Chapter 14
Manstein
September, 1937
It was a stout man of five decades, wearing the uniform of a generalmajor, who entered the restaurant that day. A waiter came to see if he wished to be seated, but the man merely shook his head and pointed towards a table where two other men, also in uniform, were already seated. Continuing his trek forward, the man caught the eyes of the other two, who immediately stood up. They were quite easy to recognize: Oswald Lutz, Inspector of Motorized Troops, and his chief of staff, Heinz Guderian.
“Ah! General von Manstein! So good to see you,” said Guderian. “Please, have a seat. We were just enjoying our drinks.”
“Thank you,” Manstein said. A waiter came over, and he asked for a water. “I’m glad I didn’t keep you waiting.”
Guderian chuckled. “Not at all! We were just discussing recent events. Have you heard about the bit of business in Spain?”
Manstein blinked. “What business?”
“Why, the Republican forces are divided among themselves. The Communists have revolted.”
“Don’t tell me that now they’re at war with both the Republicans and Nationalists?”
“Oh yes. It’s three factions now. The Communists, the Republicans, and the Nationalists, and all out for each other’s blood. The Republicans are even reaching out to France for aide.”
Manstein turned and shook his head. He was very grateful that Germany had not succumbed to this mess. The dark days, in the post-war period, had almost led to that, with the Communist uprisings and the party divisions, but all that had been calmed for now. Spain, in the meantime, was descending into a bloodbath. “That nation is becoming a mess.”
Lutz crossed his legs and leaned back in his chair. “Indeed. I have wonder if Britain is not too far behind?”
“Why? Is Chamberlain a Communist now?”
“No, but from reports we’ve had, Communism is gaining support there. Chamberlain’s party enjoys barely a third of support from his people, while the Communists and Mosley’s boys are gaining traction. No doubt many of the Communists from Russia and here have fled either to there or Spain.”
Mannstein shrugged. “I’ll confess I’ve been a bit detached from that. My mind is currently on military matters.” It was a true statement. Mannstein’s interests, both professionally and personally, were focused more largely on the military affairs of the state over the political. Politics could shift meanings and warp morals. As some officers were fond of saying, a gun means what it says.
Guderian’s lips curled into a smile. “Ah, just as you were at the War Academy, Erich. Perhaps then you care more about our much enlarged neighbor to the north?”
“Ah, the Empire of Sweden, I think it’s called?”
“The United Kingdoms of Sweden… Sweden… ah...” Guderian looked towards Lutz, a hopeless gleam in his eyes.
“Sweden-Finland.”
“Sweden-Finland! That’s it! The United Kingdoms of Sweden-Finland. Funny business that. Seems everyone wants to unite with someone. Sweden wants to unite with Finland, Japan wants to unite with China, and here we are, with eyes on Austria.”
Manstein raised his eyebrows. “Oh? What about Austria?”
Lutz shook his head before casting a sideways glance towards Guderian. “There is nothing official yet. The National Socialists in Austria have been raising Cain for quite some time. Who knows if Hitler will make use of it?”
The glass of water was placed before Manstein. The major general picked it up and took a swallow before saying, “The Fuehrer has always been intent on resolving the issue of the mutilation of the Fatherland. Are there any signs of what he intends to do with it?”
Guderian chuckled. “I would think that would be more your line of work, would it not? You and Beck both.”
“Yes, we have been running through quite a few scenarios,” Manstein said. “The greatest concern, of course, is with France. Nothing may have come from the ‘floral war’ bit with the Rheinland, but if pressure continues towards resolving the territorial issues inherited from the Treaty of Versailles, they may be a greater concern.”
“Interesting,” Lutz said. “And what did you suggest?”
“I suggested letting them waste their efforts against the Rheinland, forming a more formidable defense line closing to the river.” Manstein dipped his finger into the cool glass of water, then brought the same finger down on the table and dragged it along. The moisture left subtle shapes on the table. “Then launch a counterattack. Even if they were to take some industrial areas, the temporary loss of any industry would be replaceable in comparison to the loss of armies in their initial attack.”
“Was it well received?”
“Hard to say at times. There is as much party politics at OKH as there is in civilian government, I fear. The Fuehrer wishes to make plans that the OKH wishes to temper, but they haven’t the backbone to do it. Either way, I gave them my plan. I also gave some advice on how to perceive our defensive capabilities in other areas.”
“And what did you say there?”
“Well, I foresaw no potential threat from Sweden. Their military is busy with integration, and they would have to overcome naval difficulties if they were ever to push into Germany. At this point, they are of no concern. Besides, they have greater concerns of their own. For example, any potential desire they may have to push into Norway, or, alternatively, any potential threat from Russia.”
“Ah yes,” Guderian said, a chuckle escaping through his breath as he spoke, “the newly reborn Empire of Russia. Princess Anastasia and all that. Even here, some of the girls are seeing her as a celebrity.”
“Yes.” Manstein wasn’t too concerned about Anastasia herself, since he couldn’t read any hint from her life history that she had been trained in the ways of military affairs. His concerns lay well beyond her fame and celebrity. “The Empire of Russia is a bit of a wild card, and their military is currently of little threat – but the Empress has expressed a desire to regain lost Russian land. If her generals and courtiers pursue this dream, I fear it would be detrimental for our purposes. For example, while I’m aware of the Fuehrer’s belief that the Danzig corridor rightfully belongs to Germany – as it does – I advised OKH against any future plan of going to war with Poland.”
“And why is that? Don’t you think we could take them on equally in battle?”
“Perhaps. My greater concern is that Poland serves as a proper buffer between us and Russia. Whether Russia takes Poland, or we occupy Poland, both will be disastrous conditions for us. That buffer zone would be gone, and Russia would be right on our doorstep.”
“We broke Russia in the last war,” Guderian remarked. “Surely we could do it again.”
“We were lucky in the last war,” Manstein added. “The Russian army was ill prepared and we had the wisdom of Hindenburg. Yet I know full well what the Russian army can do when it is ready and willing to fight.” At this, Manstein paused. One hand absentmindedly reached down to his leg and began to gently massage it across the thigh. Continuing, he added, “I have a feeling that the Russians will not so readily go to war with us this time, nor will they so hastily throw their armies at us as they did before.”
“Do you not think we have geniuses now?” Guderian asked. “We had a Hindenburg, certainly, but now I dare say we have a dozen Hindenburgs at our disposal. We’d be more than a match for the Russians.”
“I have no doubt about the capability of our officers. Nonetheless, if we so readily permit a war with Poland, we may likewise permit a war with Russia. And with a war with Russia, and France, we will find ourselves on two fronts yet again. That is something we must avoid. Especially if the Russian military were allowed to rebuild, and remobilize. If they reach their full potential, then it will be even worse than 1914.”
“Those are wise words,” said Lutz. “And I hope they are heeded by OKH.”
“As do I,” said Manstein. “But we shall see.” He looked down, and saw the lines he had drawn on the table were now completely dried up, and no longer visible.
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