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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … by March 938 CE, the young Russian Emperor and Fylkir Styrbjörn had led the realm into feudalism. His main concern was to start ‘building upwards’ in his home counties, to develop a strong retinue and levy and (eventually) a larger tax base. The only one of his many vassals that was already feudal at this time was Jarl Bertil II, the powerful leader of Flanders. Until the others began to adopt the same form of government, there would be a degree of political friction with the other vassals, along with two ambitions brothers and their factions and sundry other political troublemakers. A strong personal army would help to deter any violence or, if it came, to have a fair chance to defeat any rebels. And with a busy raiding program envisaged to fund an ambitious building (and bribery) program, a stronger Imperial raiding force would also be useful.
Ch 115 Q1: Holding Cities.Given it will be a while before I can build new baronies in the home counties and province conquests/revocations are also not planned for now, I decided to hold onto these despite them being the ‘wrong type’, despite the 75% (I believe from the Wiki) income penalty. I didn’t know/couldn’t be fussed trying to work out whether this was better or worse than giving them to direct vassals and taxing them instead. But if anyone has any advice on whether I should divest these or wait until something better comes along to fill the demesne, it would be most welcome.
I never thought about holding cities so haven't really calculated if it's more profitable to keep or give, but for some reason I automatically give them to high stewardship people for RP purposes.
Ch 115 Q3: Economics.The earlier question on keeping some, all or none of the cities is now due. And should I plough money into them, keep spending it on the existing baronies, or save a bit more to create a new one? Given economics is now a key part of Russia’s next phase as a feudal realm – and noting advice already received at the last Þing – any advice on timings and priorities at this stage would be very welcome.
I'd give cities to high stewardship people, and spend money only on the demesne castles until they're all built up (I posted a priority list of buildings once here, but I don't remember the order from the top of my head now, if I find I'll post it again. Basically build buildings that give good troops and avoid buildings that give light infantry. also, money bringing buildings are weak). Once they're built up I'd create new castles.
I vaguely remember an event or decision or something that created new holdings in empty holdings, but I might just be imagining it (and somebody will correct me in 30 seconds if that's the case )
Ch 115 Q4: Realm Succession Laws, Learning.Much value in considering subordinate kingdom law changes? I’m thinking not yet. For tech, I see monastic schools for temples and universities for cities can be built, though the latter are very expensive indeed and will take a very long time to build.
Not much to do but to wait, and send the spy to Constantinople (or if some other province has higher legalism than Constantinople, then there). Buildings for tech are very long term investments. About the succession laws, I like ultimogeniture more than primogeniture but both will save the realm from versions of gavelkind or splitting of titles among heirs.
And speaking of cities and income, it is definitely worth it to create a pet merchant republic - if you conquer a coastal duchy at some point, giving it to a mayor. The prince mayor will dislike you most of the time, but offers plenty of tax.
The Fourth Þing of Styrbjörn’s Reign – February 945
Time for the love to return to our Viking Russian Empire. Herewith the feedback to those comments I haven’t already responded to previously, concentrating on the questions and advice.
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Ch 115 Q1: Holding Cities.Given it will be a while before I can build new baronies in the home counties and province conquests/revocations are also not planned for now, I decided to hold onto these despite them being the ‘wrong type’, despite the 75% (I believe) income penalty. I didn’t know/couldn’t be fussed trying to work out whether this was better or worse than giving them to direct vassals and taxing them instead. But if anyone has any advice on whether I should divest these or wait until something better comes along to fill the demesne, it would be most welcome.
Personally, I always give wrong holdings away. Not because I did the math, but to get rid of the alert.
Styrbjörn holding on to them slows down their development as the mayors won't improve the cities themselves, but I can't say if the little additional income is worth it. Intuitively, I'd say no, as you can raid.
As a bonus information, if you wish to assign a new mayor, you can right-click the holding and simply give it to a random character. And speaking of cities and income, it is definitely worth it to create a pet merchant republic - if you conquer a coastal duchy at some point, giving it to a mayor. The prince mayor will dislike you most of the time, but offers plenty of tax.
I never thought about holding cities so haven't really calculated if it's more profitable to keep or give, but for some reason I automatically give them to high stewardship people for RP purposes.
OK, will probably get to it. Only hung on to them temporarily as I only had the four counties for Styrbjörn to hold at this point in his reign.
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Ch 115 Q2: Vassals Feudalising.Anything much I can do to encourage them or speed the process up? Other than building stone forts for them? Or do I just wait and expect it to take a lot of time?
It is fairly fast as long as their capitals share their religion and have stone forts, so focusing the proselytizing on these counties (though that doesn't look like being a problem) and building forts is all you can do.
I'd give cities to high stewardship people, and spend money only on the demesne castles until they're all built up (I posted a priority list of buildings once here, but I don't remember the order from the top of my head now, if I find I'll post it again. Basically build buildings that give good troops and avoid buildings that give light infantry. also, money bringing buildings are weak). Once they're built up I'd create new castles.
I vaguely remember an event or decision or something that created new holdings in empty holdings, but I might just be imagining it (and somebody will correct me in 30 seconds if that's the case )
Thanks. Plenty of initial building in existing demesne counties before I start creating new baronies etc, so I’ll file it away for later.
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Ch 115 Q3: Economics.The earlier question on keeping some, all or none of the cities is now due. And should I plough money into them, keep spending it on the existing baronies, or save a bit more to create a new one? Given economics is now a key part of Russia’s next phase as a feudal realm – and noting advice already received at the last Þing – any advice on timings and priorities at this stage would be very welcome.
Basically dealt with under comments on Q1 and elsewhere, I guess.
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Ch 115 Q4: Realm Succession Laws, Learning.Much value in considering subordinate kingdom law changes? I’m thinking not yet. For tech, I see monastic schools for temples and universities for cities can be built, though the latter are very expensive indeed and will take a very long time to build.
It may be an idea to also give Sviþjod to a loyal vassal and centralize the power. The benefit is that you'd have a powerful vassal. The problem is that you'd have a powerful vassal. But at least that powerful vassal won't have a claim on your titles, as Styrbjörn's secondary successor would have under gavelkind.
Garðariki, as your primary kingdom, doesn't actually need any law change. IIRC, it should go to your primary heir (as long as he's the firstborn), just as the screen indicates.
As for tech, there's mainly the good old CK II method of buying a residence in Constantinople for your spymaster, in use for many, many generations; there's the title bonus and your learning skill, small advances from buildings, random events, and - most useful - the scholar focus.
Looks like, if the factions and plots stay under control, it could well be back to Constantinople for the Spymaster again, as in days of yore. Scholar focus also worth another look (it worked for Rurik, and his stargazing wasn’t the thing that drove him mad).
Not much to do but to wait, and send the spy to Constantinople (or if some other province has higher legalism than Constantinople, then there). Buildings for tech are very long term investments. About the succession laws, I like ultimogeniture more than primogeniture but both will save the realm from versions of gavelkind or splitting of titles among heirs.
Won’t be building any universities for quite some time, I suspect. I think I’ll probably try for primo, even if it’s more the for the familiarity of it, as well as being ‘in role’ for the Rurikids.
It looks like Styrbjörn will manage a very successful feudalization, thanks to the raiding income keeping his vassals happy and his demesne improving. Looks like that content man is just what Russia needed - unlike some other people who shall not be named.
Thank you to those hardy souls who commented earlier and have offered advice. As always, any stuff-ups that follow are purely my own! Now to play the next session – trying to keep the historical sweep broad, so we can get through this game in reasonable time. Well, for me, anyway!
Yes, that is right: the patch that accompanied HF broke this game, so I had to roll back and stop updating DLC at that point if I wanted to continue the AAR.
Chapter 116: A Passing Parade (1 February 945 to 31 December 947)
AuthAAR’s Note:I’ve maintained the same thematic history book as per the last chapter. This one only covers just under three years, as the session yielded a little too much material to squeeze into one chapter. My writing up has been delayed, as I was quite unwell (neither serious nor COVID-related) for most of the last week and am only just returning to functioning humanity today!
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … The Russian Emperor, Fylkir Styrbjörn, had by early 945 AD largely stabilised his reign. He had the political factions – where his two brothers were most the prominent pretenders - largely under control and continued to build his demesne, largely through raiding, and had another aid about to set forth. Styrbjörn’s vassals continued to both fight one another and against neighbouring leaders to expand their holdings, which also saw the Empire’s boundaries expand gradually, even though the almost omnipresent anti-Fylkir defensive pacts remained in place. The Germanic faith continued to gain adherents, while the Fylkir’s vassals only adopted feudalism very slowly – the vast majority remained tribal lords.
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1. Council, Legal and Administrative Matters
Acting on the advice of the learned members of the Þing, Styrbjörn immediately appointed mayors to hold the four cities within his feudalised demesne. They all seemed to be very happy with their appointments and their Fylkir.
Mayor Kjartan of Holmgarðr’s opinion of Styrbjörn was typical of his newly appointed peers.
A few months later, the Fylkir decided to make a change to realm law, in the hope future acquisitions might require his span of control to be increased. The change to increase centralisation passed with the full support of the Council after a brief consideration.
In early November 945, the mad – but trusty – old Chancellor Grimr became the fifth Russian vassal to swear feudal oaths to his emperor.
But the loyal Grimr had only months to enjoy the fruits of his embrace of feudalism: he died peacefully in April 946, with his inheritance (one county in Russia, plus the other original holding in Ireland) split within his family upon succession. So passed, with uncharacteristic peacefulness, one of the more colourful, loyal and effective court characters of the period.
This left an important vacancy at the head of the Council, of course. And the best candidate available in the realm was good enough that Styrbjörn felt no need for a foreign recruit. Chief Refil of Járnberaland was an accomplished diplomat, still very young, actively sought a council appointment and already retained a high opinion of his emperor, in large part due to a recent gift [the reasons for which are explained in Section 2 below].
He was immediately sent to continue the diplomatic mission to the powerful and touchy Jarl Bertil II ‘the Devil’ of Brabant. Confirmation of Refil's appointment as designated regent followed a couple of weeks later. By that time, he had become one of the loyal members of the Emperor’s Party on Council.
With things otherwise remaining fairly quiet on the Council front during this period, good news was received from Spymaster Jarl Helgi a year later, in April 947: his research in Constantinople (where he had begun his information gathering mission in 945) paid off, though it was information on military doctrine, rather than the hoped-for cultural area. The desired advancement in Legalism would have to wait.
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2. Factions and Politics
The factional ebb and flow was constant throughout this period, but as the Emperor was able to keep it largely under control with only the occasional need to intervene directly, the Rurikid scroll trove now contained only limited references to these events.
But by late August 945, enough momentum was building in a range of factions that Styrbjörn felt the need to take some action. Bertil himself was considered too expensive to buy off – hence the continuing diplomatic mission there by Chancellor Grimr (at that time), which would ultimately pay off. Three other factional members were however sent gifts and they soon left factional politics behind them. One, Chief Refil, would later be brought into the Imperial Council as an Imperial Loyalist, such was his change of attitude.
Then in December came the disquieting news that Helgi had developed the ambition to become King of Garðariki! But would he act on it any time soon? Styrbjörn wondered darkly whether it might not be an entirely bad thing if his powerful kinsman fell afoul of his Byzantine hosts … permanently.
Just a few weeks later, on 24 December, came news from faithful old Chancellor Grimr ‘Son of Hel’ that his mission to Brabant had succeeded in improving relations with Jarl Bertil ‘the Devil’ [to +31]. He would continue to work on Styrbjörn’s most powerful vassal: perhaps the two got along well because of, if not in spite of, their ‘colourful’ personalities.
There was even better news for the Emperor in March 946: word came of the unsurprising early death of Jarl Kezhevat of Yaroslavl, Styrbjörn’s former childhood captor, who had robbed him of the jarldom his father Eilif had bequeathed to him all those years ago. Kezhavat’s nine year old son had inherited the title. The gears began turning in Styrbjörn’s mind …
It took a year for him to act, as his main force was still out raiding until March 947 [see Section 5 below] but in April 947, Styrbjörn summoned his Council.
“Refil, how strong is my claim on the Jarldom of Yaroslavl?” asked the Emperor of his recently appointed Chancellor. “Would it cause any wider political problems if I sought to revoke it from the usurper’s whelp?”
“Young Virdyan would be outraged, of course, but no one else will care, as your claim is strong. The Council would support you on this matter.”
“Excellent! Go ahead and draw up the papers.” Styrbjörn then turned to Marshal Barid. “Summon my Swedish and Russian levies, just in case the junior upstart chooses to resist.”
The writ of revocation was duly issued on 21 April 947, as the levies began to concentrate.
At that time, the factions within the Empire were at their lowest ebb for a number of years. Only the principal claims on Russia by his two brothers remained, and neither had much (if any) support from the other vassals. Importantly, Bertil was no longer active in any faction after the ongoing charm offensive.
Then a day later, a letter arrived from young Jarl Virdyan (or his regent, anyway) humbly submitting to the revocation: there would be no internal war after all.
It was only after the act was complete that it occurred to Styrbjörn that the two counties associated with the title had not come with it, and he had no legitimate claim to either at present. The mental gears began turning again … but nothing more was acted upon before the end of 947.
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3. Vassal Wars
The ever-acquisitive Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel launched another war of conquest in June 945, seeking to take the rich coastal province of Azov from the Christian King Mamia ‘the Accursed’ of Georgia. The war would still be going by December 947.
The very next day, Styrbjörn’s brother Tolir finally won the long war over Vestmannaland against Jarl Totil or Sviþjod. Tolir’s reach was extending further west from his original base and his power rose correspondingly.
By April 946, as Sumarliði’s war for Azov continued, Jarl Tryggve ‘the Unready’ of Ryazan (another of the territorially ambitious Russian lords) launched his own bid for the Georgian province of Abkhazia. By now, it seems King Mamia had either died or been deposed, replaced by a man named Ishkhanik, whose problems only seemed to be multiplying. This war would also remain unresolved by December 947.
Next came a relatively brief internal revocation war, launched by Jarl Helgi for the county of Belo Ozero against the unfortunate chief of that province, a Slovensky by the name of Miemo, who refused to yield to his liege’s demand that he relinquish his title. The fighting only lasted from 11 October 946 to 14 May 947, ending in Miemo’s surrender and another acquisition for Helgi’s personal demesne.
And on 23 April 947, Jarl Bertil began another of his bold (foolhardy?) attempts to conquer a county in Britannia, this time Sussex, currently controlled by King Bouchard the Fat. Time would tell whether this was any more likely to succeed than his previous failed attempts over there.
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4. Family and Personal Affairs
Styrbjörn’s concubine Beata af Vitebsk announced her latest pregnancy on 31 July 945. But it must have ‘unsettled her humours’, because on 1 November Helgi’s agents uncovered a plot whereby she sought to murder Styrbjörn’s second son (by the Empress), Prince Sigurðr, then aged 13 and heir to the Kingdom of Sviþjod. Such plots were a relatively common occurrence in Russian courts and when confronted with the evidence by an angry Emperor, Beata swore the plot would end and asked for forgiveness. Which, for the sake of their unborn child, he gave.
Whether it was spurred by this episode, or just a random occurrence where he had been subjected to criticism from within his family or the court, in late 945 Styrbjörn noted in his personal journal that he had discovered a new-found patience: this should definitely make him a better ruler in most respects, he believed. And was better than becoming an angry man by seeking vengeance over so petty a slight.
And this patience was rewarded on 1 March 946, with the birth of another daughter by Beata: Vigdis. She would be taught to be thrifty.
But the Gods, as ever, gave with one hand and took away with another. Styrbjörn’s older cousin, Rikulfr Helgisson – one-time heir presumptive under the old gavelkind succession rules – passed away peacefully three weeks later. He died as he had lived – in obscurity and without fanfare.
By mid-946, the previous infidelity of Empress Ulfhildr ‘the Unfaithful’ was finally forgiven. Not only that, but the love between them had grown further. And despite her cancer (which must not have been too aggressive), Ulfhildr managed to keep on keeping on.
Later that year, Styrbjörn took stock of his personal strengths and weaknesses as a ruler and decided to do something about his worst vulnerability: his nearly total lack of skill regarding the murky world of intrigue. The initial effects of this change were immediate and he hoped more opportunities to improve his skills would arise as time went by, even if the switch of focus had diminished his diplomatic skills a little.
On 28 May 947, Crown Prince Eilif came of age. It seemed his military studies had been very successful, the young man being described as a skilled tactician, brave and fairly virtuous. Though also cynical and ‘a bit queer’, according to court gossip. So, he was an accomplished military leader but run-of-the-mill in other skill-sets.
Rumour or not, his first duty as heir was mandated: a royal marriage was arranged straight away. The best prospect available of a similar age was young Björg, an apparently good Norse girl from the minor nobility of Tyrconnell. The offer was made for her to join the court and the most powerful Norse royal family in the world as the likely future Empress of Russia.
There was only ever going to be one answer. She arrived (by extremely fast boat) on 1 June and the two were married that day. With Imperial prestige abundant but cash always an issue, a Royal Aid Duty was called for. Björg had no direct claims to land, but it turned out she was the daughter of the Marshal of the Jomsvikings! It may not be the substantive connection to the Norse military order a marriage into the leader's family might have afforded, but could hardly do any harm.
Little relevant family news was recorded for the next years and a half, with a footnote to history being the death of a minor member of the royal family. It is said that Ingjerðr, daughter of that old ogre Hakon (and thus Styrbjörn’s cousin), succumbed to rabies on 12 December 947. She was 47 years old and had been married to the powerful and ambitious Tryggve de Normandie (ie the successful one), Jarl of Ryazan and Imperial Advisor.
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5. Imperial Raids and Wars
In February 945, the Emperor’s raiders were in the northern Black Sea and deciding on a new target for their depredations. It was determined that the one-county Duchy of Cyprus would make an excellent choice: it was not too far away; its Doux was a renowned snivelling coward, with a suspect character and virtually no military ability; there should be no chance of external resistance; and there would be rich pickings. The mixed raiding force of Russian Imperial Guardsmen and levies set sail once more.
They fell upon the unsuspecting Cypriots on 5 April, setting siege lines against the formidable castle of Famagusta and raking the countryside for ‘loose change’. The castle fell on 14 September, yielding almost 65 gold and a hostage, Princess Vadamerca, who was immediately ransomed to the Doux for another 10 gold. And back in the capital, it was discovered that the serial Karelian pest Chief Tuure of Ääninen now had the 10 gold to ransom a hostage taken in a raid some years before. Ka-ching!But Russia also paid a blood price for Famagusta : 441 men died during the five-month siege.
The less well-fortified Nikosia was the next to fall on 8 December, adding almost 93 gold to the treasure chests, though another 84 raiders were sent to the underworld. Cythium was taken on 15 March 946, yielding over 56 gold but costing 178 Russian soldiers. Saint Hilarion followed on 3 May, bringing a little less than 22 gold, but not costing any raiders to seize.
The county had delivered the last available plunder by 2 June, but the fleet still had some room left for more treasure, so the raiders moved to the other county on the island – Limisol. This was part of the powerful Byzantine Empire but, being so isolated, the Russians forged ahead without any worries. The castle itself fell on 12 January 947 (67.7 gold, 206 raiders killed). The last available treasure was scrounged up by 2 February and the raiders boarded ship, the chests filled close enough to capacity with loot after almost exactly two years of effort.
They returned to port in March and the gold was sent back to the capital, where the Emperor would seek to put it to good use.
Rather than launching another inevitably long raid, by early April a target for conquest was being sought. The Emperor’s covetous eyes fell on Sarpa, an isolated eastern province of Iva Struma’s Bulgarian Revolt. It looked like no one was home, it was close by and, as rebels, they were not part of the Christian pact. Not only that, but though not currently rich, it was a Silk Road county. Those Russian eyes became even greedier.
By 8 April 947, the last levies had been stood down and the Imperial Guard, now up to its full strength of 1,700 men, had already started marching to Sarpa by the time war was declared on the unfortunate Iva.
The siege of Sarpa began on 29 May and was over just two months later, with only light casualties suffered. But it looked like it was going to take a long time for a victory to come in the war.
A small Bulgarian rebel army (just 200 men) appeared to the north of Sarpa on 21 November [warscore 17% by then]. Additional levies from the ultimately unnecessary troop muster leading up to the Yaroslavl Revocation (mentioned previously) had joined the Guard in Sarpa at that point. With now around 2,400 men, two Russian forces headed out to try to bring the Bulgarians to battle [in the hope of increasing the warscore, and knowing that a land battle would need to be won to force a capitulation].
But the Bulgarians proved somewhat elusive and it wasn’t until 3 December that a revised plan would bring the enemy within Styrbjörn’s grasp. And that grasp was personal. Despite being only a mediocre military commander, he decided he would return to the tradition of the warrior leader and took personal command of 700 Guardsmen and a hundred or so levies (not yet included in the total on the map below) heading to Don-Portage, while Velmayka took 700 Guardsmen to Sarkel (where the Bulgarians had been heading) and Gorm stayed to keep Sarpa secured with another 1,000.
As events transpired, instead of continuing to Tana the enemy stopped in Don-Portage and it was there that the Emperor personally sounded the charge to attack on 30 December 947. His army was simply too large, well trained and heavily armed for the Bulgarians to contend with. When the pursuit ended on 19 January 948, only three Russians had been lost while over half the enemy company was killed. Styrbjörn had won his first battle in his own right, even if it proved a walk-over.
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6. Building and the Economy
The year 945 saw a range of infrastructure projects both finished and commenced, as the funds from the latest raid were applied to the Emperor’s home demesne (with some cash set aside for persuading vassals to leave factions and other contingencies). On 24 March, a level two barracks was finished in the capital castle of Nygarðr, and the next level was started straight away: it would cost around 282 gold (from a treasury of 477) and take 666 days to build. It was completed on 20 January 947.
A week later, level two stables were completed in Aldeigjuborg Castle (Ladoga). Given how often the county was raided by the troublesome Finns, a shallow moat (ie. level one castle fortifications) was commenced on 31 March, at a cost of 71 gold and taking 168 days. It was duly completed on 30 September, but by then the treasury was down to 81 gold, so no more projects were being commissioned, nor would be until the next raid was finished.
By late July 945, a survey of the core Imperial demesne counties showed that feudalism and continued development was beginning make them wealthy – forming a small but deepening sea of prosperity within the poorer Russian tribal hinterland. They were now the four richest counties for many hundreds of miles around, led of course by Holmgarðr itself. But the realm was still heavily reliant on raiding for economic growth.
It was not until 21 April 947, after the Cyprus raid returned to port, that the next new project - an expanded barracks (to level two) in Starya Russa (Toropets) - was begun (172 gold, 509 days). In addition, a new Housecarl Training Ground was begun in the capital, which was becoming a key centre for heavy infantry training.
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7. Religion
The grey cloak of Odin’s wisdom enfolded another five counties in the Russian Empire in a bit of a flurry in 946 AD, the gains including Western Europe, Sweden and the central Russian expanse. Nordgau converted on 8 February; Mari on 19 February; Desht-i-Kipchak on 20 April, Herjadal on 8 July; and Mstislavl on 25 November. The march of Reformed Germanicism now saw it dominate the Empire – though the spread of Norse culture seemed to have stalled entirely.
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8. Conclusion
As the year 947 ended, the border war for Sarpa progressed slowly but steadily – though it did severely limit options for launching new adventures while it crawled along. Political factions were proving amenable to influence when necessary, without too heavy a hand or great a financial cost. Jarl Helgi continued to be a rather unpredictable, ambitious and sometimes violent operator, but remained loyal enough and doing his job down in Constantinople.
The adoption of feudalism was still very slow, but this also meant the Emperor’s personal demesne grew more economically and in troop strength compared to most other Russian counties – and thus in the eternal jockeying for relative power between liege and vassals. Imperial family life remained as ‘interesting’ as ever, with the usual births, deaths, marriages, epiphanies and plots. The Emperor and Empress were now fully reconciled and the Crown Prince had come of age, making Styrbjörn more willing to indulge his desire to be an old-fashioned ‘hands-on’ Viking military leader.
A later portrait impression of the young Crown Prince Eilif Rurikid who, if he did indeed live to inherit, would be one day crowned as Emperor Eilif II of Russia. He was a curious mix of supposed homosexual appetites and military prowess and, by all accounts, not a bad man and not incompetent in any of the five ‘cardinal skills’.
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Endnote:I had no specific questions arising from this chapter, which covered the first three years of a six-year session. But as always, any general advice, comments or questions will be warmly welcomed. There will be a major ‘taking of stock’ at the end of the next chapter, in which a few gameplay questions also arise. The images for that are largely edited, so it will take less time to prepare when it comes time to write it up. Thank you for reading and supporting this story!
AuthAAR’s Note:I’ve maintained the same thematic history book as per the last chapter. This one only covers just under three years, as the session yielded a little too much material to squeeze into one chapter. My writing up has been delayed, as I was quite unwell (neither serious nor COVID-related) for most of the last week and am only just returning to functioning humanity today!
But by late August 945, enough momentum was building in a range of factions that Styrbjörn felt the need to take some action. Bertil himself was considered too expensive to buy off – hence the continuing diplomatic mission there by Chancellor Grimr (at that time), which would ultimately pay off. Three other factional members were however sent gifts and they soon left factional politics behind them. One, Chief Refil, would later be brought into the Imperial Council as an Imperial Loyalist, such was his change of attitude.
The ever-acquisitive Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel launched another war of conquest in June 945, seeking to take the rich coastal province of Azov from the Christian King Mamia ‘the Accursed’ of Georgia. The war would still be going by December 947.
there should be a couple of silk road trading post provinces around there. any vassal who gets to those will become very rich. Too rich, I might say. I'd wait for an opportunity to pounce on them and keep this top priority.
Rather than launching another inevitably long raid, by early April a target for conquest was being sought. The Emperor’s covetous eyes fell on Sarpa, an isolated eastern province of Iva Struma’s Bulgarian Revolt. It looked like no one was home, it was close by and, as rebels, they were not part of the Christian pact. Not only that, but though not currently rich, it was a Silk Road county. Those Russian eyes became even greedier.
Ahh Tana is the trade post. Sarpa is also rich, being part of the silk road, but Tana can become much more. Keep an eye there, maybe forge a claim and request from Sumarliði ? Marry the second son to his eldest daughter and kill their sons? How strong is he? How healthy is he? Who is his heir? A lot of questions
@Bullfilter, thank you for braving your illness and updating. I have three theories that I wish to share. Probably most veterans already know them but fellow newbies may learn something new. None will improve your gameplay but helps the scarecrow to reveal the wizard. 1) Most women die on the same day of the month as her children are born. I first learned that a married couple's children are born on the same day of the month from @JabberJock14 and to use this trick to check for a cuckoo using your nest. A woman's children from different husbands and a concubine's children are also born on the same day of the month. The death causes that produce exceptions that I have found are a) human sacrifice b) killed by rabble c) troubled pregnancy (she will die within one month of last child's birth). I imagine that other non-natural causes such as murder and battle will also be exceptions. 2) About half of the population age after death. How? During a session, death ages are correct. But upon reloading, anyone, who has not had their birthday in the calendar year that they die, will receive credit for that birthday. (Ex. born 3 Oct. 934, die 9 May 990, age at death 55, age upon reloading 56. 3) Recently the Emperor's daughter/spymaster was murdered by Jarl Helgi but he did not receive any malus. I have since seen unpunished murders occur in two of my games and once in another AAR (@Dunaden's People of Forest). My theory is that the spymaster discovers something and is killed and not as the result of a plot. (Anyone who wishes details on my murders pm me and I will gladly share.) To my fellow Americans, Happy Thanksgiving. To all, may you and your loved ones be happy and healthy. @Bullfilter, get well soon.
Fine sentiments, which I heartily endorse. These times call for watchfulness, resilience, mutual regard, friendship and yes, optimism. I hope you may all find these things and more in coming days and weeks.
there should be a couple of silk road trading post provinces around there. any vassal who gets to those will become very rich. Too rich, I might say. I'd wait for an opportunity to pounce on them and keep this top priority.
Ahh Tana is the trade post. Sarpa is also rich, being part of the silk road, but Tana can become much more. Keep an eye there, maybe forge a claim and request from Sumarliði ? Marry the second son to his eldest daughter and kill their sons? How strong is he? How healthy is he? Who is his heir? A lot of questions
This was my first direct encounter with a trade route province - I had fuzzily thought (without any prior checking, as that would impinge on this AAR’s zeitgeist ) that you’d be able to build a trade post on any such. Clearly not. There is more on this aspect in the next chapter.
Regarding Tana: good point, I can see now why Sumarlidi took it. There will also be some other developments with the expansionist southern lords in the next chapter that could become relevant in this regard.
PS: I will look into those questions next time the game is fired up.
I have three theories that I wish to share. Probably most veterans already know them but fellow newbies may learn something new. None will improve your gameplay but helps the scarecrow to reveal the wizard. 1) Most women die on the same day of the month as her children are born. I first learned that a married couple's children are born on the same day of the month from @JabberJock14 and to use this trick to check for a cuckoo using your nest. A woman's children from different husbands and a concubine's children are also born on the same day of the month. The death causes that produce exceptions that I have found are a) human sacrifice b) killed by rabble c) troubled pregnancy (she will die within one month of last child's birth). I imagine that other non-natural causes such as murder and battle will also be exceptions. 2) About half of the population age after death. How? During a session, death ages are correct. But upon reloading, anyone, who has not had their birthday in the calendar year that they die, will receive credit for that birthday. (Ex. born 3 Oct. 934, die 9 May 990, age at death 55, age upon reloading 56. 3) Recently the Emperor's daughter/spymaster was murdered by Jarl Helgi but he did not receive any malus. I have since seen unpunished murders occur in two of my games and once in another AAR (@Dunaden's People of Forest). My theory is that the spymaster discovers something and is killed and not as the result of a plot. (Anyone who wishes details on my murders pm me and I will gladly share.)
So Styrbjörn does ride off to war after all. A target that looks easy enough, the biggest problem may be if the revolt fails before he's seized the county.
In any case, it looks like feudalization goes off without a hitch. He seems to be the emperor Russia needs right now. Though he'll have to choose someone to give Yaroslavl to if he doesn't want to keep it himself. A good Norseman may do the trick if he doesn't want to revoke a title there himself. Of course, if he does he could give it to a spare heir to alleviate gavelkind's impact on the eventual succession.
I do fear for young Eilif's safety, but then again he does look like just the man the empire needs after Styrbjörn - willing to brave the dangers of the pact to aggressively expand despite it.
Being homosexual may also be a sign of the gods. To turn varangian (he already is, but you know what I mean). Be it as a simple guard - or as leader of a great host.
So Styrbjörn does ride off to war after all. A target that looks easy enough, the biggest problem may be if the revolt fails before he's seized the county.
In any case, it looks like feudalization goes off without a hitch. He seems to be the emperor Russia needs right now. Though he'll have to choose someone to give Yaroslavl to if he doesn't want to keep it himself.
A good Norseman may do the trick if he doesn't want to revoke a title there himself. Of course, if he does he could give it to a spare heir to alleviate gavelkind's impact on the eventual succession.
Right now, Styrbjorn wants to expand his base beyond the central four countries and hopes he can secure primo succession before he shuffles off. His plans for expansion become clearer next episode as well - though with an unforeseen (by me at least) wrinkle.
I do fear for young Eilif's safety, but then again he does look like just the man the empire needs after Styrbjörn - willing to brave the dangers of the pact to aggressively expand despite it.
Being homosexual may also be a sign of the gods. To turn varangian (he already is, but you know what I mean). Be it as a simple guard - or as leader of a great host.
He may not be used intensively as a commander, but I do want to have the Emperor and Crown Prince earn a few battle laurels (mainly for RP purposes) along the way, after having had to cocoon Eilif for so much of his career.
Happy new year to you all. Just a note to let you know the AAR has simply been on a ‘holiday break’ and will resume in the next little while. I’ve been working hard on my HOI3 mod in recent days as time permits during the traditional slow forum period. It’s pretty time consuming and complicated (I’m now into event creation, which I’m having to learn as I go), so the opportunity to give it a good go has been useful. But we’ll return to the Viking Russian Empire soon enough.
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Chapter 117: It Takes Time (1 January 948 to 9 December 950)
Chapter 117: It Takes Time (1 January 948 to 9 December 950)
AuthAAR’s Note:Yes, it’s been a long time since the last update, what with real life, the traditional slow forum holiday season, a seriously mad real world, other AAR writing and concurrent work on my HOI3 mod. But, as promised, the story returns. I’m continuing the thematic history book format as we finish off the second part of the last session. So if it’s too long back to recall many of the details and the brief synopsis below is not enough, it could be worth skimming through the last chapter (which isn’t too long) as a refresher. Anyway here comes a bumper edition, with plenty of questions.
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Previously, on Blut und Schlacht … the Fylkir’s border war for Sarpa continued well enough, but slowly; it thus limited options for launching new adventures. Political factions were being influenced when necessary, with some success, as Styrbjörn’s reign settled down. Jarl Helgi was becoming more unpredictable, ambitious and sometimes violent, though he remained outwardly loyal to Styrbjörn and applied himself to his Spymaster duties in Constantinople. The powerful magnates of the realm remained active, whether battling each other or seeking territorial gains on the Empire’s borders. Germanicism was expanding, while feudalism and Norse culture spread far more slowly within the realm.
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1. Council, Legal and Administrative Matters
18 January 948 brought sad news – Old Marshal Barid [Martial 22]died of natural causes at the age of 68. One of Styrbjörn’s powerful and sometimes troublesome brothers, Jarl Gorm of Bolghar - himself a very competent commander - was brought it to fill the vacancy.
He balanced the Council out as a ‘glory hound’. But it did ensure he was now inside the tent – and hopefully pissing out! One Hrafn, then Marshal of Uglich was soon invited to court and arrived on 7 February. He was renowned as a genius and an excellent officer [Martial 20] and soon filled the commander's position vacated by Gorm after his elevation.
The Council remained stable and generally highly loyal during the following months. Given Germancism was spreading so well without the need for personal proselytising, the Seer was set to work in late August 948 to research cultural technology – something which had not been attempted in the realm before this time.
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission.From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
In October 948, the otherwise nondescript Chief Pakstyan of Kostroma founded an independence faction. Overall factional politics will be described in more detail in the next section, but the key point here is that, having thus unwisely drawn the Fylkir’s attention, Chancellor Refil was sent to Kostroma on 11 October to fabricate a claim on Pakstyan's county.
“He doesn’t deserve to hold it – so I will take it for my own,” was Styrbjörn’s succinct guidance as he sent Refil on his way.
Refil completed his task successfully in June of the following year – and the Fylkir had the ready cash and ample prestige to press it.
But when he moved a motion to revoke the title from the upstart, he found his purpose unexpectedly blocked. Jarl Tryggve the Unready had called in favours with three other Council members to thwart the revocation, meaning there were only three votes (including Styrbjörn’s) for and five against! Had he proceeded with the revocation, Styrbjörn would have been branded a tyrant – which he was not prepared to see happen.
Just one of those three voting yes would have enabled the motion to pass: the Fylkir would now have to bide his time. He had been warned about the perils of ceding authority to the Council – but it had been unavoidable in order to see feudalism introduced within the Empire. Styrbjörn also noticed that Godi Åke was no longer a loyalist, leaving his position that much weaker in Council politics.
After another year, the Council was fully against the revocation at Tryggve’s behest – despite his highly favourable opinion of Styrbjörn. Purchasing a favour of him in return was considered, but discounted as both too expensive, while it was uncertain it could be used to reverse the current situation anyway.
As 950 was drawing to a close, the whole Council remained in Tryggve’s pocket, a couple only for another five months, but one – Jarl Gorm – for another two years! With Seer Hysing now the only true loyalist left, Refil was sent a ‘small gift’ to see if he could at least be swayed back to the loyalist party once more, in case some other contested matter came before the Council in the coming months.
Refil was then sent to Austerbotn, to see if a claim could be fabricated for it – and its valuable shipyards. And if successful, perhaps its revocation would not be blocked as had happened with Kostroma.
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2. Factions and Politics
It seemed the southward expansion of the realm had by March 948 brought it into contact with another of the more murky societies: the Assassins. It was feared this may become a bit of a worry if any Muslim subjects or acquaintances joined or used them: but it was a path barred to Styrbjörn and any true Germanic follower.
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins.Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
The never-ending work to try to keep the more powerful vassals happy – or as much as they could be – went on. Jarl Bertil of Brabant was given a spare Hirdman appointment in January 948, while Chancellor Refil had successfully wooed him twice more by mid-May that year. These actions brought Bertil to quite a good opinion of the Fylkir. And meant the Chancellor to be easily spared for other tasks – such as concocting claims on unruly vassals.
The despised – but for now protected – Chief Pakstyan doubled down on his opposition to the Fylkir by joining the ‘Jarl Gorm for Russia’ faction on 10 July 949. Might it be tit-for-tat payback for the Fylkir’s attempt to claim is title? The point was moot. The faction still only commanded troops equal to 30.8% of Styrbjörn’s troop strength. So while it was not an immediate threat, but the target on Pakstyan’s back grew even larger.
The heir to the Imperial throne, young Prince Eilif, approached his father mid-year seeking support for a plot to eliminate some otherwise unimportant young rival of his. The Fylkir wanted to humour his son in such harmless hijinks, so gave his support.
“Boys will be boys,” Styrbjörn chuckled indulgently.
By late 949, Jarl Totil had founded a new faction, made more dangerous when the powerful (and influential) Jarl Tryggve joined it in early January of 950. This time, firm action was taken to break it down, providing a small case study of Styrbjörn’s approach to factional politics in this period. Tryggve was bribed and by 19 January the entire faction had disbanded. The others were allowed to simmer along.
By late November 950, the various factions remained fairly well under control.
As at 9 December 950, Jarl Bertil remained (on paper anyway) the most powerful of the Russian magnates, followed by Helgi, Bodil and Tryggve. The Imperial brothers Tolir and Gorm remained in the top rung of lords, but a little 'down the list' in terms of their comparative military power.
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3. Family and Personal Affairs
While Styrbjörn was campaigning in the south in Don-Portage in early 948, his new focus on the sly arts led him to take note of some stories circulating about a certain ‘tailor’ with an 'intriguing' background…
But as his quest to improve his least impressive ability was just beginning, distressing news about his favourite cousin and former Seer Kolbjörn reached him from Romny in the far north.
The reason for this horrific act were not clear, but the consequences were. Now Helgi was formally branded with the opprobrium of being a known kinslayer. He seemed to be becoming more eccentric and violent as he grew older. In August that year, there was another burning: this time Chief Mstislav of Luki (a Slovensky) – though in his case he was an infidel Slavic worshipper, albeit succeeded by a son (Tihomir) of the same faith.
The Fylkir’s daughter Princess Aleta was married to the lowborn new commander Hrafn on 7 February 948. The marriage was matrilineal and with a significant loss of prestige [-400], but the man was a genius and Styrbjörn hoped it might rub off on any children.
Styrbjörn’s found out in June 948 that his family would be expanding again soon, after his concubine Beata af Vitebsk announced she was pregnant. Another son, Örvar, was born in January the following year.
And the lessons with his old spymaster tutor also progressed well during 948.
With few family or personal affairs of note for the next few years, a tree of the Fylkir’s immediate family was produced in December 950 and has recently been uncovered in the scroll trove.
Prince Sigurðr, 18 years old by then, was something of a disappointment – happier with dusty books than with a sword in his hand.
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4. Vassal Wars
After recent campaigns, it was the Jarls of Russia who had been adding more territory to the Empire through their border conquests than action from the Fylkir. Not all the attempted conquests succeeded, but many did. And the Jarls were not averse to fighting each other – even when they were brothers, like the de Normandies. In January 948, Jarls Tryggve of Ryazan and Sumarliði of Sarkel were at war with Georgia for two separate claims, while Jarl Gorm of Bolghar fought his Holy War for Ugra.
In April 948, Jarl Totil of Sviþjod declared a new internal claim war for the Jarldom of Hälsingland on its lord, Jarl Erkki II. Totil would win the fight just six months later, usurping the Jarldom on 14 October 948, with Erkki demoted to Count of Helsingland.
Also in April, High Chieftess Bodil of Lithuania became known as ‘the Strong’ – even though her military record was patchy against her various targets on the western border. But she was not daunted, launching a war to conquer Kurzeme on King Witosz the Tormentor of Poland a few months later, in June 948. Jarl Helgi was soon called into the war as an ally. But Poland proved too powerful even for their combined forces and by January 950 Witosz and his vassals, with assistance from his own ally King Dietmar of Burgundy, had Bodil on the run [78% war score in Witosz’s favour]. Bodil's army was scattered, while Helgi’s forces besieged one of Witosz’s counties on the Baltic coast, far away from the Polish main force , which had by then occupied Smaljeska(Smolensk). The conquest attempt finally ended in defeat for Bodil in October 950.
But Jarl Tryggve (supposedly the ‘Unready’ de Normandie, though he always seemed to be well enough prepared) had more success in the south, finishing off his war against King Ishkhanik of Georgia on 1 Jun 948 with the conquest of Abkhazia (along with its temple and city). This expanded the Empire's beachhead on the north-eastern shore of the Black Sea.
Tryggve’s long-running feud with his brother came to an end just a few weeks later: Jarl Refil (many quipped his name was actually ‘Re-fill’) had long been an unhealthy man and died of stress at the age of 59.
His son Botulfr inherited – whose ambitions got in the way of a good relationship with his Fylkir. Of some worry also was his singular notable personal skill – in intrigue.
Styrbjörn’s brother Jarl Gorm was the next to succeed in conquest, this time winning his Holy War for Ugra on 6 October 948. This was an important victory, which linked the eastern marches to the main body of the Empire.
Jarl Sumarliði of Sarkel extended his record of conquest by also winning his ongoing war again the Georgian King on 13 January 949, usurping the Chiefdom of Azov and thus creating a land link to the two Russian-held provinces on the Black Sea coast. At this stage, the Fylkir’s long-running attempt to conquer nearby Sarpa, on the Don River, continued [war score 67% - more details in Section 5 below].
Tryggve started another expedition in November 949, this time seeking to conquer Belgorod (on the Black Sea coast, west of the Crimea) from King Antal or Bulgaria. That war was still be going by December 950 [war score just +1% in Antal's favour].
In June 950, surprising news came from the Jarldom of Sarkel: Sumarliði, the great conqueror, had been deposed from his Jarldom by the new Jarl Halsten! It was uncertain how he had come to lose his seat to a usurper – but as was his wont, Sumarliði did not wait long to respond. On 4 October 950, he sought revenge by raising the flag of revolt against Halsten: it would be interesting to see who would triumph in this internecine war [war score +8% in Sumarliði's favour by December 950]. Some entertaining blood sport for the Fylkir!
A map of the territories controlled by the Empire by December 950 is included at the end of the next section.
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5. Imperial Wars and Military Matters
5a. The Sarpa War
January saw the Fylkir’s claim war for Sarpa dragging on [war score +24%]: the county itself had been long subdued, but at that point it was a matter of ‘running the clock down’ for the enemy to yield – Iva of the Bulgarian Revolt had enough other holdings to make the loss of Sarpa a mere annoyance at this stage.
The new commander, Hrafn, was Styrbjörn’s son-in-law by June 948 and had taken on the noble family name of Hede. And the new Marshal, Jarl Gorm, announced on 6 June that Hrafn’s military skills had improved even further [to 23, with Defender trait gained]. The war for Sarkel had progressed [war score +44%] but was far from over. In fact, it had become so routine that in early July, the levies were mustered and the ships summoned to Ingria so a raid could be conducted in the meantime.
As that process worked through, on 10 September the heir, Prince Eilif [Martial 15], was made an Imperial Commander, replacing some no-hoper who had somehow inherited a slot when the Fylkir was not paying attention. As Styrbjörn had resumed the mantle of Rurikid martial action in the Viking tradition, so too would his son. In following weeks, two more new commanders were appointed: there was another Sölvi [Martial 19] on 22 September. And a new man invited from the court of Vitebsk who arrived on 3 October: Gunnar was a competent commander in general [Martial 12] but his main claim to fame was being an expert siege master.
The ships (44) and men (over 3,300) were assembled in Finland[Sarpa war score 60% by then]. On 16 November 948, the Seer invoked the Sacred Raiding Toggle – but his invocation was (according to legend, as reported in the Rurikid scroll trove) met with a single bolt of lightning from a clear sky, which struck the rune-stone and sundered it, showering fragments on those gathered near.
They had forgotten the Laws of the Gods [of CK2]: “Thou mayn’t raid whilst engaged in a war!” Thor had spoken.
Oops.Yes, I’d forgotten the rule as that stupid minor war went on … and on … and on!
Rather than disbanding the laboriously assembled force, it was decided the fleet would sail first to Flanders, to pick up another 485 Imperial levies waiting there, then head to the Black Sea. Perhaps they could help bring the war for Sarpa to a more rapid finish if they invaded the homeland of the Bulgarian Revolt itself, mused the Russian leadership. The pick-up was completed on 21 February 949 and the fleet then sailed on, all the way around Spain, across the Mediterranean and past mighty Constantinople to the Black Sea, where they would not arrive for another three months.
The day they arrived off Karvuna, 20 May 949, a ‘two year warning’ was received by Styrbjörn about a would-be adventurer, a Hungarian by the name of Konrád Vilmofsi Drugeth, Steward of Feher. He was expected to assemble an invasion force by 20 May 951. But more immediately, it was time to land in the heartland of the Bulgarian Revolt.
But a lack of supplies immediately plagued the force of almost 4,000 men, for whom the only enemy to be feared was starvation. As became clear after a month of siege work and no major enemy force to engage in open combat, thus perhaps precipitating an end to the war [score +84%]. They sailed away to resupply at the nearby Russian Black Sea enclave, bringing back even more troops when they returned to Karvuna on 4 September. But although the ‘supply clock’ had been re-set, attrition was still a problem, given other conditions.
Building a siege fort was considered, but it seemed that might do nothing to alleviate the small residual attrition problem. In the end, with the war now seemingly almost over [war score +94%], no battle offered by the Bulgarians and attrition slowly mounting, the army embarked again and headed back to Russian territory on 17 October 949.
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition.I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
In any case, by 1 November 949 the Fylkir’s relative lack of personal expansionist aggression over recent years had brought his perceived threat so low that both pacts – Christian and pagan – against him had disbanded! It may not last and he could not take advantage while the nagging war for Sarpa continued, but this was still a welcome diplomatic development.
The main army was back on home soil by late November and those who could be were safely dismissed. A small levy was called out in Holmgarðr in December to oust some raiders (one of the subordinate Karelian chiefs) who had appeared in Ladoga. An Imperial regiment of 865 men defeated the raiding force of 292 by 13 January 950.
Early February 950 saw the Imperial Guard – at its full strength of 1,700 men by that time – take ship from the Black Sea to take the rivers of Russia back north [with the Sarpa war score frustratingly stuck at 99%].
Chancellor Refil was directed to investigate why the Bulgarians would not surrender in March. The answer came back on 16 March: the problem was that none of the field victory won at Kalach earlier in the war did not count as a ‘major victory’ in Iva’s eyes. Though it was also reported that after nearly three years of the war, she would soon acknowledge the inevitable.
The Guard arrived in Kexholm on 29 April – ready for whatever the Emperor might next task them with, once the war for Sarpa was won. That day finally came on 2 May 950, with the Silk Road county coming under direct Imperial control. Styrbjörn would hold onto the county for himself for now [even if it is the ‘wrong type’]– but his plans to build a trading post there were frustrated. The nearby port county of Tana could potentially house one, but not Sarpa itself. Though it did remain a potentially rich source of income, once developed.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa.Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
The next day, King Ishkhanik of Georgia re-founded the Christian defensive pact against Styrbjörn – no great surprise there, really.
5b. The Karelian War
But it was now time to act against the Karelian upstarts, long a festering sore to the north of the Empire and frequent raiders of sacred Russian soil. Council approval for this vote was unanimous. A Holy War would be called in the hope of claiming the entire Karelian country. Despite threat perceptions of the Fylkir rising again.
Imperial demesne levies in Sweden and Russia only (around 4,000 men) were mustered, with no vassals called in. High Chief Pudak responded by beginning to call in his allies from 17 May. The first battle of the war was fought in Karjala from 28 May to 15 June, where the Imperial Guard (1,700 men, 20 casualties) led by Styrbjörn himself easily beat Pudak’s levy (431 men, 139 casualties).
But there was a setback in Narva when 152 of the mustering levies were caught by a Karelian force of 535 invading from the sea on 21 June. The Imperial levy company retreated as soon as it could, but had lost 43 men for only three enemy killed by 6 July.
While levies mustered in Ingria, the Guard finished its siege of Karjala on 12 August 950 for the loss of 41 troops [war score +43%]. Styrbjörn then turned the Guard around to march back to Kexholm, where 583 Karelian allied troops were besieging it.
As often seemed to happen, at this moment a peasant revolt of around 1,500 yokels broke out in a distant Russian holding, this time in Wolgast (a holding in northern Germany) on 1 September. It would have to be left to simmer for now.
Styrbjörn caught the Karelians in Kexholm on 4 September and had led the Guard to another victory by the 26th, losing just eight of his 1,699 men while killing 207 of the 583 enemy. By then, the enemy force in Narva had taken ship and departed for an unknown destination.
The next milestone was reached on 16 October, when a 1,800-man army of Russian levies seized the tribal fort of Ääninen for the loss of 42 troops[war score to +88%].
But bad news arrived just five days later, with the tribal fort at Wolgast falling to the rebels. This would not do: with the Karelian war well in hand, the next day a force of around 1,450 men led by Imperial commander Holmger and Jarl Oddr took ship in Ingria, aiming to pick up 200 reinforcements along the way and drive the irritating rebels out. Alas, during this voyage, Holmger succumbed to a bout of scurvy on 13 November (he should have eaten more fresh fruit!).
Styrbjörn, commanding a flank of the Guard in Austerbotn as they attacked a large Karelian force in late November, made such an impression on the battlefield as he led a charge on the enemy’s centre that he became known as an inspiring battlefield leader – even though his tactical skills may be modest.
But the very next day, even as the battle in Austerbotn continued, Pudak sent a letter to the Fylkir: he had renounced his heathen Suomenusko Gods and converted to Germanicism.
Styrbjörn was furious, privately accusing Pudak of a cynical and insincere ploy to let him wriggle out of a war he was bound to lose. But there was nothing to be done about it – for now. The Karelian Holy War had lost its casus belli and was over.
5c. The Post-bellum Situation
By 9 December 950, the relief force was approaching its drop-off point to confront the peasant uprising in Wolgast.
The Russian Empire had expanded further in the east and south over the last three years, now stretching from the White to the Black Sea and with contiguous holdings up to the Ural Mountains in the east.
The perceived threat Styrbjörn posed remained comparatively low, with the pagan and Christian pacts having reformed but not yet as all-encompassing as they had been in past years. With Karelia now off the table, ‘sore thumbs’ of land in southern Finland (ie Satakunta), in the far north (the White Sea enclaves) and Mordva in particular stood out. Would Styrbjörn defy the still modest pagan pact in an attempt to seize one of them? Perhaps wait for one to drop out of the pact before pouncing? Or look for some other target – for conquest or raiding – in the meantime?
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6. Building and the Economy
The economy in Styrbjörn’s ‘home counties’ was booming by early 948. Feudalism was lifting their productivity rapidly in comparison to the still primitive tribal Russian lands around them. Holmgarðr itself had now become an appreciably wealthy county, even by wider European standards.
In Toropets, the barracks expansion [to Level 2] was completed in the town of Starya Russa in September 948. An further expansion [to Level 3] would cost 286 gold (from a treasury of 458), but could not be started until the castle walls had been extended [from Level 1 to 2]. The funds were kept in the bank for now.
And on 7 February 949, a new Housecarl training ground was completed in the capital. A stock-take of Nygarðr’s infrastructure at the time showed the facilities it housed after the post-feudalisation reorganisation.
No new building projects were begun during this period, but by December 950 thoughts were turning to the building of hospitals in the crown lands, starting with the capital.
“I am told that the prosperity feudal governance brings also increases our vulnerability to plague and disease,” remarked the Fylkir to his Council as he sought advice on the matter. “If the feudal crown counties are surrounded by tribal lands, does that insulate us from such threats for now? Or might plague sneak in through other means?”
“I am unsure, my Fylkir, we have not really had to confront this matter seriously within our own realm before, other than in Flanders, which has long been feudal land and prone to disease,” replied Steward Åke. “I will do as well customarily do at such times and seek the wisdom of the Þing.”
“Yes, please do so. And if they believe we are now directly vulnerable, ask them if we should build hospitals in all four of the crown counties as quickly as the budget allows.”
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals.Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
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7. Religion
The slow but steady march of Germanicism throughout the Empire continued in the three years from 948 to 950 AD. Vermaland (2 August 948), Veliky Ustug (20 August 948), the newly acquired Azov (12 March 950) and Finland (29 April 950) all came into Odin’s during this time. The moral authority of the Germanic faith was at an all-time high.
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8. Conclusion
And so by December 950, Fylkir Styrbjörn, Emperor of Russia, once again stood at a junction in the road. Many possibilities for action were open to him: some mutually exclusive, others which could perhaps be pursued concurrently. As ever, he had a few ideas in mind, but would seek the valued guidance of the Þing as to the pursuit of short- to mid-term goals.
“Fylkir Styrbjörn receives advice from the Þing.” A 17th century painting depicting the Emperor on December 950 AD, after his Holy War against Karelia ended prematurely with its High Chief’s sudden conversion to Reformed Germanicism.
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Questions
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission. From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins. Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition. I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa. Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals. Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
Ch 117 Q6: Next Steps. Any general advice gentle readers may care to offer on where to next. Peace and development? War? Raiding?
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Endnote:I know it has been a long wait since the last update, but it’s nice to be back. I wish you all a happy new year, and encourage you to view:
The AARlander - 2020: a YeAAR in Review generously edited by @DensleyBlair. It’s a locked thread, but if you wish you can comment on it here (the link is also included at the end of the Review). Please give it a read, spread the word, give the authors some ‘likes’ and join the conversation if you wish.
The Q4 2020 ACAs diligently revived last year by @Nikolai, where voting closes on 31 January.
All these AARLand community initiatives can only thrive with your support, so please do. With the awards, as always, while a vote for this work would of course be greatly appreciated, it is an opportunity to support all your favourite authAARs across a range of game genres and categories. I need to shake off my holiday season sloth and vote in them myself, but will do soon. Hope to see you over there!
Thanks for the shout-out, @Bullfilter ! Everyone should indeed heed his excellent advice and go check out all of the cool community initiatives going on atm.
As for this fine piece of work—I think I should focus on catching up with TT first, but I do keep the odd eye on what’s happening in Russia over here. And obviously what I’ve seen of the writing and exposition all meets the high standards one can expect from a Bullfilter AAR.
Those Karelians always know how to frustrate the Rurikids. If Hakon deserves a prize for being a persistent pest as a person, Karelia deserves it as an entire duchy. At least they should stop raiding as they don't raid co-religionists, so it wasn't all for naught.
Sarpa dragged on, but at least it didn't cause many problems and not much threat either. As for next targets - with Styrbjörn's excellent management of the factions, the time may have come to think bigger again. I believe that 30 years have passed since the last GHW... so it is time to call another one!
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission.From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
I mainly make use of that mission to turn heretic if I play an Abrahamic faith .
As I understand it, it only helps spreading your capital's cultural tech to the adjacent countries. Save for the great philosopher - if your seer discovers one, then you can get some tech points if you pay the guy.
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins.Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
I don't think so. The Hashashin randomly strike your courtiers sometimes if you rule over there natural sphere of influence IIRC... but I've never had the monarch himself struck down.
Their main use lies in joining them. Being the Grandmaster of the Assassins is very, very useful. Not only does it, as you'd expect, make murdering your enemies easier. I've found a main use especially if your marriage options aren't exactly inspiring. Threaten heathen, gain favour, use favour to marry, invade in the next generation with the inherited claim.
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition.I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa.Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
As a tribal holding, it is pretty useless. If you wish to keep it, you'd have to build stone forts, convert the county and then turn it into a castle. Then it starts becoming useful as a normal feudal holding.
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals.Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
Main focus with hospitals should be on your capital. While it is true that epidemics won't spread to your core lands, they can now originate there. And as your characters live in the capital, it's most important to protect it.
A well-built hospital can even keep the Black Death at bay, though luckily that one shouldn't plague Russia for a while.
@Bullfilter, welcome back to the land where leaders were men and not glorified bullies (looking at cousin Adolf, uncle Joe and brother Winnie). The land where leaders fought battlefield duels instead of a land where the "mighty" generals hide in command posts. The land where beautiful wildflowers grow freely instead of gorgeous English roses with thorns to prick mortal men. The land where if you want to have a cook out, you invite your relatives to bring fuel instead of calling for delivery. Where wars can end with a simple "Sorry, I am a true believer not a vile heretic" instead of a list of victory conditions crafted by a squad of lawyers (aka Loki's playthings). Welcome back my friend to "the land worth living" and please stay for a while.
Ch 117 Q1: Cultural Research Mission.From the pop-up I can tell that cultural tech spread rate is increased – I suppose that should indirectly and eventually increase the research points once counties individually ‘level up’ in cultural tech? Interested if that’s how it works, how significant the effect is and any other illuminating points about this mission. Also is a ‘great philosopher’ of major use or benefit to research (cultural or otherwise)?
So when you research a tech, actually that tech is increased in your capital. In time, it spreads to other provinces. Sometimes it's a neighbor province (of the same realm or a different realm) or a trading hotspot. When the spread rate is increased there's a better chance of a culture tech coming from a more cultured neighbor to your realm. Now for a culture tech to have an effect I'm thinking it needs to make its way to your capital so there are no sudden benefits but it's still something.
The great philosopher event gives a bunch (50 or 100 maybe) cultural tech points in exchange for some money.
Ch 117 Q2: The Assassins.Do I have anything much to be worried about with these guys? Can neighbouring Muslim rulers, for example, decide they want to rub out the Fylkir using them?
The Fylkir’s daughter Princess Aleta was married to the lowborn new commander Hrafn on 7 February 948. The marriage was matrilineal and with a significant loss of prestige [-400], but the man was a genius and Styrbjörn hoped it might rub off on any children.
Refil was then sent to Austerbotn, to see if a claim could be fabricated for it – and its valuable shipyards. And if successful, perhaps its revocation would not be blocked as had happened with Kostroma.
In June 950, surprising news came from the Jarldom of Sarkel: Sumarliði, the great conqueror, had been deposed from his Jarldom by the new Jarl Halsten! It was uncertain how he had come to lose his seat to a usurper – but as was his wont, Sumarliði did not wait long to respond. On 4 October 950, he sought revenge by raising the flag of revolt against Halsten: it would be interesting to see who would triumph in this internecine war [war score +8% in Sumarliði's favour by December 950]. Some entertaining blood sport for the Fylkir!
Ch 117 Q3: Forts and Attrition.I may have got this wrong, but read the tooltip as saying the fort would only help attrition in pagan lands. Or did it mean attrition there was worse, thus making the fort more useful there, but it might have helped a little anyway in Karvuna? I didn’t want to waste precious gold finding out (this being in Ironman mode, so I couldn’t experiment and scum-save) and per above, I had decided to pull out anyway, thinking the war nearly won by then and one more siege was not going to make a difference.
Ch 117 Q4: Sarpa.Another lesson learned. This whole drawn-out episode has proven something of a farce, I must admit … though a pretty good ‘character-building’ learning experience! On Sarpa, should I now hand it over to the ‘right’ type of ruler, to let them develop it (and eventually pay me taxes)? Or maybe wait for it to ‘turn feudal’ (presuming that is the reason the tribal holding is labelled the ‘wrong type’) so I can develop it myself to later boost the Imperial coffers more directly?
No no no don't give it away! There was an option somewhere to turn that into feudal, which will in turn the buildings in it just like what happened when we feudalized. I don't exactly remember where, and it was a counterintuitive place but I'm pretty sure there was one. I'll send another reply if I can remember where.
Styrbjörn was furious, privately accusing Pudak of a cynical and insincere ploy to let him wriggle out of a war he was bound to lose. But there was nothing to be done about it – for now. The Karelian Holy War had lost its casus belli and was over.
The Russian Empire had expanded further in the east and south over the last three years, now stretching from the White to the Black Sea and with contiguous holdings up to the Ural Mountains in the east.
Ch 117 Q5: Hospitals.Seems to me I should probably start to build hospitals in my four core counties, unless the expert advice is that it can be safely delayed for a while.
