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To His Majesty, Charles X, King of France and Navarre (Private - @99KingHigh)
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Your Majesty,

Sire, it brings me utmost sadness to see you so distressed at the actions of the Press. To see you in such distress is making me hurt greatly and I wish I could offer you all that you wished. The church is one of the pillars of our society, a pillar that I have always supported. A pillar which I shall continue to support through my clients and friends, for we must end the actions against the Church.

We as the royal family must make an example, that I can only agree with, but that example and forgive me for saying so, cannot be Philippe. As you yourself point, you do not give him the name Bourbon, yet it must be the House of Bourbon to make a show, as such we must do it, and not someone who Your Majesty does not even recognize as a member of this family.

Furthermore I cannot think that it be proper that I send a child unfit for service to the clergy to be a member of the clergy. Philippe is still a boy but already becoming a man, he enjoys riding, hunting and fencing the entire day long, going to the opera and enjoying every play. He dreams of the army, the navy, adventure. He has the blood of a Prince, not a member of the clergy. I cannot see a good ending for our family or the clergy if Philippe was to join their rank, enough scandal shall consume our family, we need not add another in the waiting by putting a child of ours who is neither penitent nor a scholar. As such I cannot do as you wish, Sire, and put Philippe into the clergy for it would benefit neither him or the church, or you, Sire.

If I may instead suggest, Your Majesty, that we look backwards. I suggest Your Majesty makes a ceremony for our entire family to partake in each Sunday, for mass and prayer. Let us make a public symbol of our support of the church, let us show France that the church has the utmost support of our house, not through offspring that cannot even be accepted into the family, or through other compromises, but through action led and shown by ourselves.

Your Loyal and Loving Cousin,
Louis Henri Joseph
 
(Joint IC with @naxhi24 )

Hôtel de Lassay, Paris
Salon de la Marquise (Part 1)

The electoral campaign had brought some kind of effervescence into the Capital, especially since the contest was bitterly fought between the various factions, quite a difference from the elections of years past which were under different auspices. The natural demands of the Parisian social scene therefore increased, as many jousted for the privilege of being at the center of the latest gossip, knowing the newest tendance and holding to bribes of privilege information to be slowly disseminated through their respective networks. It is thus is such context that the Marquise of Armentières was holding her salon, having just recently returned from a small excursion to her holdings in the north of the Realm. Seated on a beautiful Louis XV recamier, Amélie was ensuring that her convives - a mix of roughly 30 noblemen and bourgeois - were having a good time and joyful discussions.

Alexandre always thought of Paris as his second home. It was where the family business was located, it was where he was born and spent most of his life. Now, it was where we would be working. Since being made the temporary head of Descombes and Company, Alexandre had been spending a lot of time in the Parisian social light alongside managing the bank. He is planning on having lunch with the Duc de Sully, solidifying the transaction of half the shares of the Seine Bank, as well as attending many a social gatherings. This though, was something different. Of course, when the Comtesse de Ligny (we won’t go into details about how they met...), invited him to come to a party hosted by the Marquise of Armentières, it presented a new opportunity for the young man. Alexandre did not really know the Marquise, but he heard many things about her husband, the bastard son of the Prince of Condé turned noble (of course, who didn’t, the guy was basically a leading Doctrinaire and patron of literature). So he decided to come to this gathering of his fellow bourgeois and noblemen. It was a rather interesting affair, mingling with the elites of Paris, listening in on the gossip of the city, etc. But the one thing that was on everyone’s tongue was the election. Election fever had gripped Paris, and it seemed everyone was infected.

When she saw her dear friend, the Countess of Ligny, Amélie rose and greeted her in a very public fashion, rewarding her with the attention of the entire room. “My dearest Countess, what a pleasure to be in your company on this lovely day! How have you been? And I see that you do not come alone, am I to understand that the good Count is yet again busy on accounts of politicking and has seen fit to have you guarded by a dashing young man?”

The countess blushed for a moment, a most practiced move on her part, before answering to her friend. “Indeed, he had this delicate attention, and ever since the morning, we have been from boutique to boutique on my errands, a most exhausting affair I must admit.” Amélie smiled at the veiled confidence from her guest, before adding the finishing touch to such an feminine exchange of information. “Well, Eugénie, I must admit, you have the most beautiful glow this afternoon. Might I ask whom is this gentleman accompanying you?” As she spoke, she extended her hand toward the young man, inviting him to the proper courtesy.

Alexandre walked over to the Marquise and the Comtesse. He bowed before the Marquise. “Alexandre Descombes at your service your grace.” said Alexandre, kissing her hand. “It is an honor to be at your gathering today.”

The marquise was radiant at the proper courtesy shown by the young man. She was wearing an exquisite dress that day, which was marrying different shades of pink and white in the softest of fabrics, the whole giving a rather desiring impression, while not improper, for she was always of the most pudique sort. “Well, it is always my great honour to host the good friends of my beloved Eugénie. Now, my dear Monsieur Descombes, if you are at my service, might I dare to ask of which service you might be? Are you a dashing young officer currently out of commission, or a shadowy romantic writer currently on a creative stay in the capital?”

“Actually, your grace, I am neither of those things. I am a banker. I am heir to the “Descombes and Company” bank. Perhaps you have heard about it, or maybe your family has been a client of my father, Robert Descombes?” said Alexandre. He took in the dress of the woman, a wonderful collection of fabric and color. He himself was wearing a suit, though not a rather impressive one. It was enough to make himself look presentable at least.

“A banker, that is quite interesting my dear Monsieur Descombes. It makes you the priest of the modern time, for you know every confessions from every accounts, I am quite sure. I myself know but little about financial dealings, you will understand that these matters are well tended by my husband the Marquis. Should the opportunity arise, it will be my pleasure to introduce him to your business, given the evident care and passion you show in handling the affairs of the good Count of Ligny.”

She motioned for them to come sit with her, so they could continue this discussion in a less formal way, that is to mean, not standing in the middle of the room. Looking at the young man again, she had the most childish look before asking him: “Now tell me, Monsieur Descombes, Paris being a city of such passionate trends, something being in vogue one day and totally dull the next one, what makes you interesting?”

“Well, your grace, that is a rather hard question to answer, mostly because there are varying stories I could tell you. I could start with the time I visited Berlin and managed to almost get run over by a carriage heading under the Brandenburg Gate. I could tell you about the time I had a short relationship with a Swiss girl across the border, the Alps do make travel rather difficult in those circumstances. I could tell you about the time I accidentally started a scuffle between two nobleman’s sons and got caught right in the middle of it. There are many stories I could tell you, your grace, the only question is which one do you want to hear?” said Alexandre

Amélie pondered at his answer. For certain, the young banker wanted to be remembered, which was a good step into the “not dull” direction. “Well, we have but no choice to hear the story about the carriage, for I am afraid that it sound like the most perilous one, and therefore the one we wish to put behind us the fastest, for the sake of our poor womanly hearts, full of worry and inquiétudes.”

Alexandre chuckled a bit. “A story from my youth. It was roughly twelve years ago, right before the Hundred Days of the reinstated Empire. My father was meeting a clientele who had not really wished to leave Prussia until everything in France was for certain settled. As such, he took me and my sister Adeline along to Berlin. As he was negotiating, Adeline and I decided to take a look around the city, all the monuments and such, and nothing interested us as more as the Brandenburg Gate, the great symbol of Prussian might. As we were walking under it though, my sister decided to start a rather humorous argument, the contents of which I have yet to forgotten. We argued for a bit, before I jokingly pushed her. She responded by pushing me back, not realizing that the cobblestone behind me was rather unleveled. I stumbled and fell. I turned to see a carriage quickly approach. Before I could react, the horses were on-top of me. Imagine me trying my hardest to dodge those hooves. Afterwards I rolled under the carriage, and got back on me feet unscathed. The luck in that situation was high, and me and my sister decided to just go home after that. It is one of those stories that we never had the gall to tell our father, and to this day he does not know about how close his son came to being trampled in Berlin.”

The Marquise listened with much attention, pondering his story by little “oh!” at moments of high suspense. When he had completed it, she smiled and signed herself like a good catholic. “Surely you were protected from above, my dear Monsieur Descombe. Your story has a happy ending, you could have been crippled for life of even worst, dead. In which case, who would have accompanied our dear Countess of Ligny today? But do not keep us in suspense, we want to hear about the noblemen scuffle!”

(To be continued)
 
To His Majesty, Charles X, King of France and Navarre (Private - @99KingHigh)
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Your Majesty,

Sire, it brings me utmost sadness to see you so distressed at the actions of the Press. To see you in such distress is making me hurt greatly and I wish I could offer you all that you wished. The church is one of the pillars of our society, a pillar that I have always supported. A pillar which I shall continue to support through my clients and friends, for we must end the actions against the Church.

We as the royal family must make an example, that I can only agree with, but that example and forgive me for saying so, cannot be Philippe. As you yourself point, you do not give him the name Bourbon, yet it must be the House of Bourbon to make a show, as such we must do it, and not someone who Your Majesty does not even recognize as a member of this family.

Furthermore I cannot think that it be proper that I send a child unfit for service to the clergy to be a member of the clergy. Philippe is still a boy but already becoming a man, he enjoys riding, hunting and fencing the entire day long, going to the opera and enjoying every play. He dreams of the army, the navy, adventure. He has the blood of a Prince, not a member of the clergy. I cannot see a good ending for our family or the clergy if Philippe was to join their rank, enough scandal shall consume our family, we need not add another in the waiting by putting a child of ours who is neither penitent nor a scholar. As such I cannot do as you wish, Sire, and put Philippe into the clergy for it would benefit neither him or the church, or you, Sire.

If I may instead suggest, Your Majesty, that we look backwards. I suggest Your Majesty makes a ceremony for our entire family to partake in each Sunday, for mass and prayer. Let us make a public symbol of our support of the church, let us show France that the church has the utmost support of our house, not through offspring that cannot even be accepted into the family, or through other compromises, but through action led and shown by ourselves.

Your Loyal and Loving Cousin,
Louis Henri Joseph

His Most Christian Majesty, King Charles X, King of France and Navarre

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Condé,

My Cousin, surely you know that the advice you present is already my rule and law; and that I take Mass, serious and grave, with the princes du sang who have the moral integrity for my accompaniment every Sunday. It was in this procession that I proceeded in the regal Purple, and gave equal part fear and apprehension to our royal Foes. I do wonder, my Cousin, if your age is beginning to afflict you. (Issued with the Utmost Sincerity)

Assuming that I need not be concerned by your lucidity, I remind you, Cousin, that the Throne, by merit of your own Actions, does not view young Philippe as a Prince; the blood in his veins is not the blood of Kings, and this is the Rule of the Realm, and not subject to your discretion. He may be entertained by the frivolities of all young men, but above all, he shall serve the Father of the Kingdom, for which there is no greater honor; in any regard, he should be made comfortable at the écoles de paroisse in Chavagnes-en-Paillers, and given an education suitable for the Cloth.


Amitiés,
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Hôtel de Lassay, Paris
(Joint IC with @Eid3r and @Fingon888)

The dinner table had been set in high fashion in le petit salon of the Hôtel de Lassay, which offered a much more convivial setting than the formal dining room, which was designed to seat roughly fifty guests. The Marquise, always the consummate hostess, a role that she rather quickly assimilated upon her wedding with Henri Bourbon, had invited the Minister of War, Vicomte St. Fulgent and his wife, as a testimony of the appreciation her husband and herself had for the beneficial patronage of the minister, under whom Henri had recently served. A sign of the importance she was according to the whole affair was the absence of the natural train of convives, as their table was a much prized social occasion and therefore, highly sought after.

Amélie was putting the finishing touch to her evening attire, judging by a look the clothes of her husband. She approached him, kissed him on the cheek and proceeding to straighten his collar. “Much better, Henri, you wouldn’t want to look like an fanfaroning fop. Here, a proper straight gentlemen!”

Henri, for his part, had finally been convinced to part with his usual choice of dress uniform for formal occasions now that he had settled back into civilian life. Instead, he wore a rather nicely-tailored civilian suit in a serious but trustworthy shade of blue. He allowed his wife to adjust his collar without complaint, then smiled at the kiss on the cheek. “Too kind, mademoiselle, too kind indeed. Given that I have personally seen the Viscount in his nightclothes ordering a cavalry charge, with myself writing the orders in similar attire, I feel as though he might be somewhat forgiving if I were to arrive slightly askew.”

Amélie frowned for a moment, her face expressing a false sense of dissatisfaction. With a playful look, she retorted: “Given that I too had the privilege of seeing you, Monsieur de Bourbon, in your nightclothes, ordering the most brave cavalry assault, I will assume that this was rather grandiose. But as you can see, it does not allow me to arrive disheveled at dinner, and neither should you.”

M. de Bourbon submitted to the well-reasoned argument with a sparkle in his eye. “Perhaps later, we can re-enact the fateful char--” He paused as a servant entered, indicating the Viscount’s arrival. “Alas. To dinner, then.”

The Marquise giggled for a moment, regaining her composure as the servant entered the room. Looking more serious, she glared at her husband. “Business before pleasure, my beloved. Now, remember, tonight is about St. Fulgent. He is about the last reasonable ultraroyaliste, and I wish him to be well disposed toward you, politically speaking.”

The Lord of Pisany indicated his assent with a nod, unconsciously straightening to his military bearing. “Of course, dearest. It should be most interesting. We almost never discussed politics during my tenure in the Ministry, by unspoken agreement.” He paused, eyes twinkling mischievously. “Though I could ask him about the latest results on the new guns…”

She gently pushed back on his shoulder, laughing at his remarks. “Men and their guns. If you must too. I also assume you might wish to introduce him to your liquor and cigars, which I am led to believe are stashed somewhere near your collection of carriages.”

She then proceeded toward the salon, not wishing to be late, as she received a small note indicating the arrival of their guests.

The Vicomte de Saint Fulgent exited the carriage with the aid of one of Henri Bourbon’s servants. His wife was arm in arm as they entered the beautiful Hôtel de Lassay. Saint Fulgent had never been to such a lavish private estate, confining most of his time to barracks and the Tuileries. He marveled at the furnishings only momentarily before going forward and presenting himself to the head servant of the house for his introduction to the Marquis and his guests.

The majordomo escorted Saint-Fulgent and his wife to the petit salon, before announcing their arrival with a rather theatrical shout: “Le Vicomte et la Vicomtesse Saint-Fulgent!”, which sparked a polite laugh from Amélie, who was alone in the room. She proceeded forward to greet them both. “My dear Vicomte and Vicomtesse, let me apologize for Martin, my majordomo. He was brought up in the most classical fashion and he is rather a bit formal. I am so happy that you have accepted our invitation, Henri should be here momentarily”.

“It is quite alright, Madame Marquise, as you know I appreciate at least to some degree the classical fashions. I am honored to have been invited to this grand home.” Saint Fulgent admired the room for a moment before continuing, “Now, Madame, I must impress upon you that you have married a man of great skill and honor, and also apologize for introducing artillery to him.”

Amélie smiled at the last comment, before answering the courtesies. “You need not to impress upon me those traits I have already come to discover in the gentle nature of my good Henri. As for the home, you grace it by your presence and you are invited to visit as often and it may please you. While I feel I should give your remontrances for the passion you set my husband upon, many of my friends have prevailed over my mind as to the importance for dashing military officer to skillfully possess the knowledge in the proper handling of large calibers.”

She then turned her attention to Saint-Fulgent’s wife. “My dear Adélaïde, I feel it has been an eternity since I have seen you. Those are quite lovely earrings I must admit, would you do me the favor of introducing me to your jeweler?”

The Viscountess smiled, “Of course, he has only recently returned from Paris after a trip in India examining the diamonds of that region. I shall send you his name and regards.” She paused, “I have demanded that my daughter come to Paris and I hope to introduce you to her as soon as she arrives.

“It would be a most lovely occasion! I look forward to it, we could visit all the sights in the capital with her on a beautiful day. May I offer to you both some refreshments?”

Saint Fulgent nodded with a smile, “Of course, that would be most lovely.”

Henri descended the stairs, turned the corner, and entered the salon, having attended to several last-minute details, ivory-handled cane tucked under his arm. “My dear Marshal, my lady, dearest, apologies for my lateness. How pleasant to see both of you again! We have refreshments? Excellent.”

A domestique provided refreshments as they all proceeded to the table.

“Now tell me, my dear Adélaïde. How did you enjoy the most recent novel by Saint-Germain? I must say that the Duc d’Océan was quite a chef-d’oeuvre.”

She sighed, “I do agree, it was an excellent work. The lovely romanticism of the sea was fantastic and the honorable Duc was most endearing.”

Amélie continued in the trend. “While it was not, to my taste, on par with the main body of Chateaubriand, of which Henri and I are devoted supporters. However, I was most puzzled by this recent foray in the world of théatre. Don’t you think so Henri?”

The Marquis sighed lightly. “My partisanship for M. Cazal is well-known, I think, so I may just be biased. However, even I recognize that Cazal is less the popular darling, whereas Saint-Germain is very much so. In that light, it seemed rather untoward for the more notable man to be attacking the less notable. Rather like being asked to cheer for the wolf as it chases the fawn, I think.”

Saint Fulgent nodded along trying to follow the conversation, “I must confess I have not yet seen the play, though on this issue between Saint-Germain and M. Cazal I find the works of Saint-Germain more pertinent and skillful.”

The Marquise added to the conversation, in her diplomatic and natural tone : “Alas, it appears that everything is turning to conflict lately. When it is not the politics, and then the newspapers, it is the most atrocious political rivalries, wrecking our society. Don’t you think that it is time for more unity and peace?”

“I completely agree, Madame, the beauty of our monarchical system is that all subjects can be united into a common struggle. The failures of the government and certain factions outside it to direct the national interests have been most profound.” Saint Fulgent tapped his foot slightly, “The King I am sure is just as concerned as we are.”

Henri inclined his head in acknowledgement. “Naturally. Many of the Parisian middle class are most alienated by this latest antic by His Grace, given the immense trust they reposed in the National Guard. As the Army is a source of comfort to the aristocratic class, so the National Guard was to the industrious class.”

“While, I am sympathetic to the prejudices against the National Guard, considering my battles against them in the Vendée, the whole affair was poorly managed and done without consulting the Ministry, as you well know.” Saint Fulgent paused, “I fear that the differences between us in the provinces and those who have matriculated inside the urban climes grow day by day.”

“How is it possible that the National Guard be dismissed by the King without any consultation with the ministry? Excuse my lack of political acumen, but I believe the thing highly unlikely. Is it possible that only the Duke of Sully was consulted?” opined Amélie.

“Madame, I was not consulted before the order was given. The Duke or the King did not request information on the state of the army in Paris or nearby or on the feasibility of disbanding the National Guard. I was given a command and told to enforce their dismissal. Most shameful.” Saint Fulgent sighed.

“I am most sorry for you, dear Vicomte, given that it appears natural that you should have been consulted. I hope you did not feel slighted, for surely it was but an oversight from the good Duke of Sully. I was speaking with the Duchess of Saint-Aignan the other day and she was telling me how troubled her husband had been when consulted on this decision.” continued the Marquise.

“Do not worry, Madame, it is not for me to be slighted, only to serve His Majesty as best as I can.” Saint Fulgent sought to change the topic, “However, I am most interested in how your campaign for deputy has been going. You will be running in the Seine department?”

Paris’ most famous bastard replied with equanimity, “For my old seat, now that it has been vacated, yes. Should I win, I shall have a most trying commute.” He glanced off to the side in the direction of the adjacent Palais-Bourbon, then smiled wryly.

“I will surely envy you, it is such a chore to ensure that my estate is maintained in my absence.” Saint Fulgent remarked, “Oh how could I forget? Monsieur and Madame, congratulations on your daughter.”

It was as if a sudden light was cast on the face of the Marquise at the mention of her daughter. “You are too kind. I must say that our little Charlotte takes a lot from her father. She is the most joyful center of our little universe. Sadly, she his asleep right now, or I would have presented her to you. Now that I think of it, why don’t you visit with your daughter, dear Adélaïde, the next time you are in town?”

Henri, for his part, beamed proudly at the thought of his daughter, whose arrival had banished much of his previous malaise over his son who never was. “Yes, indeed, your children are naturally welcome here. How old is Charles now, my lord?”

“He is at the ripe age of nineteen and I have finally convinced him to enroll in the military schools. The proper education of a nobleman to be is based in catechism, Plato, and the army.” Saint Fulgent smiled, “I do believe that he is finally abandoning the roguishness of his past two or three years unsupervised in the Vendée.” Adélaïde took the opportunity to cut in while her husband took a pause to answer the question of the Marquise, “Yes, I am sure Marine and little Adélaïde will be most excited to visit.”

“A most splendid occasion!” opined the Marquise.

Henri is saved from having to comment on the state of the educational system by a discreet signal from one of the servants. “Ah, dinner!”
 
To His Majesty, Charles X, King of France and Navarre (Private - @99KingHigh)
WGa2d4D.png
Your Majesty,

There is no doubt that service for Your Majesty is the utmost call, and I shall ensure that Philippe serves to the best of his abilities. But one would not send a woman into government, one would not send a clergyman to fulfill the job of a king, and I cannot send Philippe to the clergy against the will of my conscience. Unless of course Your Majesty orders it, but before your Majesty makes his decision, I ask that you consider this action of yours carefully, the outcome may not be to the liking of anyone.

You Loyal Cousin,
Louis
 
To His Majesty, Charles X, King of France and Navarre (Private - @99KingHigh)
WGa2d4D.png
Your Majesty,

There is no doubt that service for Your Majesty is the utmost call, and I shall ensure that Philippe serves to the best of his abilities. But one would not send a woman into government, one would not send a clergyman to fulfill the job of a king, and I cannot send Philippe to the clergy against the will of my conscience. Unless of course Your Majesty orders it, but before your Majesty makes his decision, I ask that you consider this action of yours carefully, the outcome may not be to the liking of anyone.

You Loyal Cousin,
Louis

6N9q9kT.jpg

His Majesty, the King, was no fool in common politics; he sensed the threatening of his Cousin, and waved in his next appointment, which by indication, removed the prince from his presence. When upon the Prince departed from the room, he called upon his attendants, who brought in his diary; whereby he hastily turned to the page, which in name was quite clearly demarcated, Loi de Succession, and took in the room the Chancellor, who was to write a letter to an old friend...
 
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UN MANIFES ROYALISTE
"A Royalist Manifesto"
_____________________________________________________________


PREFACE.
ABOVE ALL ELSE, there exists within this society a need for the preservation of the monarchy and a sense of perseverance in the souls of its supporters. While would-be tyrants - bathed in foul and unrighteous ink - call for the dismantling of the hereditary institutions of our nation, we are presented with a choice: whether, like a branch in the wind, we shall bend or break. Whether we shall allow for our own hastiness to barricade a more fruitful exchange, or we shall allow ourselves to act carefully, ensuring the stability and maintenance of the monarchy and the new order.

There are three inalienable truths to which royalists must subscribe, and above all else, form our connecting bond. Without these truths, there would be no 'ultraroyalistes,' nor would there be any other faithful supporters of the monarchy. To be a faithful citizen is to be a royalist, and to be a royalist is to be a faithful citizen. When guided by these three truths, there ought to exist no division among royalists - only a consensus of mutual benefit. In the name of the monarchy, personal disputes, self-indulgent activities, and one's own beliefs should be held secondarily.

The first fundamental principle herein proposed is a dedication to the
Christian spirit. Indeed, as the Charter so clearly states, "the catholic, apostolic and Roman religion is the religion of the state." We must recognize that, just as to the Israelites the Lord gave Moses, Joshua, and David; to the French, he has given Louis, Henry, and Charles. Thus, to follow the Lord's will is to respect his appointment of the King as his gift to the French people - not as a chain that the viciously blind believe must be shattered to ensure domestic tranquility. To speak more clearly, even, such tranquility is often a virtue of a royally governed society, and in the lands which have scorned it, a less selfless society has taken root.

The second element is an unwavering commitment to the monarchy and a rejection of the dangerous undercurrents of radicalism which once were forced into the shadows, but have begun to return. No royalist should support the destruction of the Crown, and no claimed "royalist" should levy the claim that the present King, or any prior King, is a "traitor" to the French nation. Respect for the King and his role as the originator of government authority is fundamental - and the contention that the travesties of 1791 ought to be relived in an effort to reduce him to a magistrate are, naturally, fundamentally opposed to any notion of "royalism."

The third truth exists in many forms, derived from countless origins - it is the truth of what may be called fonction publique, or, in the words of the old liberals, fraternité. Royalism is, perhaps, just as much a matter of supporting the monarchy as it is exercising care for the subjects of that monarchy. That royalists are given the opportunity to provide service for the Crown is just as much a responsibility as it is an honor. It necessitates an attitude of selflessness, exercising the Lord's gifts, granted in preference to oneself, in order to provide for the less fortunate. That there have existed supposed "supporters of the monarchy" who have placed their own financial self-interest above this public function is precisely symbolic of the hypocrisy which has developed in certain liberal circles.

With such principles acting as the foundation upon which a wise approach to governance is built, it is in the interest of ensuring stability, a national ease, and the betterment of our society that the following provisions of a royalist policy are proposed, hoping that they shall serve as a guiding hand for the blind - and a guiding light for the seeing.



ARTICLE ONE.
THERE SHOULD EXIST a consensus among royalists rejecting the aspirations of certain politicians to once again unfairly bend the electoral system of France to favor urban populations. Through great effort, individuals have been given more accurate representation, the unfair dominance of urban centers in Departmental elections has largely ceased, and Deputies are significantly more accountable to those they represent. That certain interests claim such a system, founded upon the notion that districts should be fairly divided, disfavors their political aims have simply failed to recognize the reality of the division: that their failures are indicative of the unwillingness of the electors to select them as their representatives.

Due to the inherent support for royalism among the French populace, as well as the need for a greater perceived accountability, it is a recommendation that the practice of Royal Ordinances be reduced in favor of legislatively passed proposals in most instances of government. Indeed, His Majesty ought to retain the capacity to administer in times of necessity, but during a particularly pacific period, the public would be best served by the presentation of an agenda to the body of each Chamber, and a grant of permission for the representatives of the governed to propose solutions to particular issues.

Furthermore, while the Charter of 1814 is by no means an infallible document as some contend it to be, efforts should, admittedly, be taken to revise and formalize the document. Upon its revision, the new form of the Charter ought to be kept static, ensuring a greater public stability. This approach represents a recognition of the public sentiment attached to the Charter, while rejecting the increasing claims of adoration for what is ultimately a flawed document. While preserving the Royal powers upon which it is founded, however, efforts can be made to address its weaknesses and ultimately institute a more formal mechanism by which the state is organized.

Finally, when approaching issues of governance, a far greater effort ought to be taken to ensure that matters of government are publicly known. Speeches from the Chamber of Peers should be recorded and released, and minutes from Cabinet meetings of general importance should also be available, at the very least to certain public circles. By making more known the activities of the branches of state, there will likewise be an increase in public recognition for the duties and activities which are undertaken in the interest of the public function.



ARTICLE TWO.
IN ADVANCING THE MONARCHY, there is a necessary focus which is placed upon matters of the economy. Necessity dictates that, in the journey to develop a strong, stable state, the economic elements of that state cannot be neglected. Ultimately, in order to support and preserve the monarchy, a royalist must provide for a common growth, and the best means of encouraging such growth is through a commitment to a Christian life. Rigorous support for programs of public construction through the Ministry of the Interior ought to not only continue, but be expanded, and in doing, provide for greater opportunities by which a sometimes-struggling people may find no small amount of relief.

That France might benefit from greater exercise over its currency, a royalist position aimed at rejecting selfish "reform" calls most clearly for restricting the production of specie and notes to those minted and pressed by the government. Control must be exercised so as to prevent banking from unfairly seizing from Frenchmen their fundamental right to exercise influence over such an important aspect of a nation's pecuniary situation. No bank should be able to emphasize the interests of its shareholders over the ambition to provide for a more Christian economy.

Additionally, a new system of incorporation should be introduced, granting certain legal protections to associated bodies without granting them privileges undeserved for their role. While the inappropriate developments of 1820 need not be relived, it is important to concede that creating a lesser designation for businesses which would enable them to hold property without granting them advantages over private individuals might serve to allow for certain benefits of a physiocratic system without the state being tarnished and injured by its countless flaws.

As an additional matter, the preservation of tariffs must be continued. A reduction in tariffs would only serve to benefit foreign efforts to prey upon France in its darker moments, and would ultimately destroy the agricultural elements which a state may not survive without. Without a system of tariffs protecting vital elements of the general economy, such as the short-lived elimination of the grain tariff, a failure of government in providing for His Majesty's subjects is largely inevitable. Such a potentially dangerous possibility is precisely what a royalist ought to avoid through any and all possible efforts.


CONCLUSION.

WITHOUT A SUFFICIENT COMMITMENT, there is no royalism. Without a capacity for recognizing matters of prior difficulty and addressing them, there is no ability for future growth. At this time there is a need for royalists to unite in the name of the Lord, the King, and their countrymen, and as long as such royalists allow a vicious array of attacks to place themselves at odds with each other, there shall be no unity. Ultimately, it is most important to concentrate upon the three truths of royalism - and to allow the elements of policy to grow naturally, like leaves from a verdant vine.

The prior articles represent, in the mind of this royalist, what exists as a logical extension of this commitment, and would serve well the interest of supporting the Crown. Indeed, these are not concessions - these are purely royalist proposals. That there shall no doubt be accusations of malfeasance from the forces of anti-royalism only ought to make our path more clear. A royalist, indeed, is the finest man that may be found.

SAINT-MAURICE.
 
Ultraroyalist Campaign of 1827. Department of Ain. Nantua.

Once again the Duc de Saint-Aignan, with his usual energy, started his long travel from one department to another to speak before the Ultraroyalist electorate. This time he has started in Ain, one of the largest. His meeting with the major notables this time has happened in a guest building near a Benedictine monastery. There was this time deliberate modesty in the foods and drinks – boiled fish, freshly baked bread and young wine, as well as fruit such as peaches and apples. For the candidate the Duc de Saint-Aignan was going to present today was a humble man.

Soon came the electors, the bulk of which were the local rural landlords and owners of large city property. There were the Baron de Podenas, Chevalier de Beaurron and the Comte de Montlosier – nobles who were able, through wise management, not only restore their familial lands, but buy a number others, and now gave employment to many of the local renters. Since they were known as leading sellers of wine in the region, known to deal in the refined Cerdon and Roussette du Bugey, they were commonly known as "The Three Grapes". There was also Jean du Berrondville, a man known to own most apartment buildings in Burg-en-Bresse, receiving a healthy income from the flats each years. There were many other – nobles, priests, officials, merchants, rightist lawyers and other people of means.

Before them stood the Duc de Saint-Aignan and the local candidate. It was a thin man in his fifties, with a tonsure and in clerical cloth Taking a drink of the local wine from his glass, Saint-Aignan began to speak.

"Esteemed gentlemen of Ain,

I am here to ask you to support this most reverend father, Abbe Arnaud Catalloux, as the Deputy for Ain. A man of great Christian virtues, he is known to all of you. Born in the commune and city of Nantua, in the family of lawyers, he has taken the profession of a school teacher, becoming a master of history in the local college. During the era of the Bonapartist consulate, wishing to assist the beleaguered Church, he took his vows. Spending nearly fifteen years as a curé, Father Catalloux has became known for his help towards the poor and is founder of a well-known local charity society, the Club of Saint Vincent of Paul.

After the Restoration the good Abbe was so known in the area that the electors sent him, an ordinary priest, to the Chamber of Deputies of 1815, in which he has represented the pure royalists. We all remember his distinguished speeches in regards of the defense of morality, against the divorces and regarding the care towards the orphaned children and poor widows. He was a member of the following Chambers as well. However, after the reforms of the good Archbishop of Reims, Father Catalloux returned to his beloved paedogogical profession and became a headmaster of a parish school. Leading it, this esteemed man has reached considerable results and seventeen pupils in the previous year have received a honorary award from the departmental prefect for their successes in Latin. Now, however, his supporters have persuaded him to run again – and I ask you to assist his efforts.

You all do know that your fine Departmente, Ain, has always possessed a large number of churches, constructed in the Gothic style. These buildings have been not only the center of the religious life of the whole region, but were of great cultural significance. During the revolution and the Empire a great majority of them was destroyed. And yet your department still remains a bedrock of the holy faith in this part of France – for have we not heard of the good works of the most devout Curé d'Ars, to whom people come each years even from the foreign countries? Do we not remember the massive celebrations connected with the restoration of the Diocese of Belley?

Therefore it is only natural that the calls for the restoration of the destroyed and closed churches came from your region – however, can this work be finished, if the men elected to the Chamber would be of the anticlerical spirit that has now been adopted by many gentlemen of the left? Nay, and therefore you need people like good Father Cataloux - ones who would defend the values of family, religion and morality!"

Many of the electors nod in agreement and clap – however, one of the "Three Grapes" (namely, the shrewd and practical Chevalier de Beaurron) chooses to ask, while leaning on his mahogany cane.

"The full restoration of our churches is very important, Your Grace, but there is another issue. Me and my two friends represent the association of local winemakers. As you know, this industry is of extreme importance for the economy of our region and gives employment to the thousands of common people. Can we expect that Abbe Catalloux would be attentive towards the needs of the winemakers?"

The Duc de Saint Aignan smiles and answers; "Naturally, my good Chevalier, the candidate would demonstrate the same support for agriculture and the rural areas that the pure royalists always championed."

Here the speech ends, and the guests proceed to enjoying the food and drink.
 
GsJIZFIec_4AYKZtuIshdjXJssYIRAsxGf9yGMdf6-Ga4T72HNoSUd1oI2P4Zr638mvCQtU8DMd5G-90bh-mCTe53d-FGMfEJUaIPPfzQJJXulwv0ricj0KYyGDu2VAclkrXJs5V


Manifeste des Chartistes

By Victor Durand
Deputy, Prefect and Former Minister of the Crown

THE Great Feats of Governance presided over by such respected figures as le Prince de Talleyrand, le Comte de Dhuizon, le Marques de Valance Status and of course His Most Christian Majesty, King Louis XVIII, that guided France out of the perils and confusion of Autocratic Bonapartism and Perpetual War should be analysed for their prudence, moderation and morality. For besides the great feats they delivered in their mission to redeem France, economically, militarily, morally and culturally, it was abundantly clear that their successors could not forsake their diligence and wisdom in governance, without squandering the great gifts of France, her prosperity, her power and her prestige in the process. To protect these gifts, indeed, to protect these successors, these His Most Christian Majesty, King Louis XVIII, wrote and these good men upheld the Charter of 1814, which guides all Public Officials and Citizens in their duties and privileges, maintaining the most important balance between order and progress.

FRANCE at this moment faces a reversal of fortunes after the Great Feats of Governance of those aforementioned towering figures, as the economic progress made in both agriculture and the new industrial practices is under pressure or even reverse through ineffective government policy, indemnities foreign pressures and disappointing harvests, as the opportunities of the return of France to the Concert of European powers is squandered as Greek Christians perish under the vile barbarisms committed by Mohammedans, as education still is not delivered to our children, as, in a needlessly politicized and ideological struggle, extremists on the right create hurdles to trample the potential of the French youth out spite for the progress they would deliver, as the Charter, in spite of the solemn and faithful oath of His Most Christian Majesty, King Charles X, is increasingly covertly and overtly disrespected by extremists in government, seeking to revert the advancement of France and return to the perils and disasters faced by the Ancien Regime in 1789.

IT is therefore that, we, French citizens of moral stature and all respectful convictions and walks of life, join together, not as Doctrinaires or Royalists, but as Chartistes, whose loyalty is not to personal gain or power, but to the King, Charter and People. We, the Chartistes, shall combat extremism seeking either to revert France to the ineffective Twilight of the Ancien Regime or the destructive Bonapartist Autocracy. This shall be done by protecting the Rights delivered by the Charter, through limiting the Ministry's use of Royal Ordinances that circumvent the Chamber of Deputies on highly important matters concerning the nation, Furthermore, the Chartistes shall work to end all corrupt electoral practices by the cronies of the Ministry, seeking to mute all legitimate opposition to legally indefensible measures. The Chartistes shall establish an organisation to assist all good citizens of France, the opposition against this Ministry, both in the form of public lectures, demonstrations, banquets articles and electoral processes.

------------------------

THE Chartistes further seek to protect and advance the national prosperity of France, which shall allow for good citizens to provide for themselves and their family through their own good and moral labour, rather than be reduced to immorality, poverty and disorderly pauperism through state frugality and inefficiency. This advancement of national prosperity is to be achieved through a wide range of prudent policies, as shall be expanded upon further in this article.

FIRSTLY, the Government should retract its needless devaluation of the valuable traditional training and cooperation of French craftsmen through the Compagnons du Tour de France. These Compagnonnages exist across the Kingdom and have provided invaluable education to further generations of artisans, this great gift to our national prosperity and our individual artisans should no longer be denied by the State. Therefore, the Chartistes will legalize these Compagnonnages and encourage them to modernize their character to more easily advance their economic interests and national prosperity as a whole by adopting the character of Sociétés anonymes. This reform shall once again allow these vital Compagnonnages to increase both the quality of the artisans and the products their deliver, which is to the benefit of the entire Kingdom.

SECONDLY, the Chartistes shall insure that the Highway Office, the Utility Workmen and the Bridge & Road Services, which have already repaired and rebuild many hundreds of miles of vital French infrastructure, are expanded and strengthen in their ability to rebuild and construct the arteries of prosperity and strength of the Kingdom, the roads and canals of France. Furthermore, the Chartistes shall allow the Utility Workmen Service, an agency that has provided disciplinary and moralizing work for the otherwise uselessly unemployed paupers, allowing them to build a moral, strong and labourious character, in spite of their past missteps, to construct and temporarily maintain Post Offices, to both exponentially fasten the needed expansion of the Postal Service nationally and restore the traditional means of communication of the many agrarian communities that have proven so vital in feeding our nation. These reforms championed by the Chartistes would strengthen both the national and economic unity of France, as local shortages of goods or services can once again be relieved through internal trading, freeing France from the chains of malign foreign competition, and allow her to advance her national prosperity once again.

THIRDLY, the Chartistes shall reinstate prudent economic reform repealed by a Government blinded by hatred of the French advancement since the end of Autocratic Bonapartism and the Ancien Regime, namely the Bills or the Recognition of the Bourse and the Private Printing of Specie; as the repeal of these reforms have been undeniably detrimental to the national prosperity of France and should therefore be undone. This good action would not weigh on the purse of any person, as they were prudently designed to help, not burden, the good French citizens, while also providing a great boon to the Royal Treasury; not something unacceptable after years of squanderous governance and uneducated costly policies.

FOURTHLY, on the matter of financial policy, the Chartistes shall address three areas of great potential which, through Governmental slothfulness, have proven detrimental to national prosperity, namely commerce, investment and business. To address this, the Chartistes shall establish the Société française pour favoriser le développement de commerce, le transport, la construction, la pêche, l'agriculture et l'industrie nationale. This Société française would act as a large leverage, aiming for sustenance and encouragement of national prosperity, through the roles of (1) State Cashier, which would grant it a stable income, presence and trust across the nation, (2) Guardian of Government pensions, which would afford it further capital and an incentive to invest prudently for both the advancement of the public and the individual, (3) Chief Investor in public works and commercial ventures, thereby affording necessary capital to these vital projects to the benefit of the French Society and State - while giving private investors the confidence to join in on such prudent ventures with their own capital - and it would also allow the Government to discount taxes and issue affordable loans to interesting or otherwise advantageous commercial ventures, and (4) Trading Company, expanding existing trade, by gathering data and searching for new markets as well as financing shipping and other transportation.

IN CONCLUSION, regarding our economic policy, the Chartistes shall first and foremost seek to guarantee and advance national prosperity, after years of recession in production in the cities and food shortages across France. Only these reforms can provide the needed basis for order, peace and morality in France, as national poverty and pauperism, as we are forced towards by this Ministry can only revert us, as economic mismanagement has done before, to the horrid status prior in the Kingdom of France when the path to Republican Terror and Bonapartist Autocracy was practically certain and unavoidable in 1792.

------------------------

FURTHERMORE, the Chartistes shall construct the system of education in France, towards many excellent minds have already worked, wherein Catholic Morality and Temporal Science are united as one, while no longer, solely for political benefit and ideological pleasure, the children of France shall face the great shortcoming of the current system, which has proven itself incapable of providing even the most basic knowledge and tools to the most bright of the students. This aim, to finally practically implement the theoretical education system, enjoying the unity of Catholic Morality and Temporal Science, rather than the domination of one or the other, as the extremists might want, is one noble and for which successive Governments have prepared, should, thusly, now be undertaken for the advancement of France.

MOREOVER, Chartistes believe France should finally answer the calls of Christian duty and Greek pleas, as the horrors committed against the Greeks by these wicked Mohammedans is unacceptable. Since France stood proud as defender of Christianity and Civilization both in- and outside Europe, from the First Crusade, when our ancestors lead an army of pious souls in defence of Christians and Christianity persecuted by wicked Mohammedan Hordes, onwards, it has been our duty and privilege to spread the Light of Christianity and protect those Good Christians souls unable to protect themselves. It is thus that the Chartistes shall not stand silently by as Mohammedans rape the birthplace of Western Society, Culture and History, when they treat good Christians as lower than vermin. We, Chartistes, shall stand in defence of Christianity and Western Civilization, restore the National Prestige, Pride and Power of France, so slighted by this Ministry, and once again allow France to retake its deserved seat among the Great Powers.

FURTHER, Chartistes shall work to answer the calls of the French citizens, be they wealthy or poor, in our proud and prosperous cities to improve central sanitation. To this end, the Chartistes shall introduce sanitary provisions and establishing Health Boards with the intent of improving of conditions of sanitation and the promotion of public health in town and other large populated areas. The introduction of this reform would drastically improve the productivity, liveability and prosperity of towns and cities across the Kingdom, thereby serving not only urban populations but the Kingdom as a whole.

LASTLY, the Chartistes will reestablish the National Guard, as it provides patriottic French citizens the ability to protect and defend the Kingdom of France from its enemies in an organised structure, unrival in ability and experience across Europe. The Chartistes see the reasoning behind and the economic harm done by the abolition of the National Guard by the De Sully Ministry as unacceptable and will therefore seek to undo the great harm this Ministry has done in the most important area of defence of France.

------------------------

IN CONCLUSION, the Chartistes stand for the protection of the King, the Charter, France and its People through solemnly taking all prudent measures possible to uphold the oath of the King and thus his Ministry in protecting the most basic rights of the citizens of France. The Chartistes shall therefore stand under a united banner in the upcoming election and the undersigned, of all respectful political persuasions, shall vow to advance the aims of this Manifeste, for the benefit of the Monarchy, the Charter and the French People in the Chamber of Deputies. The Chartistes stand united in their mission to protect the Charter, strengthen France and advance national prosperity and we therefore call upon all our Readers and other Prudent Frenchmen, Chartistes in heart and mind, seeking to protect prosperity, freedom of thought and peace, to join the Chartistes organisations organised to empower opposition to the violation of the Charter. For, if, as we expect, all Prudent Frenchmen join us in our effort to guide the Ship of State once again to the heights under the Respected Figures of the the Great Feats of Governance, as le Prince de Talleyrand, le Comte de Dhuizon, le Marques de Valance Status and of course His Most Christian Majesty, King Louis XVII.


SIGNED BY, in accordance with their convictions and beliefs,

Victor Durand OLH,
Député et Préfet du Nord, Ancien Ministre de l'Interieur

Thibaut Duval,
Président de la Seine Banque et Chabon Française, Ancien Député de Marseille

Jacques Lafitte,
Ancien Député de Seine et Ancien Gouverneur de la Banque de France

Henri de Bourbon-d’Armentières,
Marquess d’Armentières et Ancien Ministre

Alexandre Cazal,
Homme de Lettres

Lothaire Lécuyer,
Ancien Député de Seine

Published in Paris, Kingdom of France, on 21 October 1827 for publication in Le Dioclétien; Published on 25 October 1827 for publication in Journal des Débats, Le Globe and Constitutionnel.



((One can add their signature through PMing me, ICing or contacing me via IRC))
 
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Invitations were sent out to the banquet Lothaire were to hold. Among the invited were ((NPCs)) M.Francois Guizot, M.Laffitte, M.Adolphe Thiers, Duke of Broglie Achille Léonce Victor Charles, Marquess Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr and the members of the newly founded "the Society of the Good Fellow-Citizens" and liberal and moderate leaning officers he had grown acquainted to over the years.Others to be invited were the Duke of Orleans, Durand, Duvalt, Rotschild, Artraud, Cazal, the Marquises of Lamarque, Lafayette and

Invitation to the Philhellenistic Banquet of 1827.
Dear [name],

You have the honor of being invited to the Hôtel Lécuyer for a banquet in honor of the Hellenestic cause. Donations will be raised primarly to aid the victims of Turk oppression and to aid refuges.

A 7 course dinner will be served along with music, a ball and entertainment.

The household of Lécuyer hope you'll be able to attend and a reply would be welcomed.

Many were also given private letters which hinted that the banquet might be more political in nature...

((Private letter to @MadMartigan ))
Friend,

I bear no grudge. Alltough I ask for you to reconsider in order to gain unity and not fracture like the Ultra majority. Nevertheless I hope you recieved my invitation to the Banquet. It will be a nice gathering for socialising. But more important it will house many central liberal and moderate figures. I hope you take this opportunity to increase your network and discuss future policies among the moderate bloc.

Kind regards,
Lothaire.

((Private letter to @Cloud Strife ))

Your Royal Highness,

Hopefullt you've gained the invitation. I would be honored to have you as my guest. Also you can try to persuade Duvalt. He speak of a fraternity you left. I believe you're better off without such division.

Your obedient servant,
Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @etranger01 and @Eid3r ))
Honored Marquise and Marquess,

First let me wish the Marquess best of luck in your campaign. France need more men like you. Then I will ask of you if you've recieved my invite. Hopefully one or both of you will attend and with your society of good fellows. This will be a chance of laying out a common platform with other liberals and moderates and to expand your network. A gift also await for the Marquise to make up for the last time we met.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @TJDS ))

Dear Deputy,

Did you recieve my invite? I hope you will attend and use the oppurtunity to speak with several men of your convictions and extend your informal role of the opposition - who hopefully will be the position.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Davout ))

M.Rotschild,

Your defense of the Charter and pursue of sane economics are admirable. As such I hope you will come to my banquet where you can meet others who are like you, plan the campaign and increase your network.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @baboushreturns ))

General,

Your effort for the Greek people and liberty will never be forgotten. I hope you will attend to my banquet as a guest of honor.

With deep respect,
Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Syriana ))

Marquis,

Your pisition as a leading liberal politician are indisputed. I would be honored if you were to attend to my banquet and meet the many other liberals and coordinate our efforts for the coming period.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @DensleyBlair ))

Dear Cazal,

I hope you will honor my banquet with your presence. You could use the opportunity for inspiration and networking. Perhaps even to be embraced by great patron of the arts like the Duke of Orleans.

Regards,
Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Rolman99 ))

Capitaine,

I hope you will take your time to attend to my banquet. Use this opportunity to network with other officers and benefactors.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Private letter to @Qwerty7 ))

Dear Artraud,

Will you attend to my banquet? There will be plenty of men of great importance and who lean toward liberalism. I hope you can come in order to influence the minds of many and to explain to us various liberal philosophies and policies.

-Major Lothaire Lécuyer.

((Edit: For those who are invited PM me or IC in the thread if you wish to attend. For NPCs I assume they will come unless the GM say otherwise. Players who are to attend can bring their own followers if they wish so (NPCs for that matter too)).
 
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La Vie de Brunelleschi

Alexandre Cazal's work on the life of Filippo Brunelleschi, one of the first men of genius to signal the Renaissance, ultimately reveals less about the man himself than it does various realities of political and literary life in contemporary France. Whilst undoubtedly studious, Cazal's account of Brunelleschi, his early work and his efforts with the dome of the Santa Maria del Fiore are competent without advancing his significance as it was then understood. Instead, the biography, in its treatment of certain characters and events, illuminates some of the more esoteric sympathies held by Cazal himself.

Primarily, the work may be taken as a veiled contribution to the war between the Classicists and the Romanticists that was active in Paris around the time of publication in Autumn 1826. Cazal was dissatisfied by both schools of literature, although he had experimented with both variously earlier in his career, and instead sought to develop a third school that took as its prime influence human society, as opposed to historical ideals. This remained very much an unfashionable trend at the time, and Cazal's work from this period was appreciated best only when it was interpreted by the literary authorities to represent aspects of one of the two dominant schools—a fate Cazal shared with Stendhal, whose fame at this time rested on his pro-Romantic essay Racine et Shakespeare.
For Cazal, Brunelleschi was an influential figure in that, whilst undoubtedly a Classicist by technical application, he had used his ad hoc education in the Ancient world not for the purpose of repeating Ancient feats, but so as to apply their knowledge in the development of the modern world. Cazal holds Brunelleschi's famous breakthrough with linear perspective as evidence of his modernity, noting that,

Unencumbered by the need to replicate what he had seen in Rome, Brunelleschi turned his sights towards his own world, Florentine society at the dawn of the Renaissance. His great coup d'ingéniosité in the nave of the cathedral, capturing reality with a vitality and an accuracy whose like had been absent from painted art for centuries, demonstrates that Brunelleschi had no desire to linger under past innovations. He was instead gripped by the strongest will to explore for himself, marvelling in the wonder of the world into which he had been born.
Modern scholars have long debated the extent to which Brunelleschi's classicism is evident in his own work. He disliked the Gothic idiom of his contemporaries, embraced by earlier capomaestri working on Santa Maria del Fiore, discarding its preference for such devices as flying buttresses as graceless. His monomaniacal insistence that the dome be constructed uncentred stems from this aversion to external supports, and hence may be interpreted as a form of Classicism, albeit very much avant la lettre. In Rome, dismissed in Brunelleschi's time as a graveyard of pagan monuments, it was from these same monuments that Brunelleschi drew conclusions about proportion and the Classical orders that would go on to influence his own design. Yet Cazal is agnostic about the extent to which this may be interpreted as Classicism as it would be understood in Paris, 1826. He argues that Brunelleschi's study of Ancient monuments was an expression of the difference between him and his forebears. At a time when Roman statuary was considered a harbinger of bad luck, that Brunelleschi persisted in his study demonstrates an independence of spirit that prized human learning over the truisms of his day. The key thing for Cazal is Brunelleschi's application of his learning. That is, that he studied the Pantheon without rebuilding it shows a sensitivity to his own time absent in those whose preference is for the replication of techniques so tested as to have become themselves a mark of gentility.

An altogether more arcane second, or perhaps third dimension to the work also exists—the first being biography, the second literary criticism. Midway through the text, Cazal diverges from the life of Brunelleschi to provide a discursus on the status and practices of the masons who worked under him. Brunelleschi was famed for his use of ciphers to disguise his work from jealous contemporaries, living in constant fear that they would steal his designs if comprehensible to anyone but himself. In this way, Brunelleschi was forced to make known to his masons his plans via a series of signs and codes outlining how his designs were to be built. Today, this necessity of secrecy amongst the masons of the Renaissance is alive in the form of Freemasonry, which is wholly unrelated to architecture but still uses some of its tools and insignia in its own rites. Cazal's own relationship with the Freemasons has been debated by commentators across the decades. No documentary evidence exists, as far as is known, to settle the question in any definitive manner, but the suggestion has been made, largely on the basis of Cazal's close relationship with Henri de Bourbon-Armentières, that he was a member of the Supreme Lodge of France from some time after the 1820s. That Cazal goes out of his way to compare the relationship between Brunelleschi and his masons during the construction of the Santa Maria del Fiore with that of Hiram of Tyre and his masons in constructing the Temple of Solomon provides a tantalising detail for those pursuing the author's own Masonic links.

Something of a special-interest piece when published, at a time when French enthusiasts were far more likely to be gripped by tales from Egypt or Greece, La vie de Brunelleschi
 
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Lothaire were pleased that Durand were to attend his banquet and even more thrilled by his article. He could stand behind such a fine piece and had his signature by the end of the document. It were now Lothaire decided it were time to announce his candidacy. First in "public" arrangement (in truth a salon closed to only members of the haute-borgouise) and then to a letter to le Globe and Constitutionnel.

A bid for the Golden Middleway. -a letter by Lothaire Lécuyer.

If one have not read Manifeste des Chartistes by the distinguished Durand it is highly advised to do so.

As I, Lothaire Lécuyer, hereby announce after serving His Most Christian King loyally in the Army I will again seek the position of Deputy of the Seine. The brilliant piece written by Durand is a manifesto I will support and the voters will be sure I will work with other esteemed gentlemen who share that opinion to achieve what is outlined in that article.

But to keep things short and simple I will here say I am to find common ground with moderates and centrists (among the Ultras, Doctrinaires, Liberals and Constitutionnels alike) and strive toward the Golden Middleway. To not go back to the errors of absolutism and the ancien regime. To not fall for Bonapartist Cæsarism. To not plunge ourselves into radical Republicanism and Democratism. I will follow under the example of renowned men like Duke Louis Philippee III. who seek to find compromise and common ground between the left and right.

For specific policies I promise I will fight wholeheartly for the following policies:

  • Expand the infrastructure.
  • Economic reforms to achieve greater prosperity for the nation of France and its people.
  • Re-form the economical policies of M.Rotschild.
  • Transition the economy from an agrarian one to a modern one.
  • Agricultural reforms in order to "humanise" the agricultural sector.
  • Strengthen the Charter.
  • Find ways to end the Greek oppression - hopefully through means of peace and meditation.
  • Review the censorship laws, the electoral laws and the voting franchise.
  • Review the National Guard. To right the wrongs, and examine if it is to be re-established or what may take its place.
  • Review our education system to bring the very best of the youth out to not only our nation to benefit, but to benefit the world and making France the intellectual and economical center of Europe.
I look forward to the coming election and hope the people of the Seine can once again put their faith in me.
 
To Major Lothaire Lecuyer ((PRIVATE - @ThaHoward))

Dear Major,

Thank you for your kind invitation. The Marquise and I shall naturally attend, and I shall encourage my fellows in the Good Society to do likewise. I am most pleased to hear of your own efforts to achieve re-election in the Seine, and I anticipate working alongside you once more.

Would you be willing to add your name to the list of the Good Society, so as to create a more unified effort to unseat the Sully Ministry? As you may know, the Good Society is a joint effort from all of the opposition groups to achieve victory in the coming elections, and includes many prominent men of varying perspective. I believe that you will be a fine addition to our ranks.

The Marquise and I look forward to the event and to meeting you again.

Best wishes,
Henri Jules de Bourbon d'Armentières
 
All previous bonuses are removed. If you see the same bonus; means no change, but check the number, as some bonuses have been increased.

Prime Minister gets +4 bonus.

Name: Prince de Polignac (@m.equitum)
Bonus Name: Ultra Darling
Description: This prince of France has made stumbled into the love of the reactionary crowd, although his naïvety still restrains him from designs of power.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Duc de Orléans (@Cloud Strife)
Bonus Name: The Orleanist
Description: Returned to the royal grace, Louis-Phillipe, or rather, his sister, has staked a claim to lead the social Opposition of the Left.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Victor Durand (@TJDS)
Bonus Name: Redeemed Reformer
Description: Once disgraced by his reforms, French reformists adore Durand for the laws that have ameliorated the national condition.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Lothaire Lecuyer (@ThaHoward)
Bonus Name: Incomprehensible Insurgent
Description: Is this man a Republican? An Orelanist? A Bonapartist? Not even God knows.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Prince du Condé (@Sneakyflaps)
Bonus Name: Condé inheritance.
Description: Ah, splendid wealth, what good fortune!
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Duc de Saint-Aignan (@Marschalk)
Bonus Name: The Edgest
Description: The counteropposition of royalists and the extreme Right submit to the leadership of Saint-Aignan, the King's confidant. His politics may be despised; but his charisma earns him all the popular virtue.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Comte de Berstett (@Firehound15)
Bonus Name: The Pendulum
Description: From leader of the inflexibles to patron of the center royalists; Berstett might one day circumnavigate the entire ideological spectrum.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Henri Jules de disputed (@etranger01)
Bonus Name: Salon Archon
Description: Alongside his wife, Henri continues to stake his masterry over his societal liberalism. He has earned powerful friends and enemies in his dynastic odyssey.
PP Bonus: +3 PP

Name: Thibaut Duval (@MadMartigan)
Bonus Name: Bougeoisie Exemplar
Description: From humble origins, Duval can now claim national prominence; none should exclude him or his colleagues from considerations of power
PP Bonus: +2.5 PP

Name: Henri-Maurice de St. Germain (@Dadarian)
Bonus Name: Renaissance Royalist
Description: An idiosyncratic man of all trades; Saint-Germain has done everything from claiming artistic mastery over Paris
to pulling off leftist toes; and everything in-between.
PP Bonus: +2.5 PP

Name: Vicomte de Saint Fulgent (@Fingon888)
Bonus Name: The Ideologue Marshal
Description: Undeterred by the passage of time; Saint Fulgent remains resolutely the political intellectual of the new order.
PP Bonus: +2.5 PP

Name: Prosper-Alexandre Miot Cazal de Bissy(@DensleyBlair)
Bonus Name: Accidental Establishmentarian
Description: Perhaps by supereme luck, or maybe divine intervention, Cazal has ascended into the favor of the Voltairerian establishment.
PP Bonus: +2 PP

Name: Marshal Moncey (@Mikkel Glahder)
Bonus Name: Marshal of France
Description: A venerable office who has seen too many regimes and too many wars, Moncey remains esteemed for the title on his person and his service in Spain.
PP Bonus: +2 PP

Name: Jacques (Jakob) Mayer de Rothschild (@Davout)P
Bonus Name: Liberal Ego
Description: A hero of the Liberal cause, Rothschild is known for his refusal to accept defamation.
PP Bonus: +1.5 PP

Name: Claude Artaud (@Qwerty7)
Bonus Name: Liberal Ideologue
Description: Known for his liberal erudition, Artaud is both historian and politician.
PP Bonus: +1 PP

Name: Belle Connard (@Michaelangelo)
Bonus Name: Rural Populace.
Description: Standard-candle for the entirety of rural France.
PP Bonus: Rural public opinion

Name: Jean Maximilien Lamarque (@baboushreturns)
Bonus Name: Champion of the Left
Description: A vigorous defender of the liberal movement in France, Lamarque remains a staunch reformist and Independent in the Deputies.
PP Bonus: +1 PP

Name: Marquess of Armentières (@Eid3r)
Bonus Name: Salon Archoness
Description: The rapid riser of the Parisian social scene, Armentières has made her estates the enviable forum for the Left.
PP Bonus: +1 PP

--
Voting this term is complicated and (un)-amalgamated; it's for me to know and for you to guess.

Also I did this all on my phone so if I really screwed up or left someone out (of deserving bonus) lmk.

Example ballot:

Party: Society of the Good Fellows (Chartists)/Orléanists/Edges/Sully Ultras/Independent Royalists (Saint-Germain/Chateaubriand/Berstett?)
[Department]
[Bonus]

- Name

The divisions are to stand; but how these factions are calculated will depend upon if you reach agreements (i.e an agreement might enable to count the factions as one group in the numbers) and will worsen for delays. For the record, the counter-opposition extreme Right Royalists will not stand with Sully in the election.
 
Party: Good Society (Chartists)
[Seine]
[Salon Archon: +3 PP]

- Henri Jules de Bourbon d'Armentières
 
Party : Good Society (Chartist)
[Seine]
[Salon Archoness +1PP]


Amélie Constance Félicité DE BOURBON d'Armentières
 
(( Une lettre privée à @ThaHoward ))


Cher Lécuyer,


I hope his letter finds you in good health and spirits. I thank you for your kind invitation, which I graciously accept. I look forward to seeing you again, and to an enjoyable evening in good company.


Avec amitié,

Cazal
 
Party: Chartiste

[Seine]
[Accidental Establishmentarian: +2PP]

~ Alexandre Cazal
 
(Joint IC with @etranger01 )

Hôtel de Lassay, Paris
In preparation for the Lécuyer Banquet


“I do not want to go!” said the Marquise, as she pulled the covers of the bed over her head while rolling away from her husband, who was standing next to the bed, busying himself with the necessary preparations for yet another soirée. “I have heard that François Guizot will be there, and you know very well he fancies me but he’s a total bore. I will be stuck all night listening to his thoughts on carpentry or I do not know which godforsaken subject he will conjure.” she continued.

Henri stifled a smile as he adjusted his neckcloth, standing before the mirror so that it would, perhaps, hang evenly without his wife’s assistance for once. “Guizot isn’t a bad sort as long as you don’t get him started on comparative forms of government. I’ve found him quite amiable. But then, perhaps if I were twenty years younger and with a ravishing figure such as the one possessed by my dear wife, he would share his woodworking passions with me, too.”

M. de Bourbon gave up on the neckcloth for now, turning back towards the bed. “In any event, we have to go. The unity of the opposition is at stake.” He paused contemplatively. “Not that I’m particularly pleased to be going to Lecuyer’s mansion, mind you. The man simply cannot take a decent interval, and I’ve never quite understood the peculiar manner in which he speaks.”

The marquise sat in the bed, revealing a bare shoulder by a careful fall of the blanket. “Must we really? I know a ravishing figure that could make it worth your while, right here, Monsieur le Marquis.” She winked at her husband, before getting up and passing behind a paravent to get dressed. She continued the discussion from her retreat, as she started putting on her garments. “It is true that he speaks in the most unusual way.” As she looked at the three choice of dresses for the evening, she pondered. “Henri, I am not sure. Would you mind helping me choose? And keep in mind, I wish strong colors, for that man cannot hold his liquor and I wish not to be stained again.”

Henri gave her the appreciative lift of the eyebrows that she deserved, then laughed and began buttoning up his vest. “Madame la Marquise, surely you know that I would happily indulge you at all times and in any place, if only France was not at stake. Alas, my patriotic duty is far more pressing. It is a sacrifice I must make. For France.” He pressed his hand to his chest briefly, expression comically solemn, then winked at her and walked over to the garderobe. “Perhaps the red? A fine republican color, and the wine will just vanish into it.”

She rolled her eyes at her husband’s comment, who knew just how peeved she was by such nonsense. As she emerged from behind the paravent in only her undergarments, she gave him a quizzical look. “You mean the crimson dress or the carmine one? And yes Henri, that is an existing difference, which changes the whole allure of the dress.” Not waiting for his answer, she picked the crimson dress, which would pair quite nicely with the necklace she had purchased from the Vicomtesse of St. Fulgent’s jeweler.

As her maid entered the room to help her with the dress, she continued the discussion with her husband. “So, you really believe that you will save France tonight, at Monsieur Lécuyer’s ball? While I do understand that we must absolutely attend, I find you rather willing to go. Would he be perhaps a cigar aficionado? Or even worse, is he dabbling into artillery?” She raised her head above the paravent to wink at her husband. While she opposed his hobbies for the sake of opposing them, she was quite satisfied that Henri spent his time on such nonthreatening things.

The marquis let the color question roll by, as it was intended to do, putting on his jacket and walking over to the bureau to pick up his pocket-watch. “I must believe that I am saving France at every banquet and ball, or else I would be the one clinging to the bed. Besides, it will be a useful opportunity to meet and mingle with those who would be our allies. Even the Duke, should it come to it.” His brows briefly lowered, expression stormy, at the thought, but he recovered his good humor quickly enough.

The pocket watch went into a vest pocket, chain artfully draped, as he considered his wife’s question with a snort. “Cigars, perhaps. But never artillery, my dear. Artillery is an applied science where the noise of the gun swallows all. Our friend Lecuyer much prefers the charge on foot, where he can run ahead of the other men and make the most noise.”

Amélie conceded the point. “He certainly must have many qualities. After all, he did send my mother some money for the dress he ruined. He was awfully short of the mark, but the gesture in itself was rather charming.” She exited from behind the paravent, sitting in front of the mirror, putting on her newest jewelry. It was a rather intricate combination of silver and rubies, which sparkled much, adding to her natural radiance. Tying her hair in one long natte, she judged herself rather positively and decided that she was indeed ready. She gave one last long look at the bed, thinking of the sacrifices one must do for France, before exiting the bedchamber.

Several minutes later, the carriage of the Marquis and his wife arrived in front of the Hôtel Lécuyer, a most glamorous building in the nouveau-riche neighbourhood of the Chaussée d’Antin.
 
Invitations were sent out to the banquet Lothaire were to hold. Among the invited were ((NPCs)) M.Francois Guizot, M.Laffitte, M.Adolphe Thiers, Duke of Broglie Achille Léonce Victor Charles, Marquess Laurent de Gouvion Saint-Cyr and the members of the newly founded "the Society of the Good Fellow-Citizens" and liberal and moderate leaning officers he had grown acquainted to over the years.Others to be invited were the Duke of Orleans, Durand, Duvalt, Rotschild, Artraud, Cazal, the Marquises of Lamarque, Lafayette and



Many were also given private letters which hinted that the banquet might be more political in nature...

((Private letter to @MadMartigan ))
Friend,

I bear no grudge. Alltough I ask for you to reconsider in order to gain unity and not fracture like the Ultra majority. Nevertheless I hope you recieved my invitation to the Banquet. It will be a nice gathering for socialising. But more important it will house many central liberal and moderate figures. I hope you take this opportunity to increase your network and discuss future policies among the moderate bloc.

Kind regards,
Lothaire.

My dear Major,


I am no Philhellenist myself, having a taste for vulgar modernity over the classics; but as one whose family relations have suffered the sting and indignities of religious persecution, I of course support the cause of Greek liberty. I would be honored to be your guest and I have no doubt that society's finest will attend such a worthy cause. I will bring a cheque to the occasion, for the cause. The Turk might have one the battle, but the free Greeks shall win the war.

While he has been reticent at times of your adventurous reputation, I dare say you should seek out former Interior Minister Bourbon at this banquet and tell him I recommended you as a good brother. I think you would benefit greatly from what would follow.

Your favorite banker,
Duval