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It will be back to Rome next and the next phase of the Egyptian War. Remaining comment feedback follows.
Sounds an awful lot like my last direct commander during my military service, are you sure he isn't called Gürcan?
Hehe! You get them. Had a CO once (who happened to be pretty bald) whose nickname with the soldiers was 'Mudguard': "Shiny on top, shit underneath!" And another officer who we nicknamed 'the ASP': A Smiling Penis. :D Such a forgiving profession :p
I was planning my first shot at homemade shrimp pad thai, but chicken works just as well :D
:D
all the pieces falling into places before the war
Yes, the set-up got there in the end - even if not everything ended up going quite to plan: it never does.
The empire is mostly contiguous now! Only the area around Gibraltar left to make it fully so, I guess?
Yes, bringing southern Hispania and Carthage under Roman control is now a strategic priority.
Probably dodged a bullet there. Letting a former enemy described as "Incapable and Vengful" command a major fleet did seem a very courageous decision as Humphronius would say.
Oh, very! Had there been any other alternative, it would have been taken.

Don't you mean dodged the pilum?
Well he was a naval commander so it would technically be dodging the Ballista.
Jolly japes. :D Bernardius would be proud.
Well at this point the Socrates/Plato/Aristotle generation have been dead for about 200 years (if I've got the dates right) so they would be classic from the 'modern' Roman perspective. A more 'modern' philosophy would be Stocism, which is at least a century younger and was seen to be a better match for Roman virtues, or at least the virtues the Romans liked to imagine they had.
It's all Greek to me! :rolleyes:;)
 
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Finally caught up and as ever @Bullfilter "she's a beaut" (other Australasian terms are, I believe, available). My favourite bit of the last update was the Battle of Mare Aegyptiacum , although a small battle it is nice to see an ancient AAR with some naval action - it is often overlooked (particularly in I:R).
Hehe! You get them. Had a CO once (who happened to be pretty bald) whose nickname with the soldiers was 'Mudguard': "Shiny on top, shit underneath!" And another officer who we nicknamed 'the ASP': A Smiling Penis. :D Such a forgiving profession :p
This reminds of the judge that we nicknamed "M25" - he goes round and round and never gets anywhere...
 
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This reminds of the judge that we nicknamed "M25" - he goes round and round and never gets anywhere...
This is a top tip for finding a good Highways Engineer; if they can see the joke they will be good working with, if they don't it will be grim and if they point out that 'actually the M25 isn't a circle because the Dartford crossings are not technically under motorway regulations' then they will require careful handling but their pedantry can be weaponised to defeat the client.
 
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This is a top tip for finding a good Highways Engineer; if they can see the joke they will be good working with, if they don't it will be grim and if they point out that 'actually the M25 isn't a circle because the Dartford crossings are not technically under motorway regulations' then they will require careful handling but their pedantry can be weaponised to defeat the client.

And there we have it. Good, sage advice there - next week on @Bullfilter and @El Pip's guide to choosing the right professional: "Grouting: is it good for you?"
 
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Finally caught up and as ever @Bullfilter "she's a beaut" (other Australasian terms are, I believe, available). My favourite bit of the last update was the Battle of Mare Aegyptiacum , although a small battle it is nice to see an ancient AAR with some naval action - it is often overlooked (particularly in I:R).
Fantastic! Thanks for the kind words too. There will be more naval action in the subsequent episodes, rest assured. And not all one-way traffic, either.
This reminds of the judge that we nicknamed "M25" - he goes round and round and never gets anywhere...
This is a top tip for finding a good Highways Engineer; if they can see the joke they will be good working with, if they don't it will be grim and if they point out that 'actually the M25 isn't a circle because the Dartford crossings are not technically under motorway regulations' then they will require careful handling but their pedantry can be weaponised to defeat the client.
And there we have it. Good, sage advice there - next week on @Bullfilter and @El Pip's guide to choosing the right professional: "Grouting: is it good for you?"
We can be so cruel - but it's justified! :D

Grouting, like an extra lick of paint, is always good for you! ;)
 
Chapter XCIX: A Busy Year
(1 January to 31 December 593/160 BC)

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Introduction

Numerius Fabius Pictor – a Religious faction Senator – was elected Consul on 18 April 592 AUC (161 BC) and by 24 September had led Rome into its first war against mighty Egypt. The recently remade alliance with the Seleucids had broken down again when they refused to Rome's call to arms.

The opening exchanges had seen mixed results, with Egyptian numerical disadvantages in the various theatres being somewhat offset by excellent leadership and more advanced military technology. The campaign in Hispania had begun with a heavy Roman defeat at Olissippo on 18 November. In Africa, an expensive victory had been scored at Corniclanum on 13 November, while Legio VII still chased the Egyptian 3rd Army around the Carthage sector.

In the East, an easy battle against the small Egyptian 18th Army in Caria on 3 December had sent them running to Lycia, with both provinces of Egypt’s Asia Minor enclave under Roman siege by year’s end. The only sea battle of the war so far had also come in the East, where L.A. Barbula’s large Classis I had ambushed and defeated the smaller Egyptian 2nd Navy in Mare Aegyptiacum on 1 November.

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Part I: The West

January-April 593 AUC (160 BC)

Legio X (M.J. Bubulcus) was in Lusitani on 2 January 593, having retreated there form the earlier defeat in Olissippo. They were now marching south-east to rendezvous in Vettones with a detachment of seven fresh cohorts marching south from Brigantia. The Egyptian 9th Army remained in Olissippo, while Legio XII was marching north from Cynetes towards them, intent on revenge for their colleagues’ loss.

In Western Africa, Legio XIII (S.C. Maximus) [Martial 8] caught up with the Egyptian 13th Army in Mauretania on 10 January, to again find the opposition even better led than the Romans (Naravas Senuid) [Martial 9] in the opening engagement of that sector. But the Egyptians had suffered from attrition and assaulting the fortifications earlier, retreating by 18 January after taking heavy losses (Rome 2,771/20,372; Egypt 3,591/14,007 killed). Maximus pursued the retreating Senuid back north to Tingis.

As that battle ended, M.C Rufinus attacked Philotheos Proctid in Olissippo and seemed to be improving his initial advantage in morale, despite a disadvantage in numbers (in part from attrition during their travels in hostile territory). But the battle turned as January was drawing to a close and both sides became exhausted, with the Egyptians just outlasting the Romans for a narrow and bloody victory. Proctid was proving a very difficult opponent to deal with.

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After the battle, Legio XII followed Legio X’s earlier retreat north to Lusitani, while Proctid made for Egyptian Turduli.

When Legio X joined with the other column in Vettones on 9 February, the cohorts were consolidated from 31 to 25 in total (22,284 men) and united under the command of Bubulcus. He then took the reinforced Legio X south towards Turduli to confront his nemesis Proctid. But Proctid halted in Olissippo the next day when his scouts spotted the Roman move, so Bubulcus marched on Olissippo instead.

In Tingis, the decisive battle in that sector was fought from 9 February to 6 March. It ebbed to and fro for four weeks, despite Rome outnumbering their opponents two-to-one and maintaining the tactical edge for most of it. But by the end, the Egyptian 13th Army was broken and would never again be able to provide credible opposition to Legio XIII.

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The denouement in Western Africa came in Tingis on 31 March, when Maximus wiped out the 13th Army in a single day, with no opposition given (Rome 0/17,390; Egypt 5,527/5,527 killed). Legio XIII settled in for the siege.

By early April, a sizeable Massilian army (2nd Stratos, 21 regiments) was in southern Gaul and heading to Volcae in Hispania, with other individual regiments also on their way. The Romans would welcome any help they might be able to provide against their ‘bogeyman’ Proctid.

Consul Pictor (as the only qualified Naval Prefect available) had taken command of the 121 ships of Classis IV, then based in southern Hispania at Bastetani, in late 592. He now took them into battle against the Egyptian 3rd Navy when they sortied from Gadira in mid-April. Unfortunately, not only were the winds against the Roman sailors, but the Egyptian admiral Ankhmachis Philonid was of Pyrrhic prowess! Despite a healthy advantage in numbers, Pictor had lost eleven ships (two of them captured) in just five days and beat an abject retreat as soon as he could get away.

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Seventeen new triremes were laid down as soon as word of the defeat was passed back to Rome. Classis IV would need more ships and a better commander if they hoped to control the Pillars of Hercules.

The small Legio III ‘Nova’ (A.I.Dives, 9,000 men) had made it from northern to Carpetani by 23 April and headed towards Turduli. By then, Legio X was in Olissippo, having failed to catch Proctid’s 9th Army, which had moved onto Egyptian Cynetes.

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May-December 593 AUC (160 BC)

This time, Proctid was too slow to get to Turdetani and was attacked by Bubulcus in Cynetes on 29 April. Legio X was reinforced, refreshed and had a clear advantage in numbers. Bubulcus got the early tactical edge, but Proctid began to claw back the tide of battle.

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The fighting intensified on 9 May and Egyptian casualties mounted: by 14 May Bubulcus had his revenge after inflicting very heavy losses on the previously undefeated 9th Army. Legio X stayed in Cynetes to conduct a siege, while III and XII moved to follow up and continue the pursuit into southern Hispania.

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By late May, Dives and Rufinus were closing in and planned to join together in Turduli, while Bubulcus stayed in Cynetes.

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The Roman presence led to recruit massacres in Cynetes (15 June) and Turduli (18 June). On 25 June, Legio III and XII were consolidated, Dives taking the bulk (17,000 men in 18 cohorts) in Legio III south towards Turdetani, where Proctid had just arrived and was now headed further south to Gadira, but would be struck by Dives before he made it to safety. Rufinus (Legio XII, 6,000 men in seven cohorts) stayed to besiege Turduli.

Dives duly attacked Proctid on 31 July, full of confidence, with a healthy advantage in numbers and morale and a good opening to the battle, despite having to ford a river to get at the Egyptians. But despite the Romans inflicting heavy casualties on the 9th and outnumbering the Egyptians by almost three-to-one by 10 August, Proctid ‘the Magician’ somehow managed to conjure a bloody victory, with Dives forced to flee east to Oretani to recover.

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The Romans now sat back to recover and consolidate, having suffered a third defeat at Proctid’s hands. In mid-September, the main Massilian 2nd Stratos (now 26 regiments) was in central Hispania and would arrive in Belli on 14 September.

The siege of Tingis was won on 5 November (197 days) and Cynetes fell to Rome on the 27th (also 197 days). By early December, the Massilians had begun a siege of Turdetani and had contained the 9th Army in Gadira to the north – a task Rome was happy to leave to their allies – while Legio XIII stood guard to the south in Tingis. The siege of Turduli continued.

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The year ended with sad news of the death of the old warhorse Dives, who died just as Legio III was approaching Bastetani, while Legio X was headed to Turduli.

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The summary below includes the action in the Western Theatre from the start of the war in late 592 (previous chapter, battle in green, above the red line in the table), on land and at sea. The Romans had had a difficult time in Hispania but had managed to advance their positions, despite some hard losses against Proctid. This had been balanced by a far simpler campaign in Western Africa.

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§§§§§§§

Part II: Africa

January-June 593 AUC (160 BC)

As a large Egyptian force was seen approaching Legio I in Corniclanum from the east in early January, Legio XI broke its siege of Nassamones and headed north to reinforce them: the victory there the year before had been a very expensive one and the Egyptians were known to have reserve armies in the interior.

Meanwhile, 12 January saw the Egyptian 3rd Army (39 regiments) besieging Theveste. Legio VII (S.S. Caepio, 43 cohorts) made it to Thapsus on 18 January and struck west to continue their chase, where they were due to attack the Egyptians on 10 February, just one day before they could escape to Carthage (having broken their siege of Theveste on the Roman approach).

To the east, the decision to bring Legio XI north proved a prudent one: the Egyptians attacked M.C. Maximus (Legio I) on 29 January. Though the Roman was a slightly superior commander, his troops’ morale was fragile and the Egyptian 7th Army was due to be reinforced by the 8th on 10 February. Crassus’ arrival on 31 January gave the Romans a three-to-one numerical advantage for a while, but the enemy then had the numbers after the 8th arrived.

Zagreid managed to maintain a tactical edge for much of the early battle, except for a short period of Roman ascendancy from 8-13 February. By the 18th, things were in balance but the battle was starting to tip towards the Egyptians.

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As the battle in Corniclanum was heating up, another great battle broke out in Theveste, as the two armies finally clashed. Attrition and fortification assaults had badly reduced Egyptian numbers, though Caepio was attacking across a river. And the Egyptian commander Isocrates Penamid was yet another Egyptian military genius. This battle proved to be a very tactically even affair throughout, inching in favour of one side and then the other. Despite a Roman rally on 25 February and a continued numerical advantage, Egypt prevailed, handing the Romans one of their bloodiest defeats in the last century of conflicts.

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The Egyptians had also taken heavy casualties in the battle, even if it had served to even things up somewhat. Coupled with the difficulties in Hispania and the tough fight in Corniclanum at that time, Rome was starting to get worried about the string of losses or expensive victories and the consequent drain on manpower in the intense first months of 593.

In Corniclanum, the fight dragged on all the way through March and into early April, with both sides losing morale and the casualties being suffered decreasing to small amounts by the time the battle was drawing to a close. Once more, the battle remained even as both sides reached the end of their tether. As all seemed lost for the Romans, Maximus managed a final rally on 30 March which he hoped would carry the day.

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But it was too late and the effort could not be maintained, Zagreid taking the honours on 5 April. The effusion of Roman life blood significantly eclipsed that of Theveste. The Egyptian 17th Army gave chase as Maximus and Crassus routed with their eviscerated legions back to Leptis Magna.

In central Africa, Legio VII completed its rout to Numidia on 7 April and immediately headed back east to Theveste (due 9 May) while the Egyptian 3rd Army made its way back to Thapsus (due 9 April). As Caepio pulled into Theveste, he heard news that Penamid had assaulted the walls of Thapsus, losing more men and devastating the morale of his troops when they were beaten back. Not deterred, Caepio kept heading east, vowing revenge for his earlier humiliation.

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Just two days later, the Romans finished their retreat to Leptis Magna and the Egyptians attacked the next day. But the enemy had swapped their arrangements around, with the 8th Army advancing after all and arriving first, reinforced by the 17th a few days later. Egypt had the advantage in overall numbers but the battle was even – and intense. But this time, enemy morale faded more quickly and Maximus fought them off after a relatively short (and less bloody) battle than had been the norm to date. The situation remained precarious, but for now the Romans held.

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The Egyptian 3rd Army was heading back to Carthage as Legio VII advanced from Theveste on 21 May, but Caepio would catch them five days before Penamid could escape to home territory, presumably to recover numbers and morale. Would Caepio be able to reverse the previous result, or would he end up regretting his bold pursuit – as others had before him?

He soon found out when he attacked on 5 June: an intense and fairly even battle was broken off by Penamid as soon as he could. He would have around three weeks to recuperate in Carthage before Caepio renewed the assault.

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When Penamid arrived in Carthage, he immediately made for Theveste again, but would once more fail to escape by five days. Another reckoning loomed, this time on Egyptian territory.

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July-December 593 AUC (160 BC)

Another short battle was fought between Caepio and Penamid, from 11-15 July in Carthage. This time Caepio [conceding a -1 die roll penalty for generalship and another -1 for a river crossing] managed to strike a heavy initial blow [+5 net die roll, despite the penalties] and the Egyptians were soon running again, for Theveste (Rome 1,159/37,563; Egypt 3,273/22,654 killed). Caepio pursued again, determined to run them to ground before they could recover.

Down in Leptis Magna, the Romans had been rebuilding their morale and numbers, when they were struck again by the Egyptian 8th and 17th Armies on 26 July. The enemy maintained a slight advantage in numbers and battlefield position and managed to inflict more casualties than they suffered, but again broke off the attack due to failing morale. They made for Nassamones this time.

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When Caepio met Penamid once more in Thapsus on 17 August, he again opened strongly – and this time the brilliant Penamid had no answers. His men were exhausted and the whole 3rd Army – still numbering over 17,000 men – was destroyed for little loss in just a couple of days!

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Caepio’s popularity surged at this wonderful reversal of early fortunes as he consolidated his cohorts (down from 43 to 37), taking the full-strength units on the long march to the Egyptian border while a smaller detachment of recovering troops headed back up to put Carthage under siege. This may well prove the decisive moment of the African campaign, though it would take time for these extra troops to arrive at the front.

A major Egyptian force (around 21,000 men) had slipped in to besiege Roman Laguatan by 3 October, as neither side had felt ready to commit to another major battle over the last few months. This time, both Roman legions (recovered to around 34,000 troops in total) marched to see if they could crush this isolated force.

The battle went form 31 October to 4 November, Rome getting a marginal tactical edge and the Egyptians (8th Army) choosing not to stay for an extended fight, retreating back to Nassamones (Rome 2,147/34,190; Egypt 3,218/20,965 killed). Maximus this time elected to pursue with both legions, hoping to keep the momentum going while the Egyptians were still weak.

In the end, another short battle eventuated in Nassamones from 12-16 December, with Egyptian morale and numbers proving inferior, but a tactical edge letting them kill more Romans than they lost before breaking off again and retreating to Corniclanum (Rome 2,209/36,721; Egypt 1,718/21, 847 killed).

Following this victory, Rome reorganised with Maximus taking the bulk of the troops (27,0000) in Legio I north to pursue the Egyptians while Crassus kept 7,485 men in Legio XI to invest Nassamones – which after all was the focus of the Senate’s current mission. A recruit massacre on 23 December saw 1,000 enemy killed for no loss in Nassamones.

Roman prospects improved further when Legio VII arrived in Laguatan on 27 December after their long march from Carthage, ordered up to Leptis Magana where an Egyptian siege force had slipped in.

As for the West earlier, the summary below includes the action in the African Theatre from the start of the war in late 592 (covered in the previous chapter, battles in green, above the red line in the table). The Romans had also had some initial difficulties in both sectors early on and massive casualties had been suffered, whether winning or losing. But their relative position had improved greatly with the total victory in Thapsus and now Rome hoped to take the battle forward again in the new year.

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Part III: The East – January-December 593 AUC (160 BC)

The commander of Legio IV, former Consul P.V. Laevinus, died in Lycia at a comparatively young age (46) on 2 January 593. Given his smaller force was co-located with Legio V at the time, the two were merged under the command of the militarily astute A.C. Caudex.

Just three days later, the remnants of the Egyptian 18th Army finished their retreat from Caria and were wiped out on arrival (Rome 0/24,560; Egypt 2,258/2,258 killed). This would be the only land action in the entire theatre between Rome and Egypt for the year, as the sieges wore on and proved very slow to progress.

However, the complexion of the conflict changed significantly on 2 April when the Seleucids decided to declare war on Egypt of their own volition, without any reference to or alliance with Rome. For Rome it was a pity they hadn't done this from the start, but it should prove a useful diversion for those Egyptian armies that might otherwise had been sent against Rome. And should help to bring down their huge manpower reserve. Despite this, the Senate was implacably opposed to any attempt to renew the alliance.

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S.A. Barbula, a relatively mediocre commander of the troops besieging Cyprus, certainly lived up to the family name when his loyalty became dubious in late May. Because of the number of units loyal to him (presumably inherited from his grasping father) and the dearth of decent generals, Consul Pictor wanted to ‘keep him sweet’. Even the urbane Humphronius was shocked but grudgingly admiring when it took 250 gold talents to finally raise his loyalty to a ‘safe’ level!

“By Jupiter, he is Bribula Maximus, surely!” exclaimed the worldly civil servant. Bernardius could only shake his head in tired bemusement.

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On 11 October, Classis I was on patrol in Mare Carpathicum when a mix of three Egyptian fleets, totalling over 80 ships and headed in three different directions, was spotted in Mare Aegyptiacum, while a Seleucid fleet was also headed towards Egypt from Mare Cyprium: L.A. Barbula moved to intercept the enemy.

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The second naval battle in Mare Aegyptiacum began on 19 October. Naravas Senuid (4th Navy commander, returned from the destruction of his 13th Army in Tingis) led the Egyptians and was Barbula’s tactical match. The Romans were reinforced by the 24 ships of the Seleucid 2nd Nauticon on 24 October, handily joining in as co-belligerents under Roman command. The initial winds were with the enemy, but as the running battle went into November, Barbula began to gain the upper hand. By 8 November, Rome had lost one trireme, Egypt four.

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By that time, in a year of fighting the balance of the war was in Rome’s favour, but the lack of any occupied territory meant it was based on the balance of battle outcomes. The Seleucid entry was too recent for much to have altered the balance of their separate war.

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The great naval battle moved to its conclusion by 23 November: both sides started to lose more ships in the final five days of fighting before the Egyptians scurried for port in Alexandria.

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The whole of the Egyptian 4th Navy had been destroyed (the second such outcome Senuid had suffered that year) and two of their ships captured, though Rome also lost seven vessels (but gaining two, leaving them with 135) before they made for friendly seas and port for repairs.

An Egyptian offer for white peace was received on Saturnalia – and rejected, in the spirit of the season. The Senate would have vetoed had Consul Pictor been minded to accept – which he was not anyway. The manpower of both sides by this time had been significantly reduced.

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Of note, by this time the Military and Populist factions only commanded four Senators each, with the Religious group now in a majority, followed by the Mercantile faction.

The summary includes the action in the Eastern Theatre from the start of the war in late 592 (previous chapter, battles in green, above the red line in the table), on land and at sea. There had been relatively little action and all of it heavily in Rome’s favour. No provinces had been resolved in over a year of siege work in Lycia, Caria and Cyprus.

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Part IV: The North – January-December 593 AUC (160 BC)

Fortunately for Rome, it was a quiet year for barbarian incursions and revolts in the rest of the Republic and its often fractious northern border lands. On 1 January, Legio VIII (19 cohorts) under ‘second stringer’ Publius Valerius Falto [Martial 6] intercepted the Sugamnbri besieging Hermunduri, commanded by warchief Gerold Geroldid [Martial 8]. The tough fight last for almost four weeks, but Falto emerged the victor (Rome 2,651/19,000; Sugamnbri 2,725/9,000 killed).

Q.F. Flaccus (another middling general commanding 8,000 garrison troops in northern Gaul) began showing signs of disloyalty in mid-February, requiring two bribes of 50 gold each to keep him quiet. With the war with Egypt raging and well over 8,000 gold in the Aerarium, the Consul just directed Bernardius to “throw money at the problem”.

“I wish I was that big a problem,” muttered a jealous Humphronius to himself.

“Did you say something Humphronius?”

“No, Consul. All is sweetness and light in our majestic and incorruptible Republic,” he replied with obviously mock sincerity.

With most attention on the Egyptian War, the Sugamnbri had managed to return from their retreat to Lugii south into Marcomanni on 8 June. Falto, who had expected them to return for a ritual destruction in Hermunduri, started marching south to eradicate the pests. Geroldid again put up stiff resistance, but was again defeated by 16 July.

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A large barbarian rising was reported in Veneti, a barbarian province at the north-western tip of Gaul, by 11,000 Allobroges warriors on 1 October. The well-bribed Flaccus with his detachment of 8,000 men moved from Bituriges to Pictones to shadow them, in case the war band decided to invade Roman territory.

But by mid-November Flaccus was in place in Pictones and the Allobroges were heading east to barbarian Aremorica and then (Flaccus hoped) further east to the lands of the Parisii, who were welcomed to deal with them (if they could).

The year-long story of the Sugamnbri invasion ended on 2 December with their annihilation at the hands of Legio VIII in Marcomanni, returning the whole frontier to peace again, from the Euxine Sea in the east to the Atlantic in the west.

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Part V: Religion and Manpower – January-December 593 AUC (160 BC)

The annual omen saw the successful invocation of Minerva in early June: no birds were to be roasted this time. No succulent, tender and mildly spiced chicken for the hungry stomachs of the augurs this time around. They would have to be satisfied with barbecued leopard nipples with garum.

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As we have seen, the great battles of 593 AUC (160 BC) had seen some horrendous casualty counts for both Rome and Egypt, whether in victory or defeat. On 3 January, Rome had a reserve of 191,000, a replacement demand of a little over 40,000 and monthly recruitment of just under 2,600. Even with a series of cohort consolidations during the year, by December the reserve had sunk to 122,000 with 43,000 replacements needed.

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The Egyptians had started the war with a reported manpower reserve of well over 200,000. By 19 August it was estimated to be 201,000 (replacement requirement unknown). By October it was 186,000 and down to 160,000 by the time of their Saturnalia peace offer.

§§§§§§§

Finis
 
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Roman blood absolutely soaks the soils of all the nations that we fight against, and yet, eventually, we emerge victorious.

ROMA INVICTA!

That said, I have sincere questions about the RNG in this game, which seems so set against the player. Also, how does one religious power increase?! How can we have 51 provinces following the right religious beliefs of Jupiter Magnus and yet be fifth in power?!
 
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Dives duly attacked Proctid on 31 July, full of confidence, with a healthy advantage in numbers and morale and a good opening to the battle, despite having to ford a river to get at the Egyptians. But despite the Romans inflicting heavy casualties on the 9th and outnumbering the Egyptians by almost three-to-one by 10 August, Proctid ‘the Magician’ somehow managed to conjure a bloody victory, with Dives forced to flee east to Oretani to recover.
Every damn war we have guys like these on the enemy side! The admiral and Proctid, only in the Iberian sector of the war there are already 2 headaches!

handing the Romans one of their bloodiest defeats in the last century of conflicts.
But it was too late and the effort could not be maintained, Zagreid taking the honours on 5 April. The effusion of Roman life blood significantly eclipsed that of Theveste.
:eek: nearly 35000 dead in just 2 battles!

The situation remained precarious, but for now the Romans held.
Maybe a turning point in the general scheme of the war?

When Caepio met Penamid once more in Thapsus on 17 August, he again opened strongly – and this time the brilliant Penamid had no answers. His men were exhausted and the whole 3rd Army – still numbering over 17,000 men – was destroyed for little loss in just a couple of days!
Indeed, things seem to be turning for the better now!

The annual omen saw the successful invocation of Minerva in early June: no birds were to be roasted this time. No succulent, tender and mildly spiced chicken for the hungry stomachs of the augurs this time around. They would have to be satisfied with barbecued leopard nipples with garum.
I planned a vegetable week anyway :)

That said, I have sincere questions about the RNG in this game, which seems so set against the player. Also, how does one religious power increase?! How can we have 51 provinces following the right religious beliefs of Jupiter Magnus and yet be fifth in power?!
I'm starting to suspect that the die rolls game shows us aren't the raw die rolls but modified after military tech effects etc
 
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Given the Consul's struggles at Sea one can understand why the navy was always considered "un-Roman". Perhaps the historic solution of using non-Romans is the way forward here.

However, the complexion of the conflict changed significantly on 2 April when the Seleucids decided to declare war on Egypt of their own volition, without any reference to or alliance with Rome.
The mysteries of the East remain mysterious.

S.A. Barbula, a relatively mediocre commander of the troops besieging Cyprus, certainly lived up to the family name when his loyalty became dubious in late May. Because of the number of units loyal to him (presumably inherited from his grasping father) and the dearth of decent generals, Consul Pictor wanted to ‘keep him sweet’. Even the urbane Humphronius was shocked but grudgingly admiring when it took 250 gold talents to finally raise his loyalty to a ‘safe’ level!

“By Jupiter, he is Bribula Maximus, surely!” exclaimed the worldly civil servant. Bernardius could only shake his head in tired bemusement.
It is amusing the Barbula remains "Righteous" despite all this bribing, though one can see how the money might help him be "Confident". More surprising is that a man worth 14,000 gold can be swayed be a mere 250, though I suppose if he were to demand a level of bribery consistent with his wealth Humphronius may go beyond shock and into actual heart attack!
 
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As we approach the Centenary Chapter (up soon), feedback for the hardy commentAARs on the last one.
Roman blood absolutely soaks the soils of all the nations that we fight against, and yet, eventually, we emerge victorious.

ROMA INVICTA!

That said, I have sincere questions about the RNG in this game, which seems so set against the player. Also, how does one religious power increase?! How can we have 51 provinces following the right religious beliefs of Jupiter Magnus and yet be fifth in power?!
Enough to make the desert bloom! :eek: But still we struggle on.

The RNG is surely an evil God in this game. Religious power seems to rely substantially on the number of temples in territory of your own religion, but maybe (I'm not sure) also relative to realm size and perhaps some buildings my relatively backward tech to the big Greek powers means I don't have access to yet. For Rome, it used to be up around 12 power, but has sunk back considerably. Like in CK2 though, it doesn't seem to rely on size.
Every damn war we have guys like these on the enemy side! The admiral and Proctid, only in the Iberian sector of the war there are already 2 headaches!
Damn right! I'm glad I spent so much time promoting our own officers, or we'd be even further behind that 8-ball.
:eek: nearly 35000 dead in just 2 battles!
They were real shockers.
Maybe a turning point in the general scheme of the war?
One can hope. But the points may turn in either direction ...
Indeed, things seem to be turning for the better now!
For now. ;)
I'm starting to suspect that the die rolls game shows us aren't the raw die rolls but modified after military tech effects etc
Perhaps, though I haven't discovered/can't remember any techs that affect the base roll itself. Though maybe the difficulty setting might? I really don't know.
Given the Consul's struggles at Sea one can understand why the navy was always considered "un-Roman". Perhaps the historic solution of using non-Romans is the way forward here.
If I had a good foreign admiral available, he'd be in there like a shot!
It is amusing the Barbula remains "Righteous" despite all this bribing, though one can see how the money might help him be "Confident". More surprising is that a man worth 14,000 gold can be swayed be a mere 250, though I suppose if he were to demand a level of bribery consistent with his wealth Humphronius may go beyond shock and into actual heart attack!
I've often thought it strange that the personal wealth of the characters is often hundreds of times the annual income of even a prosperous Rome in total. Something little out of whack there, I think.

So, thanks guys and on to the Century. :)
 
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Chapter C: Vae Victis (1 January to 31 December 594/159 BC)
Chapter C: Vae Victis
(1 January to 31 December 594/159 BC)

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Introduction

Consul Numerius Fabius Pictor was approaching the end of his two-year term as Consul. The first full calendar year of the war with Egypt had proven a tough but reasonably successful one. Some progress had been made in the West, with the Egyptian 9th Army finally forced into retreat, Cynetes taken by Rome and a large Massilian army coming to assist operations.

In Africa, the tide of war had ebbed and flowed, an initial advance by Rome on the main border with Egypt being pushed back. But the Egyptian 3rd Army had been destroyed at Thapsus in August 593 and Rome had reversed its earlier huge loss at Corniclanum in April 593 with a series of victories later in the year. As 594 began, they were ready to invade Egyptian territory again.

In the East, the long-running sieges of Caria, Lycia and Cyprus dragged on, while success at sea had come to L.A. Barbula in late November 593, with a big victory in Mare Aegyptiacum.

The 100th chapter of this chronicle will see the tears of the vanquished shed in abundance, along with their blood. But whose shall it be?

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Part I: The West

January-April 594 AUC (159 BC)

The year started well enoughin Hispania, with the Massilian 2nd Stratos taking Turdetani for Rome on 10 January. The Egyptian 9th Army was bottled up in Gadira, while Rome continued to besiege Turduli to the north.

Legio III recovered in Bastetani, after its recent defeat and the subsequent death of its Legate, the experienced A.I. Dives. On 24 January, the Senate obliged by suggesting a new commander for Legio III – Decimus Leukus Tertulus [Martial 6] from the Military faction. He would be better than nothing, so the Consul accepted the appointment.

By mid-February, men were on the march again in Hispania. The Egyptians (led by the brilliant Philotheos Proctid) were sortieing from Gadira and the Massilians were trying to escape east: perhaps they had assaulted Turdetani to take it and were still suffering the effects?

Legio XII stayed back to finish the well-progressed siege of Turduli, while Bubulcus took the main force of Legio X south to confront the Egyptians, due to arrive there 18 days after the 9th Army hit the Massilians in Turdetani. A long stream of reinforcing Massilian regiments was strung out on the road leading from their capital.

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On 22 February L.A. Barbula took 76 ships of Classis I to sea west from Rhodes towards Syracusae, with the plan being to join Classis I in the west and confront the large Egyptian fleet based in Gadira. 63 ships were left behind making repairs after the great battle in November, with more new boats on their way from Rome’s shipyards to bolster their numbers.

The same day, Consul Pictor took Classis IV to sea again from Bastetani with 95 ships to hunt down an Egyptian fleet of 12 galleys on their way west to join the 16th Navy (70-plus ships) at port in Gadira. The ensuing battle in Mare Ibericum five days later was a great success, all the enemy ships being sunk quickly for no Roman loss (despite unfavourable winds). Pictor headed straight back to port.

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The Egyptians and Massilians fought in Turdetani from 2-8 March and it was difficult to tell who won, as both armies seemed to be in retreat afterwards (the 9th back to Gadira, the 2nd Stratoc continuing their previous move east to Oretani). Bubulcus, full of confidence, pressed on.

While that battle was observed from afar, Turduli fell to Rome (M.C. Rufinus, Legio XII) on 5 March after a 253 day siege. Legio X arrived in Turdetani on 23 March – before Proctid had made it to Gadira. But no battle ensued, so the Egyptians must have lost after all and were in retreat. Confidence mounting even higher, Bubulcus gave chase, seventeen days behind the fleeing 9th Army.

Classis I arrived in Mare Siculum on 10 April and kept heading west, hoping to catch some smaller Egyptian fleets strung out along the African coast, some of which had been skirmishing at sea with similarly sized Massilian fleets. That same day, the Egyptian 3rd Navy sailed out of Gadira for Herculis Columnae with 80 ships.

By 18 April, the Massilian 2nd Stratos was back in Turdetani, now with 33 regiments, and was following Legio X to Gadira, three weeks behind. The Egyptian 9th had arrived in Garira a few weeks before and had now turned around and was heading back to Turdetani: but Bubulcus would find him first in Gadira three days later. He decided not to halt and wait for the Massilians; the glory would be all his.

In the event, Bubulcus’ confidence was well enough founded. He attacked Proctid’s 9th Army in Gadira on 21 April, but the battle was little more than a skirmish. The Romans were a little outnumbered but had the better starting morale and after four days Proctid retreated (Rome 1,064/17549; Egypt 1,041/18,135 killed).

Proctid was trying to flee south to Tingis across Herculis Columnae, as Legio XIII had left it to head east by that time. The Egyptian fleet was back in port and Pictor sortied again from Bastetani on 25 April with all 110 ships of Classis IV, heading for the strait to block this escape.

To the west, Classis I was still making its way west and encountered a flotilla of four Egyptian ships in Aegates Insulae (north of Sicilia) which were wiped out in a day, on 30 April.

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May-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Another four Egyptian ships were destroyed in similar fashion in Mare Africanum on 11 May after they were flushed out of Carthage when that city was taken by Rome (see Section II). By 15 May, Classis IV was blockading Gadira from Herculis Columnae, forcing the 9th Army back. The 80 ships of the Egyptian 3rd Navy did not contest the blockade, for now anyway.

On 21 May, Classis I reached Sinus Caralitanus (above Carthage), where they helped a Massilian fleet destroy another four Egyptian galleys they had been fighting there (the Massilians had already lost two of their own eight ships). Classis I continued west.

The forcing back of Proctid from his crossing led to another battle in Gadira on 25 May, which was much harder fought than the last. Fortunately for Bubulcus, the Massilian 2nd Stratos had arrived by then and together the allies he had double Proctid’s numbers. This was boosted even further on 28 May when Legio XII reinforced as well. Which was probably a good thing: the Egyptians retreated again on 2 June, but not before causing over a thousand more casualties than they had lost.

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As Proctid escaped to Turdetani, Legio X and XII remained in Gadira, while the rested Legio III was sent across from Bastetani to intercept the Egyptians. That battle began on 20 July, as Tertulus attacked in his first outing as a legate. He had a clear advantage in numbers and morale. The tactical situation was quite even to begin with, though he conceded much to Proctid in expertise.

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There is no surviving record of what happened between that bright start and the disaster that befell Legio III by the battle’s end on 1 August [much was happening around the various theatres at the time], but at least Tertulus salvaged his reputation as a brave, if not brilliant, commander.

In the aftermath of this expensive defeat, Bubulcus set off once more to chase down his elusive rival. He now regretted not combining with Legio III in Turdetani, but had thought his colleague had the matter in hand and had wanted to rebuild his half-strength legion. It was not to be.

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By the beginning of September, the Egyptians were in Turduli, Legio X in Turdetani and Legio III in Oretani. Bubulcus decided to forge ahead with his advance on the enemy after having received a draft of replacements. Tertulus would follow up, either reinforcing the battle if it was still going or, if it should be lost, hitting the enemy again before they could recover.

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Meanwhile, a Massilian-led assault on Gadira, which Legio XII was caught up in, failed on 4 October.

The next battle at Turduli was a hideously sanguinary affair. Bubulcus attacked with confidence, having bested Proctid under similar circumstances twice that year. But Egyptian morale had recovered significantly by then, Proctid had an edge in numbers and the Romans, attacking across a river, were caught in a devastating counter-charge in the opening exchanges. Bubulcus fought back bravely on 10 October, but the first five days of the battle had seen well over 5,000 legionaries slain.

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By the time it was over, Bubulcus had lost almost half his force. And due to the intensity of the fighting, against his expectations he had not been able to stay in the field until Legio III reinforced to deliver the hoped-for killing blow.

Tertulus, by now regarded as braver than he was effective, still went in to the attack five days after the first battle of Turduli had been lost, hoping to take advantage of a tired enemy. The Romans discovered that Proctid, the Nemesis of Hispania, was not in command – his whereabouts and that of the 9th Army were unknown. It was speculated that he had moved on to Cynetes, been transferred or even killed in the recent battle.

Instead, the Egyptian Chancellor Manetho Omirid had command, leading the 29th Army (though it was not the largest in the group that defended Turduli). He was still a very competent commander, as he soon demonstrated by trouncing the hapless Tertulus and sending him off in rout following Bubulcus to Carpetani! And Omirid had barely raised a sweat achieving it.

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The whole Roman plan for subduing Egyptian Hispania had now gone awry and their morale and confidence were badly shaken, although they did still occupy most of the Egyptian territory there.

An Egyptian assault on Cynetes, where the bulk of their army had relocated, failed on 2 November.

Rome reacted on 10 November by summoning the 19,000 man Legio VIII (P.V. Falto) from its border duty in the north at Hermunduri all the way to southern Hispania – a long march indeed.

By 28 November, Legio III (11,858 men) and X (8,131 men) were both in Carpetani, slowly recovering from their recent savaging. No further events of note occurred in the west before the end of the year: Egypt besieged Cynetes, Rome and Massilia invested Gadira, while Classis IV’s blockade remained unchallenged. But a year that had started with much promise had ended in bloody misery.

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Summary of battles and casualties in the West, 594 AUC.

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Part II: Africa

January-July 594 AUC (159 BC)

In Africa, the reinforced Roman presence, which now included three legions (I, VII and XI), was looking to go back on the offensive, having reversed the recent Egyptian counter-invasion. On 14 January, Legio I (M.C. Maximus [Martial 9]) attacked the Egyptian 8th Army (Psherenptah Senuid [Martial 8]) in Corniclanum. After a short, sharp battle [Rome 7.5 v Egypt 5 adjusted die roll], the Egyptians fled as soon as they could on the 18th (Rome 1,880/26,115; Egypt 3,800/23,682 killed). The offensive was off to a good start, with Nassamones still under siege by Legio XI.

The next day, the 17th Army (A. Zagreid) was spotted heading west to Corniclanum and would have arrived four weeks later, but they soon halted in Cyrenaica after they saw the Romans had won.

The next ‘tidying up’ battle came around a week later, when S.S. Caepio (Legio VII, 29,000 men) attacked the Aratos Setnid (1st Army, 9,000 men) in Leptis Magna. Rome took 1,029 casualties and Egypt 2,154 before the latter retreated as soon as they could to Corniclanum (now under Roman occupation), chased by Legio VII. A thousand recruits were discovered and massacred in Corniclanum the same day, for no Roman loss.

An unwanted distraction came in Sabratha soon afterwards, with local malcontents revolting. Rather than breaking the long siege of Carthage or diverting troops from the front, Legio XIII began a long redeployment from Tingis to deal with this irritation and then eventually reinforce the invasion of Egypt proper.

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Leaving a detachment behind of the weakest cohorts to continue the siege of Corniclanum, on 9 February Maximus marched the rest of Legio I (18,731 men) north east to Barca, then unoccupied by the Egyptians, as Legio VII continued on to Corniclanum behind them.

Another ‘routine’ battle was fought from 5 to 10 March, when the retreating 1st Army ran into Legio I (yet to exit to Barca) in Corniclanum, joined by Legio VII on the 6th. The equally matched generals were matched also in their opening tactics, with Senuid retreating in good order after four days of skirmishing, despite being massively outnumbered (Rome 408/51,250; Egypt 667/5,946 killed).

By 12 March, Legio I (17,609 men) was almost in Barca, but the 17th Army (32 regiments, strength unknown) was now also marching there from Cyrenaica, due to arrive on 23 March. Maximus decided to press on, trusting in the superior morale of his men and his prowess as a commander.

Battle was joined and unfortunately for Maximus, things got off to a poor start in Barca, which persisted on 29 March, at which point he pulled Legio I out of what was clearly becoming a losing battle, despite failing Egyptian morale: the casualties were mounting too quickly. He took his battered force back to Corniclanum, even as Legio VII – still almost at full strength – came the other way.

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With April remaining comparatively quiet in Africa, May began well with the fall of Carthage on the 2nd after 225 days of siege.

Legio VII had arrived in Barca in April to find the 17th Army gone. With the Egyptian 8th Army due to hit Barca on 5 June, Caepio had instead struck south to attack Cyrenaica, where the 17th had withdrawn. There, they had linked up with Setnid’s (previously defeated) 1st Army, with Caepio getting word of a barbarian rising in the enemy’s rear in Libya.

Caepio boldly pressed the attack, but he had lost a good number of men through attrition by then, while the Egyptians seemed to have picked up reinforcements, so Legio VII found itself significantly outnumbered. Despite an even start to the battle and comparable morale, things went badly from there.

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No detailed record of the middle part of the battle exists, but by 2 June Caepio had lost about 6,700 men. It seems the Egyptians received reinforcements from the east between then and when the battle was lost on 10 June, with over 11,500 legionaries slain and Caepio retreating in disarray. As in Hispania, early promise had turned to consternation for Rome in Africa by the summer of 594 AUC.

The situation after the decisive loss in Cyrenaica was complex and bad for Rome. The Egyptians were now pressing towards Corniclanum from Barca, and they would catch the still under-strength Legio I just two days before they could escape to Leptis Magna, forced to abandon their siege, while Legio VII would find Senuid in position when his rout finished there on 26 July. 17th Army had not yet moved from Cyrenaica, but if they followed too, the whole Roman position was in danger, even as the rebel siege of Sabratha progressed.

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As May was ending, the long siege of Malta had only made minor progress [13%], so troops released from the successful siege of Cyprus (see Section III) arrived to bolster the besieging force from four to eight cohorts. By 10 June, more progress had already been made [to 25%].

Legio I was caught and bloodied in Corniclanum (13-17 July), before Maximus retreated as soon as he could, chased by Senuid to Leptis Magna (Rome 2,991/14,754; Egypt 756/27,755 killed). Maximus arrived there on 20 July, with Senuid due a month later.

Caepio’s retreating Legio VII arrived in Corniclanum on 26 July, hoping to fight off the 8th Army quickly and escape, but after a day or so the Egyptian 17th Army reinforced the fight, outnumbering the Romans by over four-to-one. Caepio was lucky to get away on 30 July with most of his remaining troops still alive (Rome 2,759/12,303; Egypt 1,347/51,771 killed).

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August-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

With their position in Leptis Magna assessed as hopeless, on 7 August Legio I was ordered to head west all the way to Sabratha to relieve it: the town was almost lost [100% progress] and Legio XIII was still far too distant to intervene soon enough.

Legio XI (M.O. Crassus, 19 cohorts, 10,487 men) had meanwhile not been bothered in Nassamones, which fell to Rome on 27 August after a 253 day siege. He immediately withdrew west towards Roman Laguatan.

Unfortunately for Legio I, the roads out of Leptis Magna were slow and he was caught there by the 8th Army on 29 August. But he waited until the badly reduced Legio VII joined from their retreat, which was accompanied by the chasing 17th Army on 5 September. Despite the odds, Maximus fought a skillful rearguard action, before withdrawing deliberately on 9 September. Still, Rome had once again suffered more casualties than it could afford to sustain.

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Adding insult to injury, Egypt assaulted Leptis Magna on 10 September and took it after a five day battle on the walls. The bad news kept coming with the fall of Sabratha to the rebels on 30 September, who then headed to Cinithii to spread the mayhem.

The Roman retreat continued with Legio XI arriving safely in Laguatan on 3 October and continuing on west towards the Roman rallying point at Oea, which had not seen any combat since the days of the earlier Punic Wars.

But Crassus had been chased by Zagreid’s 17th Army, which attacked them in Laguatan on 14 October. The commanders were evenly matched [8 Martial each], but once more Fortuna abandoned the Romans as the battle began [1 v 4 die rolls], the heavily outnumbered Romans withdrawing as soon as they could, but not before suffering heavy casualties and inflicting few on their tormentors (Rome 3,579/12,463; Egypt 651/24,815 killed). Vae victis indeed!

At least the troop boost in Malta seemed to have worked, with it falling after a mammoth 759 day siege on 26 October. A week later, the detachment (eight cohorts) from Carthage was in Thapsus and making for Sabratha, while Legio I tried to recover in Oea. Then on 2 November, the small Roman garrison left behind in Nassamones was overcome after just 23 days of siege. And three days after that, the rebels were besieging Cinithii.

The situation in Africa remained grave, though Legio XIII was by now in Numidia and marching to destroy the rebels in Cinithii. An Egyptian assault on Laguatan saw it fall on 10 November. Legio VII was in Oea and trying to rebuild: they had crossed the border into Egypt with 29,000 men earlier that year; now they only had 4,714 left!

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By 17 November, Legio XI had joined the others in Oea. They had 86 cohorts between them, but only 27,948 men, more than half of which were in Legio I. On 26 November, S.A. ‘Bribula Maximus’ Barbula took command of the eight cohort detachment of Legio IV in Malta and took ship, headed for beleaguered Africa as Rome tried to stabilise its precarious position there.

The rebels were dispersed in Cinithii over four days of fighting by Legio XIII on 11 December (Rome 1,066/22,000; Rebels 2,976/8,000 killed). S.C. Maximus then marched his men east, heading for Laguatan via Phazania, to begin a counter-offensive to rescue Rome’s lost border provinces.

S.A. Barbula then landed unopposed in Leptis Magna on 17 December and tried a quick assault against the small garrison the Egyptians had left there. Naturally, this failed abjectly, Barbula losing 324 men into the bargain by Saturnalia.

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With the Egyptians having failed to press their advantage – there was speculation they may have diverted forces to face the Seleucids in the east – Legio I advanced east on Leptis Magna on 24 December, even as the Barbula’s assault was failing.

The events in Africa during this annus horribilis ended with the Carthage detachment arriving in Sabratha to begin a siege of it on 26 December. The Roman commander D.C. Otho dared not risk an assault with their 7,733 men, even though only 400 rebels manned the walls.

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Summary of battles and casualties in Africa against Egypt (rebels not included), 594 AUC: a litany of woe!

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Part III: The East

January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Some good news came on 15 February with the fall of Cyprus after 505 long days of siege [warscore to +20]. These troops were then sent over to Malta to aid with the slow siege there.

By 21 February, the Seleucids had lost the border province of Dumah to Egypt [warscore -1 in Egypt’s favour].

On 19 May, T.A. Barbula [Martial 7] took the newly re-formed Classis II (the former repair fleet left behind by L.A. Barbula) from Rhodes with 31 ships to hunt pirates off Aetolia.

By June 594 AUC, progress on the siege of Lycia was good, but that of Caria dragged on very slowly. Egypt still held Dumah, but the Seleucids had taken Phoenicia.

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T.A. Barbula (who was Consul by then) used his experience fighting the pirates to gain a reputation for being a disciplined commander on 25 June [allowing the ‘wedge’ combat event]. And a month later, as he was passing through Sinus Messianicus while returning from the destruction of the pirate nest, he received reports of renewed naval action in the Eastern Mediterranean. Two Egyptian fleets totalling 68 ships were heading his way from the east towards Mare Myrtoum. He decided to sit this one out, diverting Classis II (which had grown to 45 ships by then) quickly to safe harbour in nearby Sparta. A Seleucid fleet – the 2nd Nautikon – was also active in the area.

Barbula’s patience was rewarded when on 21 August it became clear that the Egyptian fleets had split up. The 5th Navy was in Sinus Messeniacus, while the 1st was to its south and heading east to assist another smaller Egyptian fleet fighting the Seleucids in Hermaeum Promonturium. The Repair Fleet in Rhodes was summoned while Barbula sortied from Sparta to ambush the Egyptian 5th Navy.

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The naval battle began on 25 August and was to prove a long and difficult tussle. The Romans battled fierce headwinds for the first ten days and began losing more ships than the Egyptians. This was turned around with fair winds and the arrival of the reinforcing repair Fleet on 17 September. By that time, Barbula had lost seven galleys, the Egyptians only two.

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The Romans saw barely a breath of useful winds from that point, Fortuna forsaking them well and truly. Only their superior numbers helped them ‘win’ the battle, though losing more than twice as many ships as their opponents. Gods preserve us if this is what victory looks like! was all Barbula could utter after he surveyed the cost of his victory and took the battered fleet back to port in Rhodes for extensive repairs.

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Thus stood the state of affairs in the East as 594 AUC drew to a close.

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Summary of naval battles in all theatres, 594 AUC.

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Part IV: The North
January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)

Blessedly for the Republic, there was only one small outbreak of barbarian violence on the northern borders during the entire year and no local revolts. A small band of Anglii rose in Hermunduri on 23 March, with P.V. Falto’s Legio VIII just to their south in Marcomanni and soon on their way.

In four days between 22-26 April, the Anglii were wiped out, a little loot recovered and 2,000 slaves taken (Rome 186/19,000; Anglii 2,000/2,000 killed).

Late in the year, Legio VIII would be ordered to Hispania to help recover the disastrous situation there.

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Part V: Politics, Manpower and Religion
January-December 594 AUC (159 BC)
As alluded to above, in mid-April another of the Barbula clan was elected Consul – just as things were turning bad in the Egyptian War.

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Barbula’s scepticism would prove to be a drag on Roman research, but he was at least a good military and administrative operator. Humphronius was not so impressed by his righteous stand against corruption, but knew he would be able to circumvent that easily enough as he looked to retire from his advisory post and seek a nice sinecure (or two) somewhere.

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Humphronius planned to move on some time in the new year.

Unfortunately for Barbula, within three days the delays in securing Nassamones (which would not finally be taken until later in the year) meant the Senate’s mission lapsed. But the loss of confidence in the state was soon remedied by a massive program of ‘sacrifices, bread and circuses’, funded via the very ample Roman Aerarium at that time.

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A new mission was soon on the books: revisiting war on the old enemy Pontus. Fortunately, fifteen years was allowed for it, as their continued alliance with the Seleucids would cause complications down the track if not neutralised before any declaration of war was made.

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Despite fears to the contrary, the annual omen of 594 AUC was a favourable one.

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By that time, and despite battlefield losses, recent conquests had advanced the territorial balance of the war with Egypt in Rome’s favour [to +39%]. But this had deteriorated somewhat by 9 September, after the Egyptian incursions on Roman territory in Africa [+32%].

Another decent military appointment was made and accepted by Consul Barbula on 26 November: Titus Fabius Gurges (Military faction, 25 years old) [Martial 7] would no doubt be a useful addition to the officer list.

The drastic bleeding of the cohorts in 594 had, by early December, accelerated the trend of 593 until the replacement bill at one point topped 100,000 men and the net position was in deficit.

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This parlous state of affairs had, by year’s end, caused some Senators to question whether the war should continue any further. But the hawks only wanted the chance to redeem the position, avenge the losses and ensure the price paid so far in blood was recovered in territory.

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Per Wikipedia: Vae victis (ˈwae̯ ˈwɪktiːs) is Latin for "woe to the vanquished", or "woe to the conquered". It means that those defeated in battle are entirely at the mercy of their conquerors and should not expect—or request—leniency.

According to tradition, in 390 BC, an army of Gauls led by Brennus attacked Rome, capturing all of the city except for the Capitoline Hill. Brennus besieged the hill, and finally the Romans asked to ransom their city. Brennus demanded 1,000 pounds (329 kg) of gold, and the Romans agreed to his terms. According to Plutarch's life of Camillus and Livy's Ab Urbe Condita (Book 5 Sections 34–49), the Gauls provided steelyard balances and weights, which were used to measure the amount of gold. The Romans brought the gold, but claimed that the provided weights were rigged in the Gauls' favor. The Romans complained to Brennus, who took his sword, threw it onto the weights, and exclaimed, "Vae victis!" The Romans thus needed to bring more gold, as they had to counterbalance the sword as well. Livy and Plutarch claim that Camillus subsequently succeeded in defeating the Gauls before the ransom had to be paid, although Polybius, Diodorus Siculus, and a later passage from Livy contradict this.

Most of the events related by ancient historians about early Roman history are considered legends, while the Gaulish sack of Rome is one of the first events which modern scholars are confident actually occurred, although the colourful incidents reported by tradition are not accepted.

All accounts of this story, with whatever variations, were written down when the Romans themselves were in the ascendant, conquering various peoples and countries far and wide and imposing terms on them. Thus the implicit lesson of the story was that those conquered by the Romans had no choice but to act as the Romans had acted towards the Gauls - i.e. submit to the victors and accept their terms.

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Finis
 
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Vae Victis, indeed! That was the most absolutely sanguine year I think we have seen yet. Why are we so behind that we get slaughtered thus? How can we correct this situation?
 
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By the time it was over, Bubulcus had lost almost half his force. And due to the intensity of the fighting, against his expectations he had not been able to stay in the field until Legio III reinforced to deliver the hoped-for killing blow.

Tertulus, by now regarded as braver than he was effective, still went in to the attack five days after the first battle of Turduli had been lost, hoping to take advantage of a tired enemy. The Romans discovered that Proctid, the Nemesis of Hispania, was not in command – his whereabouts and that of the 9th Army were unknown. It was speculated that he had moved on to Cynetes, been transferred or even killed in the recent battle.

Instead, the Egyptian Chancellor Manetho Omirid had command, leading the 29th Army (though it was not the largest in the group that defended Turduli). He was still a very competent commander, as he soon demonstrated by trouncing the hapless Tertulus and sending him off in rout following Bubulcus to Carpetani! And Omirid had barely raised a sweat achieving it.
:eek:

at the beginning of the episode it all seemed to be going so well, it really fell off a cliff! I hope our generals can turn the tide :(
 
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Thanks for being my dedicated two commenters this chapter! I’m about to start editing up the next one, so won’t spoil in my answers.
Vae Victis, indeed! That was the most absolutely sanguine year I think we have seen yet. Why are we so behind that we get slaughtered thus? How can we correct this situation?
The research has been really picking up for a while, but started a long way behind and the big and rich Eastern powers had far higher research for a long time. We’re doing our best to catch up a bit, but I think it makes a good handicapping effect, so that’s fine with me.
:eek:

at the beginning of the episode it all seemed to be going so well, it really fell off a cliff! I hope our generals can turn the tide :(
It did - then crunch. It’s not the fall that hurts you, but the sudden stop at the end! Still, Rome remains in the fight and resilience is perhaps our greatest virtue.
 
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Perhaps, though I haven't discovered/can't remember any techs that affect the base roll itself. Though maybe the difficulty setting might? I really don't know.
The mysteries of the Gods of War are not for mere mortals to know.

The 100th chapter of this chronicle will see the tears of the vanquished shed in abundance, along with their blood. But whose shall it be?
Everyone's blood, absolutely everyone's, scattered everywhere. The only winner from this has been Khorne, because he cares not from whence it flows.

Humphronius was not so impressed by his righteous stand against corruption, but knew he would be able to circumvent that easily enough as he looked to retire from his advisory post and seek a nice sinecure (or two) somewhere.

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Humphronius planned to move on some time in the new year.
Disappointed in Humphronius' lack of ambition here. Surely the Hispanic Silver Council needs a new chief, the chance to be chair of the Circus Maximum Board would be a diverting challenge and a seat on the Baleric Islands Oversight Comission would be a chance to be of service, particularly in the winter months. Tsk, tsk.

Finally of course I remain impressed at the Senate's utter lack of attachment to reality, the country is waist deep in blood due to the still ongoing war and they decided to demand the complete annexation of a brand new enemy. One can quite understand why the Civil Service takes such a dim view of Senators and Consuls!
 
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The mysteries of the Gods of War are not for mere mortals to know.
Quite so.
Everyone's blood, absolutely everyone's, scattered everywhere. The only winner from this has been Khorne, because he cares not from whence it flows.
The desert will bloom for years to come.
Disappointed in Humphronius' lack of ambition here. Surely the Hispanic Silver Council needs a new chief, the chance to be chair of the Circus Maximum Board would be a diverting challenge and a seat on the Baleric Islands Oversight Comission would be a chance to be of service, particularly in the winter months. Tsk, tsk.
Ah, that was only a start. We will have to do something about filling up his retirement portfolio ... ;)
Finally of course I remain impressed at the Senate's utter lack of attachment to reality, the country is waist deep in blood due to the still ongoing war and they decided to demand the complete annexation of a brand new enemy. One can quite understand why the Civil Service takes such a dim view of Senators and Consuls!
Indeed. Even fifteen years may not be enough, given the horrendous effusion of blood - and the war is far from over!

All, the next episode should be up soonish.

PS: Go Ash Barty at Wimbledon! Apart from being an Aussie, she is a gracious and likeable sportsperson of the highest calibre and a proud representative of her indigenous heritage. :)
 
Chapter CI: Mars and Horus (1 January 595/158 BC to 18 April 596/157 BC)
Chapter CI: Mars and Horus
(1 January 595/158 BC BC to 18 April 596/157 BC)


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Introduction

By the time Consul Titus Aemilius Barbula took the senior magistracy in April 594 AUC(159 BC), the tide of the war against Egypt had just taken a turn for the worse in Africa. A defeat in Barca on 29 March, followed by a catastrophic defeat in Cyrenaica in June were the beginning of a string of six consecutive defeats that threw the invasion of Egypt back across the border By the end of the year, Rome had stabilised their withdrawal, but had lost its two easternmost African provinces.

A similar pattern developed in Hispania, with a series of three defeats following the seeming decisive Roman victory in Gadira in June, as the indomitable Egyptian 9th Army was able to defy the odds, defeating a series of piecemeal Roman attacks from August through to October, as Rome tried to marshal its forces and return to the offensive. The Egyptian Western Fleet remained bottled up in Gadira, blockaded now by two Roman Classis – I and IV.

The northern border had remained comparatively quiet, while in the East, the long sieges of Caria and Lycia dragged on in Asia Minor. But the Egyptian Navy remained active due to the reduced Roman presence there after L.A. Barbula took Classis IV west.

At home, many Senators, who had moved on from their demand to seize Nassamones from Egypt, now muttered that perhaps a limited peace, with a gain of a province or two, might be sufficient. The Consul however was not for turning. In the background, Humphronius was looking to feather his post-retirement nest and would soon receive a mysterious caller…

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Part I: January-April 595 AUC (158 BC)

The West

In early January 595, Legio XII remained in Gadira, where the siege was still in its early stages of progress. The Egyptians were trying to retake Cynetes, which they assaulted from 3 to 6 January, but were unable to defeat the now much-reduced garrison. To the east, Legio III and X, consecutively defeated in Turduli and routed to Carpetani to recover, heard news of this failure and started to march to Cynetes, together this time, for yet another showdown.

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The Massilians joined the siege of Gadira later in January and by 6 February it had fallen to Roman occupation after 286 days of resistance. This of course flushed out their Western Fleet, while Legio XII (just under 6,000 men in seven cohorts) marched north in company with the Massilians as their colleagues were in Turduli and approaching Cynetes.

The long-awaited naval battle in Herculis Columnae started on 13 February, lasting for eleven days. This time, the brilliant Egyptian Admiral Ankhmachis Philonid was almost matched by Rome’s L.A. Barbula, with a massive 186 galleys under his command. The winds turned in Rome’s favour from 18 February and their numbers proved unstoppable. Philonid broke off with most of the 3rd and 4th Navies still floating, but they now had no safe port in the west to flee to. Barbula would hunt him down mercilessly.

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Proconsul N.F. Pictor surrendered his command of Classis I on 24 February, retiring back to Rome, while Barbula took 150 ships to chase Philonid, sending 36 damaged vessels back to Tingis for repairs.

By 7 March, a small contingent of about 4,500 Egyptian troops had entered Roman Olissipo, the rest now attempting to follow behind them: Cynetes was now safe, the siege broken.

On 8 March, there was a naval skirmish in Mare Ibericum where Egypt got the jump [+4.5 net die roll], sinking three Roman ships and losing ten of their own before fleeing after a week – back to Herculis Columnae. Once more, Barbula sent the most damaged ships back to port (21 to Rusadir this time), going on with 126 in Classis IV to chase the 66 ships remaining to the Egyptians.

On 16 March, M.J. Bubulcus (commanding Legio X) and D.L. Tertulus (Legio III) with 31,639 troops caught 16,802 Egyptians in three armies commanded by Manetho Omirid [both commanders Martial 8] in Cynetes. There was no mistake this time and Rome won a brief battle by 20 March (1,090 Roman; 1,204 Egyptian casualties) and pursued the enemy north to Olissipo.

At sea, the long chase continued, with another naval skirmish fought in Herculis Columnae from 28 March to 1 April, with just one ship being lost by the Egyptians (captured by Rome, not sunk) before they fled east again, doubling back to Mare Ibericum, followed by Barbula.

On 15 April, a collection of four Egyptian armies was attempting to flee Olissipo for Lusitani, but the Romans would intercept them first – in fact the next day. The Massilian 2nd Stratos approached from the south-east, but was five weeks away. From 16 to 21 April, a short but savage fight saw two Roman legions up against the Egyptian army group, who were by now significantly outnumbered. The Egyptians fought well, extracting a high price before retreating once more.

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The Egyptians retreated south back to Cynetes, chased by both Roman legions, while Legio XII (M.C. Rufinus) approached Cynetes from Turdetani and would arrive there 12 days before the Egyptians and their pursuers.

The next sea skirmish from 20-24 April in Mare Ibericum saw none of Classis IV’s 127 ships sunk, but the Egyptians lost ten of their dwindling fleet, which once more turned west in a futile bid to escape. In the West at least, Rome was once again firmly in the ascendant as April 595 came to a close.

§§§§§§§

Africa

In Africa, the Romans remained largely on the defensive. Legio XIII still approached from the west, the three main legions were recovering in Oea after their many defeats in the second half of 594. However, an eight cohort detachment of Legio IV had landed unopposed in Leptis Magna and was now besieging it to reclaim it for Rome. Sabratha remained in rebel hands, though also besieged, while the enemy appeared to be moving an army back into occupied Roman Laguatan. By mid-month, the situation was essentially unchanged.

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By February, the Egyptians had changed direction and were advancing on Leptis Magna instead. The Legio IV Det (S.A. Barbula, 8,000 men) had tried to flee, but were caught by 26,860 Egyptians on 23 February. It seems all it took was the start of an advance by all three legions in Oea the day the battle started to scare off the enemy, plus a good start by Barbula [Rome 7 v Egypt 1+1.5 die rolls] as they surprisingly broke off their attack on 27 February. Barbula enjoyed his most unexpected victory (Rome 1,305, Egypt 1,217 killed) and halted his own withdrawal.

Legio XIII (22 cohorts, down to 20,900 men due to attrition in enemy-occupied Laguatan) finally finished its long trek from West Africa on 25 March, S.C. Maximus taking up a defensive position in Laguatan and commencing a siege. The Egyptian 17th Army was soon advancing on them from Nassamones, due to strike them in around five weeks [warscore 36% in Rome’s favour at this stage].

The unlikely victory in Leptis Magna clearly went to Barbula’s head: once more he was making disloyal mutterings. This time, he was eligible for a triumph, which assuaged his concerns – for now.

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“There’s always a Bribula,” noted Humphronius mournfully when the news reached him. “I prefer sinecures, management overheads, facilitation payments and gifts in recognition of diligent service, myself. Never anything so crass as an outright bribe.” [More on his murky post-retirement dealings can be read in a later section.]

The 1st, 7th and 11th Legions arrived together in Leptis Magna on 18 April. Legio I (M.C. Maximus, 25,899 men in 38 cohorts) kept marching south to reinforce Legio XIII in Laguatan, where they should arrive on 16 May. The hope was that S.C. Maximus could hold out until then against the unknown strength of Amyrteos Zagreid’s 17th Army.

But when battle was joined on 29 April, it was discovered the enemy’s army was almost 35,000 men strong, which even the now full-strength Legio XIII was badly outnumbered by. While the two generals were of equal skill, Zagreid’s opening move devastated the Roman ranks. Maximus reasserted and maintained the tactical advantage in the following days, but the terrible damage had already been done, while Egyptian moral was barely dented.

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By the time the battle was over on 14 May, just a couple of days before Legio I could arrive, yet another savage defeat had been administered to a previously unvanquished legion.

§§§§§§§

The East

The Seleucids took Damascus on 3 January – they now occupied that and Phoenicia, while Egypt still held Dumah.

Classis II (T.A. Barbula, 54 ships) was ordered out from Rhodes to Syrtis Maior on 3 January, as the Gallic Flotilla which had landed the troops in Leptis Magna was being threatened by a larger Egyptian fleet. On 8 January, the Gallic Flotilla was attacked, before they could escape or be reinforced. They lost seven ships (including one captured) before the survivors could flee back to Malta.

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Judea fell to the Seleucids on 20 January: this second front may well have distracted the Egyptians from following up on their earlier successes on their western front with Rome in Africa.

Then on 22 January, Lycia finally fell to Rome after a siege that was well into its third year. The loss to disease and attrition in Legio V had been terrible over the period, exacerbated by large Seleucid formations passing through (even if their numbers may have helped with the siege in recent months): almost 19,000 men had died, without a land battle having been fought. Caria still held out.

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On 1 March, malcontents rose the flag of rebellion outside Rome’s naval base at Rhodes – 10,000 militia were besieging its walls. In response, Classis II was summoned back from Syrtis Maior (where it had failed to intercept the Egyptians) to Asia Minor and the much-depleted Legio V marched west to Caria. They would relieve Legio VI, which would embark on Classis II to deal with the rebels.

Just as the 20,540 men of Legio VI (S.C. Primus, 24 cohorts) were embarking after Legio V relieved them on 1 April, Rhodes revolted again, adding another 10,000 locals to the throng outside the walls. This would make the naval landing far more difficult than Primus had been hoping for.

A few days later, word came from Seleucia that the Egyptians had retaken Judea: they were indeed a worthy and resilient foe.

Attrition had reduced Legio VI to under 20,000 men by the time they disembarked in Rhodes on 9 April, fighting at a distinct tactical disadvantage. But Primus got the initial jump on the rebels and, despite some later setbacks, managed to win a very bloody battle by 26 April, dispersing the remaining rebels. These were casualties Rome could ill afford, given the drain on manpower of the wider war.

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Naval activity continued in the east, with Classis II (54 ships) trying but failing to intercept an Egyptian fleet of 25 galleys at Mare Aegyptiacum in late April.

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Rome and the North

Pictones (Gaul) became a fully Romanised province on 23 January.

By early February, the Roman manpower reserve stood at 57,975 with 69,918 replacements needed, around 13,800 more due to reach the legions that month (and thus further draining the dwindling reserve and increasing the overall net deficit). At this time, agents estimated Egyptian manpower reserve stood at 84,000. [A more detailed manpower analysis is included at the end of the chapter.]

On 9 April, an invading Anglii warband of 13,000 men arrived in Treveri and immediately assaulted the walls. That assault failed, but the nearest Legion in Marcomanni had quite a long march ahead to relieve the town – a price of having earlier stripped a legion out of northern Gaul to reinforce the troubled campaign in Hispania.

§§§§§§§

Part II: May-August 595 AUC (158 BC)

The West

The pursuit of Egypt’s dwindling western fleet continued with another naval skirmish from 7-11 May, once more in Herculis Columnae. Once more the Egyptians found the better winds, losing just two more ships before breaking contact and heading west – beyond the Pillars and into the open ocean. But the biggest coup for Lucius Barbula was not the sinking of ships but the capture of Egypt’s brilliant Admiral, 3rd Nay commander Ankhmachis Philonid [Martial 10].

As he awaited the arrival of the Egyptian Hispanic Army and their Roman pursuers in Cynetes, M.C. Rufinus (Legio XII – age 35) [Martial 8], got a dose of the ‘Bribula complaint’ and required two bribes of 50 gold to assure his loyalty [+33 and +32 to 91.4% loyalty]. He would soon have to earn his ‘management overhead fees’!

The battle of Cynetes (16-21 May) was another short battle where the enemy fled as soon as they could, this time getting a thorough beating leaving behind over 4,300 casualties and the commander of their 11th Army, Nakhthoreb Helladid, captured on the field (Rome 222/34,529; Egypt 4,376/12,011 killed). Egyptian power in Hispania was now on its last legs. All three Roman legions (III, X and XII) now chased the remnants of Egypt’s Hispanic Army to Turdetani. The Massilians would never catch them up.

At sea, things were equally grim for Egypt in the West. The next battle in Mare Externum saw 124 Roman and 49 Egyptian galley fighting from 23-27 May. The new enemy admiral was also outstanding: Naravas Senuid was Barbula’s match tactically [Martial 9], but he could not prevent another four galleys being lost.

This time, the Egyptians split up: the 3rd Navy (Senuid, 8 ships) went north to Sacrum Promontorum, while the 4th Navy (39 ships, no commander after the capture of Philonid) headed east back to Herculis Columnae. Barbula chased Senuid north with 116 ships after sending eight back to Mauretania for repairs. All eight were sunk in a single day on 5 June: Barbula then headed east to chase down the 4th Navy.

One of the repair fleets 13 ships (no commander) was in Herculis Columnae on 6 June when the enemy (who had somehow managed to procure a new commander, while at sea) attacked them with their 39 ships – though all were carrying extensive damage by then. No Roman ships were sunk but two were captured by the time the repair fleet broke off the engagement on 10 June.

This had delayed the Egyptians long enough for Barbula to catch them on 19 June and by the 13th it was all over: the enemy’s Western Fleet had been completely destroyed after a long chase, with one ship captured.

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On land, the battle of Turdetani (18-22 July) was little more than a skirmish (Rome 598/34,485; Egypt 604/5,787 killed). The pursuit went on back north to Turduli, the Romans suffering attrition all the time, where another skirmish was fought from 28 August to 1 September. Again the Egyptians got a tactical advantage and once more escaped to continue their fighting withdrawal (Rome 694/31,437; Egypt 249/4,038 killed). And by then, their 28th Army (just two regiments) had slipped off north to Carpetani but were being ignored for now.

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Africa

The main African front now became the key focus of the land war. But first, there was some good symbolic news, with Leptis Magna adopting Roman culture on 8 May, despite the town still being under Egyptian occupation.

As we saw earlier, on 14 May Legio XIII had been beaten badly in Laguatan and was now retreating to Oea, as Legio I approached. Also, Legio VII and XI (over 26,000 troops between them) had also set out to Laguatan on 30 April and would arrive on 28 May to reinforce Legio I.

M.C. Maximus attacked the 17th Army on 16 May, with somewhat fewer troops but a slight tactical advantage through his superior generalship. However Zagreid seemed in no mood to wait around for those Roman reinforcements, withdrawing quickly on 21 May back to Nassamones (Rome 2,858/27,903; Egypt 3,766/31,603 killed). The long series of major Roman defeats in Africa had now been halted, at least, if not decisively.

By 24 May, the now battle-worn Legio VI had finished its work in Rhodes and by the 27th were all aboard Classis II and bound to reinforce the African campaign, even as Legio V still maintained the siege of Caria.

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In Africa, the complicated choreography following the two battles in Laguatan played out. Legio VII stayed back to begin a new siege, while M.C. Maximus took Crassus’ Legio XI with him to pursue Zagreid to Nassamones. Whether this would end up maintaining the hard-won change in momentum or contriving another battlefield reversal remained uncertain.

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Egypt offered a peace deal on 13 June but only on the basis of a white peace. The lily-livered Senate would have approved it (62/99 votes in favour) but Consul Barbula would have none of it. The fight would go on to the bitter end: he was determined that Mars would triumph over Horus in this desperate conflict.

Legio XIII arrived in Oea on 23 June and headed straight back to Leptis Magna and a chance to redeem themselves in battle in due course. The next fight came from 4-8 July in Nassamones, where the Egyptians once more fell back as soon as they could – after extracting another sever blood payment, though both sides suffered (Rome 5,878/43,698; Egypt 5,099/30,792 killed).

After the battle, Legio I absorbed all the troops from Legio XI and consolidated the cohorts, then left a detachment of around 7,000 men to conduct a siege, while Maximus took over 30,000 men to chase the enemy into the Egyptian interior.

The same day (8 July) Legio VI (now down to only 13,685 men after more attrition) began landing in Barca, which it found unoccupied. The siege began on 14 July.

The next engagement in the Egyptian rearguard action came in early August at Corniclanum, another close-fought and bloody battle, with all of Legio I chasing this time but managing to arrive just before the Egyptians and therefore coming under attack. Following units would have to conduct the siege, as attrition continued to bite and the Romans ventured deeper into the enemy’s heartland.

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Leptis Magna was regained for Rome on 16 August after a 169 day siege. At that point, Legio XIII arrived and S.A. “Bribula’s” detachment was merged into S.C. Maximus’ command. The cohorts were consolidated, with 18,819 troops now organised in 21 rather than 30 cohorts. They headed onwards to Corniclanum.

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The East

By 27 May, the progress of both wars against Egypt was gauged, where the Seleucids had recently taken Arabia.

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On 23 June, following L.A. Barbula’s final naval victory in the west, he started back east with Classis IV, but only the undamaged vessels – 32 galleys. Another 85 joined those already undergoing repairs in the western ports and would come along when ready.

Caria finally fell to Rome on 10 July – after 949 days, easily the longest siege in Roman history. It had seemed like it would never end.

On 21 August, three different Egyptian navies were patrolling around in the Eastern Mediterranean (73 ships in total). 26 Seleucid ships were lurking near Cyprus. Classis II (54 ships) remained in port at Crete while a detachment of 11 galleys was up in the Propontis dealing with five pirate galleys [I’m generally not reporting those engagements, which have continued throughout the war]. The same day, another 47 fully repaired ships set sail from Rusadir to the east.

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Rome and the North

In early June, with the manpower reserve was almost exhausted and the net replacement deficit growing rapidly, the Senate authorised over 200 gold to start recruiting auxiliaries once more. Six cohorts of velites were raised in west and central Africa, their purpose being to conduct sieges behind the front lines, releasing higher quality troops for battle at the front. In the north, the beginning of a new legion to replace the troops that had been diverted to the Egyptian War began.

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On 4 June, the Proconsul N.F. Pictor died: it is believed it was from natural causes, though at 48 he was still comparatively young.

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Maybe his death helped to appease the Gods though, as the national omen was conducted the same day and met with success.

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In July, the manpower reserve was finally exhausted, with (even after recent consolidations) over 83,000 replacements still required. From on, only the 2,600 recruits produced each month would be available to reinforce the cohorts in the field. The Egyptian manpower reserve was still estimated to be 89,000, though they had little left in their treasury (19 gold).

On 10 July, the recently recruited African velites began their separate marches to Sabratha, which was still rebel-held [though at 100% siege progress].

But on 5 July, disastrous news was received from northern Gaul. Treveri had fallen to the Anglii and been plundered, just 17 days before the relief column of Legio IX could reach them. The province was not destroyed, but was badly damaged.

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T.C. Maximus [Martial 7] beat the poorly led Anglii [Galat Galatid, Martial 2] from 22-26 August (Rome 225/13,000; Anglii 1,666/9,883 killed) and waited for their inevitable return. But not before assaulting the 100 man garrison and retaking the town in a day, for no further troop loss.

§§§§§§§

Part III: September 595 AUC (158 BC) to 18 April 596 (157 BC)

The West

The next engagement came in Cynetes (9-13 October), another skirmish and another retreat by the exhausted Egyptians, back to Turdetani (Rome 625/28,293; Egypt 792/3,341 killed).

It wasn’t until mid-October that Legio VIII finally arrived in central Hispania – a month or two too late to materially affect the outcome! But they did have 19,000 fresh troops under P.V. Falto’s command available for tasking. They made for Oretani via Belli, in case the Egyptians fled that way. On 18 November, they were in Oretani and then marched to Turduli as the end of Egyptian resistance in Hispania approached.

The meagre remnants of the once-mighty and feared Egyptian army was trapped and destroyed in Turdetani on 10 December. The small 28th Army still held out, currently besieging Vettones. Their elimination would be Legio VIII’s little task: at least they would get to bloody their swords after such a long and ultimately unnecessary march.

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Three repair fleets, with 45 ships in total, set out from Gadira, Mauretania and Tingis the same day. They would rendezvous in Heculis Columnae and then transfer to the east as a single fleet.

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On 29 January 596, the still-wasted Legio III set out on a long march back up to the detachment they had left behind all that time ago to guard Pictones.

The final afterthought of the Hispanian Campaign came on 17 February, the few remaining troops of the 28th Army succumbing without a fight o in Vettones. The same day, Legio XII set out to complete a task long-delayed: the pacification of Astures.

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By 18 April 596, the Hispanian Campaign had completely reversed in fortunes since the dark days of December 594, with total Roman victory at sea and on the land.

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§§§§§§§

Africa

The last six and a half months of Barbula’s consulship saw the focus of the war shift entirely to Africa and the East. Legio XIII reached Corniclanum on 22 September, though attrition remained high as other troops moved through.

Three days later, Legio I was attacking the Egyptians in Cyrenaica and once more Zagreid fell back after the minimum engagement (25-29 September) had been fought out (Rome 658/22,630; Egypt 1,879/15,322 killed). The pursuit went on next to Marmarica, back on the coast and just one province short of Alexandria.

After this success, Legio VI left a small detachment to continue the siege in Barca on 30 September, Primus setting out with 10,400 men in 18 cohorts to Cyrene, which remained unoccupied by the enemy. S.C. Maximus did the same in Corniclanum, leaving 4,500 men there and going on towards Cyrenaica with 12,200 to follow up Legio I.

On 14 November, the first 4,000 velites arrived in Sabratha, where the rebel scum still held out, relieving D.C. Otho’s full-strength seven cohort detachment who were sent off to the main front in Egypt.

Legio XIII arrived in Cyrenaica on 16 November, still losing men to attrition (10%, as neither Legio I nor the 17th Army had yet left the province) and started a siege.

The Battle of Marmarica lasted longer than some of the previous engagements during the long Egyptian withdrawal and the numbers (after attrition had thinned Roman ranks in particular even further) were nearly even. But Egyptian morale remained low and after a slow start M.C. Maximus gained a decisive advantage, victory coming on 31 December. This time there would be no pursuit, to Alexandria: Rome was concerned about the tip of their spear in Egypt becoming separated from its shaft.

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Nassamones fell to Rome on 21 January after 197 days [55% warscore]. The running sore of Sabratha was healed on 19 February, with the siege detachment moving on towards Laguatan, which was still in Egyptian hands. But that too fell eight days later. Legio VII, well recovered by then, was now free to be sent up to the front.

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On 25 January, a new Egyptian army – the 2nd, with 46 regiments of unknown strength – was spotted in Alexandria and heading for Marmarica. The 17th, with 35 regiments, was still sitting and recovering in Alexandria. Fortunately, Marmarica fell to Rome two days later after only 85 days of resistance.

Legio I soon retreated south-east, to Libya, and would make it out with a month to spare. They hoped to be joined there by Legio VI, which finished its siege of Cyrene on 17 April. By that time, the war situation was well progressed. The Egyptians had reorganised up their armies in Alexandria by then, with the 2nd now just with 23 regiments still advancing on Marmarica, leaving 23 more behind in the new (re-raised) 5th Army. The 17th had also been split in two, with the 4th Army re-formed.

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Therefore, after a slow start, in the last year Rome had turned the tables on Egypt and had penetrated deep into their territory. But both manpower restraints and diplomatic developments in the East meant Horus could again be on the rise to challenge Mars, as evidence of their forces massing in Alexandria indicated.

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§§§§§§§

The East

September remained fairly quiet in the East: it wasn’t until late October that things began to hot up again – principally at sea. On 24 October, Classis IV was off Sparta after their long voyage back from the West. They were about to pounce on a small Egyptian flotilla in Ardanis Promontorum while Classis II was at sea and looking to block the same fleet’s retreat to Hermaeum Promontorum. Other Egyptian and Seleucid fleets were also patrolling in the general vicinity.

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L.A. Barbula attacked on 28 October – only to find yet another Egyptian naval prodigy in command and the winds set against him. He wrested back tactical parity on 2 November, only to have the 2nd Navy slip away the following day, with no ships sunk.

The enemy fled to port in Marmarica (still in Egyptian hands at that stage, with Legio I approaching from Cyrenaica in pursuit of the 17th Army), evading the trap set by Classis II. Classis IV was reinforced by one of the repair fleets and now numbered 43 ships, blockading Marmarica.

The Seleucids were gaining ground to the east, liberating Dumah and taking Tabuk by 29 November.

On 30 November, Classis III (47 ships, no Prefect) – the new fleet formed by one of the repair fleets from the west – was in mare Ionium and sailed on east to try to reinforce Classis II (49 ships), which on 3 December engaged the Egyptian 5th Navy (20 ships) in Mare Carpathicum. Neither side had lost any ships by the time the Romans won on 10 December, both sailing north to Mare Icarium: a bad choice of direction by the routing enemy ships, away from the safety of their southern ports.

By mid-December, a series of complex linked sea battles had begun in the eastern Mediterranean which would not end until 12 January. In two weeks of fighting in mare Icarium, Consul Barbula’s Classis II defeated the able Aratos Senuid, sinking two of his ships. The 5th Navy fled south-west to Mare Myrtoum, but found Classis III already there, with the two Roman fleets joining forces.

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The wily Senuid slipped away on 1 January but was chased back to Mare Icarium – where the puirsuit ended with his whole fleet being sunk between 8-12 January.

§§§§§§§

There was no more naval action in the coming weeks. On 4 March, the Seleucids added Nabatea to their occupation of Egyptian territory, which was now five provinces in total.

The war at sea resumed on 20 March, when the leaderless Classis III plus a small repair fleet attacked Manetho Omirid’s 4th Navy at odds of four-to-one. Classis IV broke their blockade of Marmarica to try to reinforce Classis III, but they were too far off to intervene in that fight. The same day, Classis II attacked the 5th Navy in Mare Carpathicum at similar odds.

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The battle in Mare Carpathicum was soon over with no ships sunk on either side, but the fight in Mare Myrtoum lasted until 29 March. Technically, the Romans won, but they lost one galley and the Egyptians none. But both the Egyptian fleets were headed to Mare Icarium, with a total of 140 Roman galleys closing in on them.

It was at this point that heralds announced the Seleucids had concluded a peace with Egypt, extracting Arabia and an indemnity as the price. It was now back to a one-on-one between the earthly followers of Mars and Horus.

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The initial fight in Mare Icarium was just between Classis II and the 5th Navy starting on 4 April. Aratos Setnid lost just one ship and fled south again on 8 April. There he joined up with the 4th Navy on 16 April, which had changed course there earlier, hotly pursued by Classis III.

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The same day, the 2nd Navy was spotted heading west along the African coast, so with Consul (for two more days) T.A. Barbula having things well in hand, L.A. Barbula took Classis IV west again to chase them. The Battle of Mare Carpathicum was still unresolved on 18 April, but Egyptian morale was completely gone and they were again outnumbered by four-to-one.

The Eastern Campaign saw a large rebellion quashed in Rhodes and Lycia fall in January, Caria taken in July and a range of naval actions (only those with where ships were sunk being recorded). But Egypt still had other fleets abroad and no longer had to concern themselves with Seleucid interference.

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§§§§§§§

Rome and the North

Funnily enough, a temple fire in Rome brought good luck with the expenditure of a little cash in October 595.

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Things were quiet until 3 January 596, when the Anglii returned for another crack at Treveri, but T.C. Maximus and Legio IX savaged then very badly by the 7th (Rome 5/12,775, Anglii 5,436/7,737 killed).

The new Danube auxiliary garrison legion had begun to form in Scordisci on 6 March. I had yet to be named or assigned a commander, but had five cohorts of principes, two of archers and two regiments of cavalry.

Then 18 April brought the Consular election. T.A. Barbula had overseen the waning and waxing of Roman fortunes as he handed power over to Gnaeus Servilius Caepio of the dominant Religious party. Though his scepticism offset the advantage for calling omens this should have provided. In the Senate, the Religious group was as strong as any faction had ever been in that body, controlling an absolute majority of seats. The Military and Civic groups were almost invisible, the Populists not far ahead of them. Only the Civic faction held any significant alternative power base. It was no accident they and the Religious faction had provided the last five Consuls.

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Two senior Egyptian prisoners of war were being held. Of them, Philonid would certainly not be released any time soon!

In his handover report, the new Senior Adviser, Bernardius, handed over a table tracking the erosion of Roman manpower reserves since the Egyptian War began back in late 592. More than three years on, the Roman manpower deficit would take very many years to return to balance, let alone a decent surplus.

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§§§§§§§

Humphronius had chosen to stay on for a while and retire with the outgoing Consul. In the last year, he had met a mysterious Roman ‘businessman’ – literally one of the plutocrats, whose interests ranged from Spanish silver mines to, races in the Circus Maximus and trade arrangements in the Balearic Islands.

“Pippus Lucretius Pluto, at your service,” that worthy oozed as he introduced himself. “My dear Humphronius Obscurus, I have a few lucrative appointments that would be just the ticket for such a distinguished public servant as yourself.”

“I see, that sounds very interesting indeed,” replied Humphronius with a knowing smile. “I think the more apposite question may be how can I be of service to you. Purely in the public interest, of course.”

“Well, quite. You’re a member of the public, aren’t you Humphronius?”

Yes, Pippus,” beamed the freshly retired adviser as the two strolled out of the Consular tablinum, arm in arm.

§§§§§§§

Finis
 
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Thanks for being my dedicated two commenters this chapter!

I meant to write, then things happened. :( Things always happen...

“There’s always a Bribula,” noted Humphronius mournfully when the news reached him. “I prefer sinecures, management overheads, facilitation payments and gifts in recognition of diligent service, myself. Never anything so crass as an outright bribe.”

Clearly, the Republic needs to invent index-linked pensions! (And the index, and pensions, and the stock exchange, and financial instruments... but these are all merely precursors to the glory of index-linked pensions.)
 
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I meant to write, then things happened. :( Things always happen...
Ah, but of course, and you are one of my most long standing and consistent commenters, so anything is appreciated whenever it may come.

but these are all merely precursors to the glory of index-linked pensions.)
Truly one of the wonders of the modern world! :D
 
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