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The Price of Victory (Part 1)

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*chooooooooo*

"Quitting time", the husky foreman bellowed.
Willhelm looked at the wall he had been laying, with a sense of pride.
"What the damned Communards had destroyed we will now rebuild," he thought to himself.
"Hey, Sarge," said Hans patting him on the back, "Good work today. A couple of us guys are going down to Zur Sonne. We were wondering if you wanted to join us?"
"I told you before, I'm not a Sergeant any more, call me Willie. As to your offer, I'd like to but can't. The Missus made me promise I'd come home directly after work. She said she had something to tell me."
"Suit yourself. Hey, lads let's go."
Willhelm felt bad about letting his former brothers in arms down, but Erika had been fairly insistent that he'd come home today. Walking toward the tram station, he looked at the new Frankfurt rising from the ruins. The Reds had managed to reach the Rhine on the Sedantag of 1939, but they had managed to repel them after brutal fighting which made the Weltkrieg look like childs play. He thought of Grüber, Müller, Meier and the others that had been left behind into the fields of Elsass. On his meandering way down memory lane Willhelm almost missed his stop, but managed to jump off just in the nick of time. Disappearing into side-streets he found his way flanked by the wooden apartments that had been set up to house the people who had lost their homes to the war, himself included. Walking in a slow pace he watched the the children running between the houses with seemingly not a care in the world. When suddenly one of them appeared in front of him.
"Papa," the runt yelled, it was his little boy Max. "How was your day?"
"Wonderful, what did you do today," he asked Max picking him up and setting him on his shoulders.
"Great, me and Klaus watched the older boys play football and then we went bug hunting. I caught a beetle this big," Max said putting his two fists together.
"Well that's super!" Willhelm said to his son. Max continued to regale him with the tale of the beetles as well as the local boys football match perched on Willhelm's shoulders as the latter walked towards their apartment building through the growing darkness of the evening streets with the incandescent street lights flickering slightly. Stepping through the door he found himself greeted by the chestnut haired Erika.
"Welcome home," she said giving him a kiss on the cheek and plucking Max off Willhelm's shoulders. "Go change and wash your hands sweetie, dinner is just about ready."
"Okay," Max said in a peppy tone heading towards the bathroom.
"So what was so important that you couldn't tell me in the morning, but made sure I come home directly after work," Willhelm inquired from his wife as Max was scampering off.
"Well I wasn't sure in the morning so I went to see Doctor Böhm and he confirmed it. You're going to be a dad again," Erika replied.
"I don't understand, I'm already a dad," Willhelm said looking at his wife quizzically. Looking at his wifes' joyous face and repeating her words in his head he however realized what she had said.
"Oh, oh. Really? How long until..." he asked.
"I don't know, the Doctor Böhm said that it's probably been two months," Erika replied in her infectiously happy voice.
"Two months, eh... So that would be around the ti...," Willhelm tried to say.
"Around the time they finally let you home for good," she replied cutting him off.


The Far Eastern Crisis had been the last nail in the coffin for the conservative DKP-Zentrum-NLP coalition. Brüning's resignation had lead to Zentrum pulling out of the coalition and the remaining DKP-NLP government struggled to do much for the what little remained of their term. This helplessness happened possibly at the worst possible time as growing shortage of workers had slowed down German economic growth and impeded any serious plans for reconstruction. Combined with civil unrest as well as general disillusionment with government policy, in the wake of the disastrous handling of the Far East, lead to a land slide victory in the 1947 elections for the reform coalition headed by the SPD.

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Kurt Schumacher had lead the effort in purging the reputation of association with
Syndicalism from the SPD which had contributed to their first national victory

The SPD, headed by the charismatic Kurt Schumacher campaigned on a policy of demobilization, reconstruction as well as the creation of a welfare state. Not even 3 weeks into office, on the 26th of March 1947 the Reichstag signed into law the military cut backs argued for by the reform coalition, disbanding 25% of active army divisions and demobilizing another 20%. Both the Navy and the Air Force also saw similar cutbacks with close to 50% of the warships being mothballed and a similar amount of aircraft being scrapped. The influx of former soldiers now flooded the labour market and combined with the capital now freed from military expenditures lead to an economic boom. The SPD used this as an opportunity to divert money towards a national reconstruction fund largely focused on, but not limited to, the areas most affected by the Syndicalist War. This policy of stimulus initially worked wonders on reviving the German private economy, which had still yet to truly recover following Black Monday and the subsequent nationalization of heavy industry.

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German troops receiving their demobilization orders circa April 1947

In recognition of the war effort of the German women, Schumacher also introduced the controversial suffrage bill, hoping to both court the new and fairly leftward leaning working class female electorate as well as right, what he called, an historic injustice. During the early parts of the Syndicalist War, the quick advance of the Communard armoured offensive had resulted in the mobilization of nearly all men aged 18-23, in an attempt to blunt the advance of the French juggernaut with a sheer mass of men. Even after the French had been repulsed at the Rhine, the war effort required more and more men to replace the rapidly mounting losses. The mobilization was subsequently expanded to 25 after the Battle of the Rhine and 28 following the brutal fighting in Paris, which levelled most of the city. The growing shortage of workers caused more and more factories to start employing women on a larger scale in order meet wartime demands.

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The Syndicalist War had significantly contributed to the undermining of the 3K's in the Kaiserreich

The Peace with Honour resulted in some of the men returning to the factories, as the government started a slow policy of demobilization of the older and less physically fit soldiers. This return of men had the unexpected side effect of energizing the suffragette movement. Many of these "Rosa's" felt cheated due to being sacked with ease, as the unions applied pressure for the jobs to be returned to proper unionised labour, which many factories went along with. Although the SPD had championed the cause of working class women during the Interwar era, many trade unions felt increasingly threatened by non-union women causing many SPD parliamentarians with strong union ties to waver on the cause of extension of suffrage to women. The FVP proved vital in pushing the bill through, as on the day of the vote a notable chunk of the SPD boycotted the vote.

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Reconstruction projects helped to push down unemployment, but
the Board assigned to manage itself quickly found itself short of funds

Although the mass demobilization proved an economic boon at first, the economic issues stemming from the close to a decade of war footing started to creep in. The war had seen a massive expansion of state-controlled industry dedicated solely to the producing weapons, munitions and supplies for the war effort. This "war" industry now found itself increasingly unnecessary on the current scale, contributing to a growth of unemployment that started to outpace the amount of jobs provided by the reconstruction projects. Likewise smaller private enterprises that had worked at supplying raw resources and other necessities across Mitteleuropa found themselves increasingly facing insolvency. The issue reached its peak on the 12th of July 1948, when the Schumacher government announced the reorganization of 15 of the biggest state held industrial concerns. The plan foresaw the de facto shuttering of 10 of them in an attempt to rationalize the production and further cut down on military expenses. The sudden spike in unemployment as well as the steep dip in the stock markets the following day echoed across Europe. The memories of Black Monday were still fresh in the minds of many governments across Europe causing many of them act quickly to avoid a repeat of disastrous depression of the late '30s. Their dependence on German markets however ended up hampering any real attempt to stop the slowdown as the economic turndown in Germany continued.

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Mitteleuropan bureaucrats wished to avoid the instability following
Black Friday, but found their hands tied by the collapsing German markets

Trade unions felt themselves betrayed by the SPD at the firing of the largely unionised workforce of the state-run military industry and called for strikes to dissuade such actions in the future. The SPD now found itself under fire on both sides of the aisle, as the conservatives and liberals blamed it for causing another depression and the trade unionists and more left-wing SPD members blamed it for betraying what the party claimed to stand for. The post-war economic turndown proved to be the first problem for the Schumacher cabinet, as the situations showed no clear signs of improvement. Although unemployment had stopped growing at around 8% it seemed to be remaining stable and looked unwilling to respond to increased funding of the reconstruction projects. Short on options to solve the crisis quickly the Schumacher government approached the striking unions for negotiations, whereby the government reaffirmed the rights of the unions as well as set about implementing stricter laws to avoid such mass firings in the future. Having secured their rear the government proceeded to hunker down hoping that continued stimulus of the reconstruction projects as well as the slow transition away from a war footing towards consumer necessities would help them weather the storm.

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Protests were strongest in the Rhineland, where the destruction of the war had
limited employment opportunities but the government run industrial giants
 
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So Germany didnt go for the Blitzkreig Doctrine?
Better that we had all burned in the fires of the communards ambition than live to see this.
 
So Germany didnt go for the Blitzkreig Doctrine?
Better that we had all burned in the fires of the communards ambition than live to see this.

Indeed, they didn't. The Kaiser decided to back the traditionalists. Although I'm not particularly sure that Blitzkreig could've blunted the Communard advance regardless.
 
Germany seems to be making an uneasy transition to a peacetime economy, though to be fair having one of the most heavily industrialized regions of the country wrecked by a foreign power will probably do that to you.
 
The Price of Victory (Part 2)
*tink*
*tink*
*tink*

"Oi, George. You in there?" three voices yelled in unison.
"What do you want?" said the sleepy faced George appearing from the second floor window.
"We were just wondering, if you were going to show up for the exam is all. Bill went in and there's only 2 people after him."
"I thought that you lot were one head short. Don't move, I'll be down in a jiffy."
Rattling could be heard from inside the house as George hurried to get downstairs.
"How did you do on your one, Harold?"
"Barely passed, Richard. Same for Thomas."
"Oi, can it. I did better than I expected. How did you do then, Rich?"
"Bloody well actually, I got damn lucky and managed to snag the easier questions." he said straightening his Yunsyngue badge.
"Eh, you would've managed fine regardless. A knack for writing that even outshines Comrade Blair, isn't that what the teacher said?"

As Thomas said that George finally sprung out the door. However before he could say anything Richard whistled. Not even a few seconds after he did so a K30 pulled up and from the back of it poured out 4 soldiers. The soldiers quickly tackled George, bound his hands and feet and threw him in the back of the lorry. Whilst they did so a fifth figure had popped out of the front of the lorry.
"Well done, Comrade Davies." he said shaking Richards' hand. "Rooting out reactionaries is the job of any true Young Syndicalist."
"Glad to be of service!" George calmly replied.


The entry of the Combined Syndicates of America into the Great War of Liberation had had a massively positive effect on the morale in the Union of Britain. Its entry and subsequent annihilation of the hated Royalists in Canada had proven a great boost to a previously wavering morale. Whilst the British had also hoped for food from its overseas ally, the process of collectivization had seemingly emptied the once endless granaries of America and thus American entry did little to ease the increasingly austere rations provided to the populace under the Rationing Bureau at first. However fears of public revolt as a result of war exhaustion were soon quelled by further quick and successive victories of the Americans over the Royalists, with the fall of the hated tyrant Edward bringing about a turning point for the population towards increasingly positive feelings. With the fall of Canada and the subsequent combined victory over the remnants of the Entente fleet in the Battle of the Azores, later immortalized in the song " The Sinking of the Royalist Navy", the North Atlantic was reopened to shipping allowing what little "Brotherly Syndicalist Aid" the Americans could provide to pass into the ports of the Union of Britain. This primarily came in the form of raw materials, but also what meagre food the Americans could spare without risking a famine.


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Although little at first American food aid would soon become a staple in the
Internationale, especially in the places like Italy where the war had hit the hardest

Many had believed that as the threat of imminent invasion started to fade away, so too would some of the restrictions put on the populace. Chairman Mosley however was not a man that would let things such as public opinion sway him. Factionalism had been banned in the Congress of the Trade Unions since the Revolution of 1925 as a bourgeoisie remnant, however unofficial factions had remained within the Congress uniting politicians and trade unionists with similar views. These unofficial factions had been tolerated up until now even by Mosley himself, as a necessary part of maintaining national unity. However unwilling to relinquish power in the upcoming Congress, Mosley ordered Ian Fleming, the Director of the Intelligence Committee to put into work the plan to 'deal' with Factionalism. Flemings task force got to work and soon those politicians that Mosley considered a threat to himself and the future of British Totalism found themselves under trial and expelled from the Party. Although the purges at first only targeted the leaders of the factions, they quickly expanded downwards targeting first the families of the prominent Factionalists and then those thought to be most loyal to them.

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As architect over the Mosleyite purges, Ian Fleming is one of the men
most often credited with ending the British pluralist Syndicalist experiment

What had begun as ostensibly just a leadership purge quickly began expanding, as neighbours turned on each other blaming the other for Royalist or Factionalist loyalties. Wishing to avoid the flooding of the public as well as military courts, as well as to insure favourable and quick outcomes a system of triads was set up, that more often than not amounted to little more than drumhead court martial. Although many of the more prominent suspects were simply shot and subsequently 'wiped from the history books', never to be heard of or mentioned again, the government soon deemed the policy of 'Memory Holes' untenable. This first period of violence however had freed Mosley from the most prominent Factionalists and soon new policies were set in place. Men and some women deemed fit for military service were sent to carry out their sentence in penal battalions, recently formed on the Italian front to prove their loyalty and atone for their crimes through blood. The majority of women as well as those men deemed unfit for service were however sent to camps for re-education through labour. Families of those deemed disloyal were often separated from each other with children that were deemed young enough for re-education entrusted in the hands of working class families deemed loyal to the Totalist cause and those old enough to work separated from their parents and sent to different camps.

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British labour camps provided an important source of raw resource
production, which helped provide more men for the war effort

Amongst this growing atmosphere of distrust and paranoia, Mosley took his next steps. The continued UoB presence in France had started to prove unmaintainable. Local communes were demanding self-representation and an end to the de facto military occupation of Western France by their British 'comrades'. Mosley had never felt comfortable with the Union of Britain playing second fiddle to the 'Beating Heart of Revolution'. Thus he had quickly quashed any notions pertaining to the restoration of the Commune of France, as he also feared that such a restoration would once again set the Internationale on a collision course with the Germans, a conflict that he saw them having no chance of winning at the current moment. The war had however played him a good hand, as the land that the Union of Britain continued to administer in stead of a legitimate Syndicalist French government was predominantly Breton. The triumph of regionalism in France had proven kind to French regional minorities many of whom had at first been lukewarm towards the revolution. The end of the 'symbole' and general persecution of the local languages had however been the first step of many that helped turn the regional minorities into one of the strongest proponents of the Syndicalist government. Although French did return later on in schools as a language of "inter-ethnic communication" it had lost its stranglehold on the populace.

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The winds of revolution in the countryside had more often than not found easy
support in targeting the repressive policies of the former central government

The Breton situation thus provided Mosley with an out. Although he himself was against devolving any sort of serious power to the hands of the 'Home Nations' within in the Union of Britain an independent Britanny would solve one of his biggest problems as well as freeing up British troops for the final push in Italy, where fighting had seemingly reverted to the First Weltkrieg. Slowly, but surely however the French had begun gaining an upper hand in the region despite the recently arrived and much awaited aerial support by the CSA. Eager to not be outshone by the Americans as well as retain British importance in the Internationale after the war Mosley therefore set to work laying the foundation of the Commune of Brittany, with the date of independence set for the 21st of October 1948. The Breton state would be the first one to be fully organized based on totalist principles and would thus function as a test bed of international totalism.

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Although the Commune stretched beyond Britanny, its leaders soon began a
policy of unofficial
repression of non-Breton culture especially what the Breton Totalist Party deemed Parisian

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Well self-isolation has proven beneficial if at nothing else then at rekindling my willingness to write. Since most of my time was being spent on University, I had little time to both mod and play. Not to even speak of writing, this sadly resulted in the pause, since I found it hard to write something new. However with the abundance of time that sitting on my butt provided has now started to actually translate in to new modding and thus new things to write about.
 
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I can't help but wonder what it was exactly that George did to gain the attention of the local authorities, or even if he was guilty of anything more than once provoking the jealousy of one of his "friends." Sadly I don't think he'll be showing up again twenty years later, pursuing a revenge quest with a mysterious fortune and under an assumed name...

Overall I'm getting definite Airstrip One vibes from the continuing evolution of Mosley's government (which probably isn't that surprising, really). With American backing he'll certainly be able to keep any external threats at bay, but should that fail for some reason the Union will be left in a precarious situation indeed.

And, of course, glad to have you back :) Hoping you're making the best of the situation generally.
 
Britain went down the dystopian road once more.
What seems more interesting is policy of unofficial
repression of non-Breton culture especially what the Breton Totalist Party deemed Parisian
.
Is the international at war with Germany still or are they at peace?
 
I can't help but wonder what it was exactly that George did to gain the attention of the local authorities, or even if he was guilty of anything more than once provoking the jealousy of one of his "friends." Sadly I don't think he'll be showing up again twenty years later, pursuing a revenge quest with a mysterious fortune and under an assumed name...

Overall I'm getting definite Airstrip One vibes from the continuing evolution of Mosley's government (which probably isn't that surprising, really). With American backing he'll certainly be able to keep any external threats at bay, but should that fail for some reason the Union will be left in a precarious situation indeed.

And, of course, glad to have you back :) Hoping you're making the best of the situation generally.

Thanks and glad to really be back. Hope you're doing the same.

As to Airstrip One, well it's a bit hard to avoid those vibes when writing about pseudo-Stalinism in the UK, especially when KR throws Eric Blair into the mix. Not impossible of course, but something that requires great skill.

Britain went down the dystopian road once more.
What seems more interesting is policy of unofficial
repression of non-Breton culture especially what the Breton Totalist Party deemed Parisian
.
Is the international at war with Germany still or are they at peace?

It did indeed, a period of it at least. As to why, I promise that it was out of my hands. For some reason both the CSA and UoB drifted to totalism and if that's the hand I was dealt then that's the one I'll play. As to the repression of "Parisianism" it's generally what _nmc said. However to put it into more words, it's an attempt to crack down on "French" culture and replace it with a regionalist Breton culture. A sort of reaction to getting put in power over those that once tried to wipe out their culture as well as a way to differentiate themselves from the Communards that came before them and the "bourgeoisie influence" that some would percieve as a reason for the loss in the war against Mitteleuropa.

International and Germany are at peace, for the time being. However who knows what the time will bring with the Germans weakened.

Something, something, socialism with Celtic Characteristic.

More or less, glad to have you on board. :)


Next one is coming soonish, need to go over my writing again as well as look for pictures. That one will finally wrap up 1948, so we can move closer to the 50s.
 
Blood on the Neva

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The recent decades hadn't proven very kind for Russia. The death of Kerensky had lead to a period of anarchy from which the military junta emerged victorious. Despite that however the Russian state often found itself stumbling from one crisis to the next. Despite appearances however Russia had stabilized, with violent street brawls as well as bombings between ultranationalists and Bolsheviks becoming rarer and rarer. Much of this could be attributed to the work of the Okhrana. However the amiable and liberal personality of the new Emperor Vladimir III Romanov, whose enthronement hadn't exactly gone to plan either, as well as the general improvement of living conditions also played no small part in it. With a well liked puppet emperor at the helm the junta could thus continue on with the plans for the modernization as well as expansion of both the armed forces and the economy felt necessary to restore Russia to glory. In both fields an over reliance on foreigners was seen as a problem and thus a greater degree of autarky was deemed necessary. It was this autarky that the Russian leaders hoped would shield their Empire from another Black Monday.

As news of the economic troubles in Mittleeuropa spread, Russian leaders were toasting the failure of their continental rival. Although news of the Japanese success against the Dutch settlers in Indonesia and in keeping order in China had proven unpleasant for the Stavka, the German economic crash was seen as a sign of their luck improving. Hoping to capitalize on the German confusion, plans for the 'restoration of order' in the Caucausus, as well as those aimed at Persia were brought out of the vaults to be reassessed and prepared to be put into action. Whilst hardliners, often younger officers of the post-Civil War era, had argued for strikes against Mitteleuropa or Japan to restore Russian honour and 'derzhava' they were overruled by the senior officers as well as Wrangel himself, who thought such moves too risky for the moment.


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The Black Baron, had become increasingly lethargic over the recent years after the death of his trusted comrade Vasily Boldyrev

Whilst Stavka planned expansion, trouble was brewing in Petrograd. The policy of autarky had affected Petrograd the least out of plentiful Russian industrial centers. As such it had remained the 'Window to the West' for the Russian Empire, which resulted in much of the industry in the city being owned by foreign investors. The embers of Lenin's failed revolution also burned brightest within the city, earning it the, often derogative, nicknames of Red Petrograd and Leningrad. The nicknames were however well deserved as the strength and electoral victories of the many proxy fronts of the Bolsheviks as well as their bitter rivals the Mensheviks, who had increasingly leaned towards social democracy to avoid repression by the government, showed. As the majority of the investment in the city had come from Mitteleuropa, it was in Petrograd that the economic troubles hit the hardest and where the troubles began. Although the police and the Okhrana did their best to stop them, by both disbanding public gatherings and placing the ageing Bukharin as well as his lieutenants under house arrest, the meetings soon swelled in size to the point that it became impossible to control them without violence.


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With the lack of the usual speakers many protest actions were often lead by more
gregarious workers as well as various trade unionist representatives from the factories

As news of the protests in Petrograd spread across Russia, despite the best efforts of government censors, other factories soon showed their solidarity by joining the movement in Petrograd by declaring wildcat strikes. These actions soon ground many of the biggest industrial concerns to a halt, bringing the second wave of the economic crisis to Russia. Things looked to be heating up, but were still deemed managable by the government, but then on the 1st of September Nikolai Yezhov evaded his Okhrana guard detail and found his way to a demonstration. In an inspiring 10 minute speech he mocked the government for their failure to suppress the workers movement, despite the detainment of the leaders of the Bolsheviks and called for a general strike - demanding better workers rights as well as power to the soviets. News of Yezhov's speech spread like wildfire across Russia, with more and more factories joining the earlier strikers grinding the Russian economy to a halt. The countryside however still remained hostile to the Bolsheviks with the Orthodox priests rallying to their side 'Militias of the Righteous' with many stating that, if the government wouldn't restore order in the cities then they would.

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Although they did little of note, the militias provoked a quick response from the
government to avoid a spiral into another civil war

Yezhov's speech proved to be the straw that broke the camels back as the government declared martial law on the 2nd of September. Maintaining social order as well as avoiding further clashes between the ultranationalists and communists, that could spiral into revolution, necessitated firm action in the form of military deployments to break apart the rallies and restore order in the cities. Although in the majority of the cities just the sight of soldiers was enough to disperse the protestors and restore the factories to work in Petrograd many resisted. Lacking work and still angry, protestors took to the streets setting up barricades across Nevsky Prospekt and blocking bridges as well as roads leading into the city. Acting on orders to crush the revolt the 30th, 50th and 142nd Rifle Divisions smashed through the barricades cutting the rebellious parts of the city in to pieces and Naval Infantry from nearby Kronstadt captured Yezhov and whisked the rest of the leaders of the Bolsheviks away from their house arrests into the Fortress of Peter and Paul. Clashes between the would be revolutionaries and the government forces however continued. Although often armed with little more than pavement stones and old bolt-action Mosins against tanks and carbines. As the dust cleared over 3000 protestors lay dead across the city, whilst government forces had lost close to a hundred men.

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After the governmental crackdown, Bukharin and his lieutenants denied any sort of knowledge
of Yezhov's actions contributing to the growing divide within the Bolsheviks

Although Bloody Friday ended the general strike various wildcat strikes continued across the country for the entire autumn and partially into the winter. As such any invasion plans were subsequently shelved, in fear of the protests growing once more. The strikes had proven more explosive than anything Russia had experienced since the restoration of the Tsardom. Reminding many of the fragile nature of the state as well as reinforcing the idea of autarky across the political leadership as a necessity to avoid similar strikes. This resulted in massive investments into Petrograd as the government sought to buy out the closed down factories from the predominantly German investors, as well as a bill pushed through by the Tsar himself promising increased representation of people on a local as well as a national level.
 
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Russia, the perennially unstable giant of Eurasia. I have my doubts that a revolution at this stage would ever really have gotten anywhere, but the Bolsheviks and other assorted Reds can still clearly cause enough trouble to serve as a credible threat to the present government. Going to be interesting to see how that factors into Japan's plans for Asia generally.
 
I'm a bit surprised, that Russia didn't conquer Caucasus during the 30's. They usually do that, unless Germany stops them.

Also, what about the Central Asia? Is it independent, or under Russian control?
 
Russia, the perennially unstable giant of Eurasia. I have my doubts that a revolution at this stage would ever really have gotten anywhere, but the Bolsheviks and other assorted Reds can still clearly cause enough trouble to serve as a credible threat to the present government. Going to be interesting to see how that factors into Japan's plans for Asia generally.

Aye, the "revolutionary moment", as Leninists would put it, has past. However that doesn't make the Government less paranoid nor the working classes less wishful for change. Especially when they continue to see what state they could've had portrayed in Anglo propaganda.

As to the Reds fitting into the Japanese plans. Well although the Japanese would like continued chaos in Russia, even potentially another Civil War. However the threat posed by a Bolshevik/Syndicalist Russia would likely be too great to actively pursue it.

Oh, God. The Poison Dwarf is having a well...poisonous effect on Eurasia. What a surprise.

It is to be expected.

I'm a bit surprised, that Russia didn't conquer Caucasus during the 30's. They usually do that, unless Germany stops them.

Also, what about the Central Asia? Is it independent, or under Russian control?

Aye, Germany said no to the Caucasus and they do control Central Asia. The maps in some of my earlier posts still largely apply.


Also, new chapter coming soon.
 
Imperial Weapon No 4
"Takasu!"
"Ah, Sergeant Kitamura," the first man quickly throwing his hand up in salute. His eyes still blinded by the lights of the truck.
"At ease, we've come to relieve your shift," the sergeant replied calmly. "Inoue is in the bunker, I presume."
"Yes, sir. Should I go and fetch him?"
"No need, Sakiyama, go tell Inoue that they've been relieved." As Sakiyama ran off in the direction of the bunker, Kitamura seemed to relax. "Why so nervous Takasu. I told you to lighten up, didn't I?"
"Sergeant...."
"Oh stop it Takasu, we've been friends since high school. Do you have a light?" the sergeant asked pulling out a cigarette.
"Ah, sure..." Takasu said fumbling to pull out his lighter.
"So.... Anything to report?" Kitamura asked after taking a drag.
"Nothing so far... I've been meaning to ask Serge... I mean Kitamura. Do you know why they have us here? Unless we're going to invade Mongolia, I don't see much reason for us to be stationed so close to their border."
"Frankly, I'm about as in the dark as you. Sawanuma from 2nd Battalion told me that they were tasked with setting up a mound of explosives the day before yesterday, which the higher-ups then blew sky high. Something about a pretest or something." Kitamura said intermittently taking drags of his cigarette. "All I know is, we've been tasked with keeping people out."
"If I had known that I'd end up guarding a road in the desert in the Air Force..." Takasu said dejectedly.
"Ah, don't be so glum. The boys at the postal service brought letters from home. I think I even saw one from Aisa..." Kitamura said, but stopped mid sentence. "Oi, Takasu I think if you look behind you, you'll have an answer why we're here."
As Takasu turned around, he spotted a massive cloud growing in the distance


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9th of March 1949 would go down in history as the start of the atomic era. Decades of research on the topic across multitudes of countries culminated on the that day, with the testing of the first atomic weapon by the Empire of Japan within the wastes of Inner Mongolia. The test was made a reality by a group of Japanese scientists, lead by Nishina Yoshio and Arakatsu Bunsaku, who had been endeavouring to crack the mystery of the atom for the better part of the 40s, working on their own theories as well as those pursued by foreign scientists – such as Fermi, Heisenberg and Oppenheimer.

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Dubbed the Fathers of the A-bomb, the tireless work of these two men helped make the project a reality

Although MITI had at first been optimistic and financed much of the acquisition of the ore necessary for the project, the slow development and the mounting costs of the project had cooled initial expectations. The project was saved by the Cabinet and the Ministry of War, which both saw much merit within the project. The bomb was seen as a way to finally be seen equal by the Western powers, as well as a deterrent to limit further Western meddling within Imperial affairs. It was the latter that had continued increasing in importance within the minds of the cabinet as potential rumblings within China, as well as the recent Australian backed rebellion in Indonesia, had increased concerns about Japanese capacity to wage war on multiple fronts.

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Japanese expansionism hadn't really been the solution that
proponents of the policy
had hoped for as Japan now faced even more fronts and threats than ever before

Due to the lack of access to high quality uranium found in Japan, the atomic program ran into a few issues right from the get go, primarily pertaining to the access to fissile materials. Originally the necessary ore was largely gained through import, primarily from Mittelafrika. However the reorganization of Mittelafrika, following the end of the Syndicalist War in Europe, refocused Japanese attention to acquiring the materials from China. MITI was subsequently strong armed by the Cabinet into providing a plausible cover for the uranium extraction efforts under the aegis of the Chinese industrialization project. The ore was then shipped to the Home Islands for processing and subsequent research at sites across the Empire. The majority of research as well as enrichment was pursued at the Matsushiro site, in Nagano prefecture, which had become the centre of Japanese atomic research after spy scares early on in the project had lead to the project being for the most part relocated from Kyoto and Tokyo.

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Pictured - Arakatsu and his team members in front of the 100cm cyclotron

The issue of espionage had also lead to the choosing of the test site. Inner Mongolia was seen as a place largely isolated from the rest of the world, which would help slow down the spread of news about the test. Japanese intelligence agents reported a credible threat of such a weapon being developed by the Internationale for a while now, under the code name Project Damocles. Some analysts even theorized that access to the Canadian uranium ore, as well as denying it to other powers, may have tipped the leadership of the CSA into entering the war on the side of the Internationale. It was thought that news of a successful test would make the CSA more likely to make large investments into the project. Same fears lingered with the Kaisereich, although Japanese agents reported that no such project seemed to be going on within Germany. The element of surprise would prove vital in a successful application of the weapons, as such the Cabinet chose to keep hush like they had done previously with the rest of the project.

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Following the Internationale invasion uranium mining in Canada had picked up pace again and largely utilizing prisoners of war

Proof of the potential energy inherent in fission as well as the project reaching quantifiable results marked the transition of the project away from an almost purely military controlled venture over to a joint project with MITI once again opening the taps. Investments into the research on possible civilian applications of atomic energy were soon up and running with MITI hoping to feed the growing energy needs of the Home Islands. Estimates put the deployment of the first full scale reactors into the mid-50s, which coincided well with MITI plans for industrial expansion. Despite renewed involvement, however the project still remained primarily focused on the weaponization of these bombs, as the Imperial Air Force lacked viable and modern delivery methods. However with recent successes in development of long range missile, many hoped that a combination of the two could be fielded, which could be used to bypass the need for long range bombers.
 
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The Heart of Darkness (Part 1)
[...]
The earth shall rise on new foundations:
We have been nought, we shall be all!

'Tis the final conflict;
Let each stand in his place.
The International working class
Shall be the human race!

"Would you close the window, Jean. I can sleep with that racket," Marie said from her bed.
"... but Mama the Liberation has arrived. The Americans have arrived to free us..."
"Free us, the Americans? Pah...," the old woman said spitting over her shoulder. "Make no mistake my son, they might spin high tales of liberty and freedom, but they're still Europeans. They
will never see a black man as equal to them regardless of the tales they spin. Now close that window and allow your old Mama some sleep."
"Okay, Mama" Jean said.
Closing the window he saw soldiers in joyous revelry, parading around captured the captured officers and high officials of the garrison as well as locals running to welcome them. He thought he even spotted his half-sister with her father the mayor in chains being dragged by the soldiers. However it could've been any white girl. He sighed and closed the window and the curtains.
"Sleep tight Mama."

Things had continued to go from bad to worse for the French Empire after the attempts at brokering a peace with the Internationale fell through with the American intervention in the war. Although the African territories had yet to be threatened, the losses around the world kept mounting up quicker and quicker. The loss of Canada marked the end of the Entente ability to influence the war in the Atlantic and caused the French to retreat all of their naval assets to the Mediterranean. The withdrawal of the fleet was supplemented with increased garrisons, drawn largely from the native populace of the region, as well as a build-up of coastal fortification to dissuade the Internationale from landing in Southern territories of the Empire.

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A massive system of coastal fortifications combined with coastal artillery was
deemed enough to dissuade any landings by the Internationale

The increased focus on the Mediterranean as well as expansion of the increasingly unpopular issue of conscription to the Africans and Arabs made up the central points of De Gaulle's plan. The general figured that the Syndicalists would sooner or later arrive in force to push the Imperial Army out of the Italian peninsula leaving the heartland of the Empire open to direct assault. As such a plan was devised to finally break through the Italian lines and force them to a surrender, when the Internationale forces in the region were still limited. The plan entailed a three pronged assault across all lines of attack Sicily would be cleared by a two pronged naval assault from Calabria and Tunisia, whilst a combined arms assault would smash through the Green Line into Naples and mop-up what vestiges remained of the Italian Revolutionary Army.

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Despite controlling the heel of Italy, French efforts to gain control of Sicily and Naples had been thwarted time and time again

Preparations for the Campanian Offensive, codenamed Operation Marseilles, had been proceeding for the better part of 1948 even during the peace negotiations. Despite the lack of Commonwealth troops to supplement the French assault the plans went on unchanged. Grand QG and especially De Gaulle had high hopes for the plan, as intelligence reports from Italy seemed to show that their foes had started to run low on things from munitions to fuel as well as everything else necessary to maintain themselves in the face of increased pressure. The concentration of the Navy into the Mediterranean had helped squash what little trade lines remained for the Italians and had pushed the already unstable state to the brink of starvation.

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Although weakened after their encounters in the Atlantic, the Marine Nationale
was still quite capable of causing difficulty to the Internationale in the Mediterranean

French probing attacks at the Italian defensive lines were however met with at least the same amount of ferocity as before, which concerned many commanders on the ground. Unfazed by this however the go for the first stage of the operation was given on the 23rd of January with 4 French infantry divisions smashing into the Italian defensive lines at Mount Vesuvius. As this assault was ongoing however 2 French armoured divisions supported by 1 motorized division and 2 semi-motorized cavalry divisions prepared to begin their advance onto Foggia a mere 3 days later. The Italian defensive lines had always been weakest around Foggia, given that the region was relatively flat and unsuitable for defensive actions. Extensive fortification of this weak point had however turned the region into something that wouldn't have looked out of place in the First Weltkrieg.

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Although short on supplies the Italian forces continued to absorb whatever the French threw at them

The advance of the infantry soon bogged down as the Italians offered fierce resistance from their entrenched high ground positions, supported by a flood of reinforcements from the defensive lines in the East. Up until now the French assault had been proceeding as planned and although the Italians offered stiff resistance out East, the French combined arms assault captured Foggia in under a week. The mobile forces were now in place to perform the cutting action and slam into Naples from behind. On the back of this success the Grand QG even planned moving up the naval invasion of Sicily to the 1st of February to speed up the collapse of the Italians. These plans however quickly ran into a road block, as reports from the Southern territories reached Algiers. An anti-conscription revolt in Dakar had quickly spun out of control as the local African troops refused to turn their arms on their fellow Africans and instead turned them on the local elite declaring the creation of the Commune of Dakar and requesting help and protection from the Internationale. As the reports of Liberation spread the rebels in Dakar were soon joined by neighbouring garrisons and within a few days the revolt had grown to encompass most of the surrounding regions.

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24th of January itself soon became synonymous with African Liberation
 
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