignan, silently moved through the corridors of the Pavilion de Marsan. As the nobleman looked at the offish lackeys and the ceremonious maides, strange emotions overwhelmed him - it seemed that he has returned to the times of his youth, to the world that has long gone. He did not live in this world for very long though - Ancien Regime has started to agonize in three years after his graduation from Ecole Militaire. In another three years it died completely - and so did his father.

For a moment the lips of the Duc curled into a strict and even cruel line. But then he smiled to the man walking besided him - the Comte de Berstett - and said quietly: "Reminds of Versailles of old times, doesnt it?" However, they did not have much time for idle chatter, for were soon led into the drawing room, where the Count of Artois was waiting for them. He was not alone - the Duc de Berry was present as well. however, he did not indicate any willingness to talk to the new arrivals.

Bowing to both royals, the Duc de Saint-Aignan advanced the Count of Artois. Wearing the carabinier uniform, the champion of the Restoration looked as imposing as ever. Much more imposing than his overweight brother - this scandalous thought for a moment visited the head of Saint-Aignan, but he immediately kicked it away. Thinking in that way about the anointed Monarch was a sin. And, to say the truth, to the Duke it did not matter much, how the King looked. A Sovereign was a mystic being, his heart was in the hands of the Almighty - and he was not to be judged by physical qualities.

"I am always happy to be of service to Monsieur."- Saint-Aignan took a glass of Burgundian wine from a servant. Sipping the drink, he silently listened the monologue of the prince, as he asked for their opinion on the latter political happenings. When the Count of Artois finished, Saint-Aignan first listened to the Count de Berstett, and then spoke up.

"It is not my call to criticize the actions of my King. However, I must confess that I share... certain qualms of Monsieur. And much could be done to address the current sad situation - but, alas, I have to agree with my venerable colleague, nothing by present hands."

The pale face of the aristocrat became very serious, as he started to explain his thought. Much of that he has already said in his private letter to the Count of Artois - however, it was useful to repeat and elaborate.

"The King is kind and merciful, but the fact that men like kingslayer Fouché and renegade priest, the Prince of Talleyrand, are managing the affairs of his government, undermine the... principle of the moral superiority before the revolutionary usurpers that his government can and should claim. These people are trusted neither by the friends of the King nor even by most of his enemies. As result, the people are confused. The events in the South, say... Until truly honorable and principled people, one who proved their worth before the Crown and are beyond reproach, replace Bonapartist turncoats, if you would forgive me my strong language... This confusion and the resulting turmoil would not end, I believe."

The Duc de Saint-Aignan shrugged, as he took a break from a long speech. Taking a gulp from his glass, he made another point he believed to be important.

"I am also worried about the maneuvers of the closet radicals that may happen after the elections. By hook or by crook, they may attempt to force the tradition of the Chamber overly involving itself with the matters of executive upon His Most Christian Majesty. It is important to maintain that the ministerial power comes only from the King and that his appointments do not have any true connection to the parliamentary proceedings."

The Comte mulls it over, his teeth grinding against each other as his enormous jaws chew at nothing. He nods eagerly at Berstett’s grievances, hesitating to speak first. He lets the others have a go before finally filling the room with his monotonous drone.

‘Monsieur, I fully agree with the others; Talleyrand is a merchant of destruction and distrust. Pardon me for being rash and brutish in my words, my most honourable Monsieur, but my distaste with the man runs deep. Talleyrand leads the clique of revolutionary thieves that is currently trying to bring back the Bonapartist order. I have already spoken about this at countless meetings, but let me reiterate; the freedom of faith currently exercised by the revolutionaries is a way to bypass the divine right of rule of the Bourbons.”

The count pauses, looking into the sky as if gazing into the eyes of the almighty Father. The effect is intended to make his word more dramatic but looks foolish.

“Those who chose to not make themselves compatible with the One True Faith are defying the King’s absolute and divine to rule. The revolution, the Bonapartist Empire and the subsequent return were never caused by anything as simple as economic or social factors; all of these issues had their source in our lack of faith. What good is a man’s oath of loyalty to his King if the man has no true belief in our Lord? The charters guarantee of freedom of worship is a guarantee of another revolution.”

comte d'Artois​

The comte d'Artois had listened with relative patience; interjecting only when his animation for politics was too overwhelming to contain. Even his son, the duc de Berry, had found interest in the resolve of the pure royalists, and drifted towards the esteemed noblemen. But once Artois had heard his fair share, he gave conclusion to the discussion.

"I must admit, Chevaliers, that the words you have offered today have been so amicable to my own that I can hardly restrain my energies. I have no doubt that if you were to transport the eloquent discourse that you have just delivered to the electors of our kingdom, and make certain the sincerity of your passions, the kingdom would be rescued from all the ills and errors of past wrongdoings and restored to its righteous position. Let us conclude the business of politics with this resolution. You shall all make frequent contact with my person, and keep in good faith, by virtue of correspondence or audience. And for your cooperation I shall ensure that there is never a paucity of resource or support for our cause, for heaven above knows that we are doing the work of the Lord, and all in the interest of my beloved brother. Come now, and join us for dinner."

And the gentlemen were escorted in good cheer to the dining room, where they were brought under the soft and tender thumb of "Monsieur Pavilion."

 

[Eid3r]

Mon Dieu, Mon Roy, Ma Patrie

A Treatise on primary education in the Kingdom of France


By Monseigneur Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban

Dedicated to His Majesty, the most Christian King, Louis XVIII
August 15th 1815​

From the fall of the Roman Empire to the Usurpation, the Holy Roman Catholic Church has made it its mission to educate the youth of the Kingdom of France. A great institution of empowerment for all, L’Église de France has for centuries devoted its strength, energy and industry to the enlightenment of the mind, thus playing its humble part in the fortification of the French character and spirit as well as in the preservation of the Christian values so embodied by the Monarchy.

I. ABOUT the GRIEVOUS DESTRUCTION of the EDUCATION SYSTEM over the LAST QUARTER of a CENTURY

At the time of the Revolution, the Kingdom of France could boast about its educational system. Thousands of priests and clerics taught to the masses in hundreds schools all across the country. These establishments, most often financed by endowment funds and through the revenues of Church Properties, had a very light impact on the Royal Purse and the Expenses of the State.

However, the brutal confiscation of church properties, all across the country and specifically in southern France shattered our educational system. Priests were ordered out of the schools. Dioceses were dispossessed of the means to sustain schools and colleges. The quality of the masters dropped sharply soon thereafter.

The utter chaos which took hold of our schooling system has never subsumed to this day. The necessary funds dedicated to national education have been time and time again diverted toward other missions of the State, such as the making of war and peace.

This situation is nothing short of a heinous crime committed against the minds and souls of a whole generation of our youth, who have been shortchanged in the most despicable way.

II. On the NECESSARY RESTORATION of OUR NATIONAL VALUES

The last decades have seen a terrible erosion of public morality all across the kingdom. Licentiousness, rooted in the so called “spirit of the Revolution” took hold of hearts and minds, driving the base instincts of man’s nature to the surface and culminating in the national catastrophe which befell our country.

Monarchical government is based upon the divine principle that the King derives his power and dominion over the Kingdom from the will of Almighty God. The institutions of the monarchy and of the Church are therefore naturally bound together, as they mutually reinforce each other while upholding the divine nature of the monarchical government.

There is a great need in France of a moral return to the traditional values of faith, obedience and personal industry. It is the role of our schooling system to promote those values which strengthen the ties between the people and its monarch, rather than to echo the vain glories of liberty, which left unbridled, generates sin and disruption.

III. On the NECESSITY of MANDATORY SCHOOLING for CHILDREN

It would be a grave mistake to simply look at the ways of old and assume that they were the pinnacle of value and excellence. The most dire indictment of our past way of looking at educational policy is that it did not prevent large swaths of our population from falling under the sway of the Revolution.

Beset by challenges ranging from agricultural production to achieving military dominance in Europe once more, the Kingdom of France must get the maximum from the potential of all of its citizens. It is unacceptable to leave some of our youth on the sidelines, separated from the ideas which are to shape the world we live in.

It falls under sense that every children should benefit from a certain measure of education, carefully guided in the process under the watchful eye of “les maîtres”. While such a national endeavor is beyond the financial means of the State at its current juncture, L’Église de France stands ready to assume its centuries-old mandate.

IV. RESTORING the CAPACITY for the CHURCH to RESUME its EDUCATIONAL VOCATION

The return of confiscated church properties is the first step toward the restoration of a vigorous educational system. The farmlands, fields and mills of which the Church deprived where not only a source of food and employment for their population, but a source a common wealth which was then funneled back in the schools run by the Church.

It is thus important to understand the circular nature of profits in such an agreement, for it makes it clear that ecclesiastical properties are beneficial for the Kingdom and for the various localities in which they are to be found, because the said profits are spent for the greater good of all, rather than stashed away on some greedy impulse.

It is therefore highly important, before another generation is lost, to restore the capacity of the Church to resume immediately its vocation to enlighten the younger minds.

 

[99KingHigh]

THE ELECTORS GATHER

Commissioned propoganda artwork of the Restoration era; The Entry of Henry IV Into Paris by Gérard, Baron François
​

PARIS is silent; the outburst of violence has ceased. But terror is everywhere!

ELECTORS proceed to the colleges in fear; rumors of attacks are unconfirmed yet everywhere.

ONLY the crème de la crème proceeds to the ballots. There is envy in the eyes of many!

THE SOUTH remains violent. Many await the legal inquisition.

EUROPE watches with bated breadth. Their armies do not budge.

IN THE END, it is the royal crown that rules. VIVE LA FRANCE! VIVE LE ROI!

--
Voting is open. IC/PP distribution continues by party. There are no bonuses until after the election.

Modifier: [White Terror: +30% PP to ultraroyalists].

Ex.

Name: Jean Valjean
Party: Ultraroyalist/Doctrinaire/Miscellaneous Left (Republicans/Bonapartists/etc)/Independent
Department: Nord
[Profession (Candidate for the Deputy of x/Peer of France/etc)]
[No Bonus]

Bold your votes.

 

[Cloud Strife]

Marshal,

I must regret to inform you, Monsieur, that the Government and His Most Christian Majesty have refused your petition for military intervention upon your own person. We find it most unlikely that a gentlemen of former imperial loyalty, no matter his good esteem at the court in Paris, will achieve any resolution beyond the inflammation of further sentiments of retribution and the likely outbreak of violence. His Majesty has consented, after petition from the Government, that the duc d'Angoulême, who is at present on return from embassy to Spain, will take charge of the matter in the South. No further action is being considered at this time.
​

Daignez, Marshal, agréer l'expression de ma considération très distinguée,

​

Your Excellency,

I am most pleased that something is to be done about the disturbances of the South but regret that my services would be considered too provocative in the eyes of court. Though, I do wish to render what service I can to his Majesty without having to go against my good friend; I will not take up that matter with you, for I know your mind on the matter.

I have a proposal for M. Pasquier or his successor, if his Majesty sees fit to appoint a new Interior Minister, on the canal system of France. It is widely known that the need to supply the armies of occupation with food has strained domestic needs. By connecting the Canal de Briare with the Canal du Centre at Digoin, the course of the Loire river can be bypassed by construction of a lateral canal. As it well know the river is unreliable in the Winter because of storms and lacks water in the Summer due to drought.

I have enclosed a map of the areas surveyed in prior years;

​

I believe that such a public works project could quiet the restless masses out of work but also serve to bring the agricultural abundance of central and southern France to our more increasingly factory oriented north.

I am also forwarding the relevant parts of our correspondence to the Interior Minster for his consideration.

Your Humble Servant,
Marshal Saint-Cyr

 

[Fingon888]

​

Name: Jean-Marie Chagnon, Vicomte de Saint Fulgent
Born: August 28, 1769
Party: Ultraroyalist
Profession: Marshal and Peer of France

Background: Jean-Marie was born to a family of minor nobility who owned land outside the town of Saint Fulgent in the Vendée. He is the third son of Laurent Chagnon: the eldest son groomed to inherit the lands of the family, the second son took a position in the Church, and it was decided that Jean-Marie would enter the King's service in the army. He excelled in a local military academy and was sent to the École Militaire. Jean-Marie trained to be an artillery officer and was in the same class as the eventual Emperor, Napoleon. He served in an artillery regiment before and during the Revolution. He quickly grew disillusioned with the revolutionary government and returned to his home near Saint Fulgent.

When the Catholic and Royal Army formed during the War in the Vendée, Jean-Marie joined the force south of the Loire under François de Charette. During the Virée de Galerne Jean-Marie commanded the Royalist artillery and was wounded during the Battle of Savenay. Jean-Marie escaped the battle and fled to Spain where he traveled to England and joined the Army of Conde. He served admirably throughout the War of the First Coalition. He stayed in England following the disbanding of the Army of Conde in 1801 where he stayed until the Bourbon Restoration of 1814. Jean-Marie returned to France where he participated in the uprising against Napoleon during the Hundred Days. After the rebellion and the full restoration of the Bourbon monarchy, there was a great shortage in officers for the new army. Jean-Marie was upjumped from the equivalent of a colonel in the Catholic and Royal Army to the rank of Général de brigade.

Family:
Adélaïde Chagnon b. 1783, wife
Marine Chagnon b. 1805, daughter
Charles Chagnon b. 1808, son
Adélaïde Chagnon b. 1810, daughter
Joseph Chagnon b. 1813, son

 

[Eid3r]

Name: Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Party: Ultraroyalist
Department: Gers
[Candidate for Deputy of the Gers]
[Impeccable standing with God, +0PP]

 

[Cloud Strife]

Name: Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr
Party: Doctrinaire
Department: Var
[Profession: Peer of France]
[No Bonus]