Charles X, etc., in view of the service of our Minister, in war and peace, and his sincere devotion to the Crown:
Jean-Marie Chagnon, vicomte de Saint Fulgent, Minister of War, is hereafter made Marshal of France.
-
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In order to make the new publication well-known in the community, its initial and primary financial backers (the Duc de Sully and Comte de Berstett) funded free releases of the first several issues of Le Journal. Through this plan, they had hoped to make their newspaper a staple of the region, as well as cultivate a potential stronghold for conservatism in northern France.
Au salon de Mme. Virginie Ancelot, rue de Seine
Alexandre Cazal had not anticipated that, of all of his novels, it would be his Italian exploits that would make so great an impression on French high society. Relatively few outside of his own circle of existing readers had been inspired by his drier accounts of Italian life—insofar as life in that country could be dry—that to say he had held his breath for a change in Parisian sympathies towards him … well, he may as well have held his breath for the Roman Empire to spring up anew! But then he knew not by what forces public tastes shifted—that much would have been evident to any half-informed observer. He was certainly not about to question his recent success.
‘So tell us, M. Cazal: where do Tyrrhenie's true sympathies lie? Are M. Villele's claims correct, that you are the old order's newest champion?’
Polite laugher followed Mme. Ancelot's bon mot. Cazal had attended her salon on a handful of occasions following their encounter at the coronation banquet, and so far he had found it tolerable enough. There were enough open-minded regular attendees to counterbalance the inescapable feeling that one was still very much in capital-p Paris. The conversation was less … hermetic than he had found elsewhere. People seemed to actually be receptive to the idea that the provinces might be an interesting place to spend some time. The world did not end with the Chaussée d'Antin.
‘Far from it, Madame. Truthfully, I am amazed that M. Villele and his friends have taken to my book so enthusiastically—though naturally, I do not complain that they have. As I wrote it, I considered it to be an illustration of the transience of the very tradition he sees it as defending. Tyrrhenie concerns itself with the inevitable, with the passage of time, with the conflict between the doggedness of the old and the ferocity of the new. There are of course certain constants throughout all of this, but I did not have the Ultra-royalist party to be one of them.’
A younger man, whom Cazal had never before seen at one of these events, considered the author's words before interjecting with a question.
‘You would agree, however, that your work stands against Romanticism?’
Cazal reflected before speaking, as if weighing in his mind the political implications of what he would say next.
‘My work is what it is. I do not write with a view to opposing anything, but if opposition comes through in my character then I must account for it. I consider there to be wonder enough in the real world to excite the reading public, and so I do not find need to decorate my novels with the ultramundane. But if my novels seem to stand against Romanticism in particular … well, one need only consider the words of M. Hugo, that To be a Romantic is to sing about one's country. It seems to me that I have spent most of my time singing about countries that are not my own.’
The young man seemed satisfied with the response, which he weighed up in turn as the salon broke off into its own various groups and conversations. Later, Mme. Ancelot would corner M. Cazal and remark one just how well he thought he would get on with “our young friend, M. Balzac”.
Alexandre Cazal had not anticipated that, of all of his novels, it would be his Italian exploits that would make so great an impression on French high society. Relatively few outside of his own circle of existing readers had been inspired by his drier accounts of Italian life—insofar as life in that country could be dry—that to say he had held his breath for a change in Parisian sympathies towards him … well, he may as well have held his breath for the Roman Empire to spring up anew! But then he knew not by what forces public tastes shifted—that much would have been evident to any half-informed observer. He was certainly not about to question his recent success.
‘So tell us, M. Cazal: where do Tyrrhenie's true sympathies lie? Are M. Villele's claims correct, that you are the old order's newest champion?’
Polite laugher followed Mme. Ancelot's bon mot. Cazal had attended her salon on a handful of occasions following their encounter at the coronation banquet, and so far he had found it tolerable enough. There were enough open-minded regular attendees to counterbalance the inescapable feeling that one was still very much in capital-p Paris. The conversation was less … hermetic than he had found elsewhere. People seemed to actually be receptive to the idea that the provinces might be an interesting place to spend some time. The world did not end with the Chaussée d'Antin.
‘Far from it, Madame. Truthfully, I am amazed that M. Villele and his friends have taken to my book so enthusiastically—though naturally, I do not complain that they have. As I wrote it, I considered it to be an illustration of the transience of the very tradition he sees it as defending. Tyrrhenie concerns itself with the inevitable, with the passage of time, with the conflict between the doggedness of the old and the ferocity of the new. There are of course certain constants throughout all of this, but I did not have the Ultra-royalist party to be one of them.’
A younger man, whom Cazal had never before seen at one of these events, considered the author's words before interjecting with a question.
‘You would agree, however, that your work stands against Romanticism?’
Cazal reflected before speaking, as if weighing in his mind the political implications of what he would say next.
‘My work is what it is. I do not write with a view to opposing anything, but if opposition comes through in my character then I must account for it. I consider there to be wonder enough in the real world to excite the reading public, and so I do not find need to decorate my novels with the ultramundane. But if my novels seem to stand against Romanticism in particular … well, one need only consider the words of M. Hugo, that To be a Romantic is to sing about one's country. It seems to me that I have spent most of my time singing about countries that are not my own.’
The young man seemed satisfied with the response, which he weighed up in turn as the salon broke off into its own various groups and conversations. Later, Mme. Ancelot would corner M. Cazal and remark one just how well he thought he would get on with “our young friend, M. Balzac”.
The Duval family's contributions to avante garde theater continue with open workshops of a lyrical conversation about a young banker's rise and fall in politics.
"Our politics should be grounded in reality.
In matters financial? Frugality.
In foreign policy? Armed neutrality
And if it were up to me?
Profit and loss, risk and gain would be the prism for morality."
"Our politics should be grounded in reality.
In matters financial? Frugality.
In foreign policy? Armed neutrality
And if it were up to me?
Profit and loss, risk and gain would be the prism for morality."
The Armentières System and St. Fulgent Guns (1827)
Throughout his tenure as Minister of War St. Fulgent's chief of staff, Colonel (later Brigadier General) Henri de Bourbon d'Armentiéres was tasked with implementing a series of military reforms primarily concerned with improving the efficiency and reliability of the French army. Of principal concern to St. Fulgent, himself a former artillery commander, was the mobility (or lack thereof) of the army's famous artillery regiments.
Though Bourbon d'Armentières was not himself an expert in gunnery, he was well-acquainted with the trials and tribulations of hauling the sluggish, recalcitrant, poorly-engineered gun cases across the Pyrenees and back. Several of his diary entries indicate a particular hatred of how an accommodation would be found for one type of gun carriage, only to have to change entirely for the next non-standard carriage, and so on, and so on.
With his Spanish experiences in mind, Bourbon d'Armentières designed a new system of gun carriages that were sturdier and made with standardized parts, reducing the number of gun carriages from half a dozen to a vastly simpler two. Therefore, when one carriage broke down, it could be easily repaired with a standard part rather than having to wait for a new one to be worked up. These new gun carriages also included seats for the gunnery crew atop the ammunition chests, thus allowing the entire battery to move at the speed of the carriage rather than the speed of the gunners.
Instrumental to this entire process was a new gun design masterminded by St. Fulgent himself. Though not substantially different from the Year XI guns designed under Napoleon, St. Fulgent incorporated new metallurgy and forging techniques to produce lighter, more accurate guns in the prescribed calibers. These St. Fulgent guns, when combined with the Armentières System, were vastly less difficult to transport and bring to the battle, removing substantial headaches from French army logistics.
Le Globe
Eyalet Aggression from Alger to Cairo. Essay by Lothaire Lécuyer.
As the Greeks fought for their freedom from the imposter "Roman" Empire, nothing more than a Turkish caliphate, their Empire came crumbling down. The so called Empire fell down as a house of cards, all it took were a blow from the cradle of civilization and the whole rotten structure came down. They failed the most basic task of the state: to care for it's citizens and uphold the monopoly of violence.
So great were their despair that they had to turn to one of their own vassals; the Egypt Eyalet. A province that are Ottoman in all but name. The Turks could not keep on to their "Roman" Empire and as such they had to employ the Egyptians to do their bidding. The Egyptians were employed to keep the Turk Caliphate in place, to keep on oppressing the descadants of the Eastern Roman Empire and the Hellenic societies of the Ancient times.
But there is not only Greece, and Egypt for that sake, the Turks can't control. The Barbary States continue to plague the trade routes of the Mediterranian. And the powerhouse of these pirates are found in another Eyalet of the Ottomans: Algiers. They continue to plague good Christians and enslave free men. And what is the crime of the good Christians? None! None other than traveling in free international waters seeking prosperity and adventure. But the adventure they gain in the Barbary States are nothing more than barbarity.
Christendom are under attack by the Eyalets of the Turks. Let it be the Cretes who face invasion from Egyptians or traders who are enslaved by Berbers. How can this aggression be stopped?
Looking to the Turkish Caliphate there is nothing that remind us of the great Roman Empire they claim to be the successor of. Or they may indeed be correct. As the Roman Empire the Turks are crumbling from within unable to hold on to their provinces. Unable to extert control over Greece (only committing massacres and turning to Egypt for salvation) and their numerous vassals where many turn to outright piracy. One can wonder what the future hold for the Empire and if they are to hold on to their many peoples - or if the yoke of Turk oppression are to be lifted and order restored.
Eyalet Aggression from Alger to Cairo. Essay by Lothaire Lécuyer.
As the Greeks fought for their freedom from the imposter "Roman" Empire, nothing more than a Turkish caliphate, their Empire came crumbling down. The so called Empire fell down as a house of cards, all it took were a blow from the cradle of civilization and the whole rotten structure came down. They failed the most basic task of the state: to care for it's citizens and uphold the monopoly of violence.
So great were their despair that they had to turn to one of their own vassals; the Egypt Eyalet. A province that are Ottoman in all but name. The Turks could not keep on to their "Roman" Empire and as such they had to employ the Egyptians to do their bidding. The Egyptians were employed to keep the Turk Caliphate in place, to keep on oppressing the descadants of the Eastern Roman Empire and the Hellenic societies of the Ancient times.
But there is not only Greece, and Egypt for that sake, the Turks can't control. The Barbary States continue to plague the trade routes of the Mediterranian. And the powerhouse of these pirates are found in another Eyalet of the Ottomans: Algiers. They continue to plague good Christians and enslave free men. And what is the crime of the good Christians? None! None other than traveling in free international waters seeking prosperity and adventure. But the adventure they gain in the Barbary States are nothing more than barbarity.
Christendom are under attack by the Eyalets of the Turks. Let it be the Cretes who face invasion from Egyptians or traders who are enslaved by Berbers. How can this aggression be stopped?
Looking to the Turkish Caliphate there is nothing that remind us of the great Roman Empire they claim to be the successor of. Or they may indeed be correct. As the Roman Empire the Turks are crumbling from within unable to hold on to their provinces. Unable to extert control over Greece (only committing massacres and turning to Egypt for salvation) and their numerous vassals where many turn to outright piracy. One can wonder what the future hold for the Empire and if they are to hold on to their many peoples - or if the yoke of Turk oppression are to be lifted and order restored.
(Private - @Eid3r)
Dear Mdme. Marquess,
I must say I was pleasantly pleased with your letter, and a much delayed congratulations with your marriage to M. de Bourbon. You have married an excellent individual of worth and place.
As for your invitation, I of course accept. I apologies for not meeting sooner, as my fellow literarians in France have sought to fight me in quite an uncouth way.
Call upon me when need be, and I'll endeavour to alter my schedule to fit.
Cordially,
Letter from M. de Saint Germain to Mdme. Marquess D'Armentières
Dear Mdme. Marquess,
I must say I was pleasantly pleased with your letter, and a much delayed congratulations with your marriage to M. de Bourbon. You have married an excellent individual of worth and place.
As for your invitation, I of course accept. I apologies for not meeting sooner, as my fellow literarians in France have sought to fight me in quite an uncouth way.
Call upon me when need be, and I'll endeavour to alter my schedule to fit.
Cordially,
Henri-Maurice
Château d’Écouen
The Marquise of Armentières had spent the last hour in her carriage, on the shoddy roads leading to the Château d’Écouen. She pondered for a second about the fact that the perceived quality of the roads were always in synchronization with the political perception that one had about the current government, but dismissed the notion as a passing rêverie. Along with her in the carriage, her most precious little girl, Charlotte Amélie Gabrielle de Bourbon, born several months before, with a nurse to tend to her needs.
The invitation from the Prince of Condé had arrived at their Parisian estate while the Marquis was away on the frontier, pursuing his passion for artillery by visiting several fort. While she sent a note for him, it was unlikely to reach him in time. Therefore, is it by herself that she answered the invitation, which would most likely, she hoped, make for an easier time, as the relationship between Henri and his father was most difficult.
The spring air was rather cold, so as they arrived, the Marquise made sure that her daughter was well covered in various warm blankets. The domestiques brought her to the library, where the old Prince was perusing various books. She curtseyed as best as she could, while holding her daughter, managing a little bow. “Your Royal Highness, may I introduce to you your granddaughter, Mademoiselle Charlotte Amélie Gabrielle de Bourbon?”
The old Prince smiled slightly as he stood up, several candles lit along with the fireplaces to keep the room warm. “Of course.” He said as he walked over to them, although rather not at a great pace. The colder outsides were kept nicely at bay, Condé himself only wearing modest clothing, not having bothered dressing up in finery for the family occasion. His smile widening slightly more as he looked down at the child. “She is beautiful.”
The Marquise let the Prince hold the child, standing ready to assist him should he be overcome with emotion. She smiled at his comment before answering: “I thank you very much, for I am quite biased in the matter. I am quite sorry that Henri could not be with you today, for he would have loved it I have no doubt, but he has left on a trip to the frontier and had yet to return.”
“Would he now.” The Prince responded, looking at Amélie before turning his attention back to Charlotte. “Hello.” He said, looking at the small child, slowly walking over to a nearby chair and offering Amélie to sit down as well. “I hope the birth was not too troublesome.”
Amélie took the invitation and sat down, motioning her maid to stand ready to take the child from the arms of the Prince should he desire so. She smiled softly before answering his latest remarks. “I am quite certain Henri will be chagrined to have missed this visit, for deep-down, he bears the greatest of affection for your royal highness.” She insisted on her words with the most truthful look she could convey. “As for the birth, I must say that I was overcome with joy, which heals over any wounds. But what about you? I do hope you are still blessed by good health after such a frigid winter?”
“The warmth of the château helps keep out the cold of the storm. I have been fine, but I cannot hide that age is taking its hold on me. Retirement from politics have certainly put my mind at ease.” Condé said with a small chuckle before handing the child over to the maid. “You certainly speak better of Henri than he ever presented himself.” Condé sighed as he looked at her, “Tell me truthfully, how was your mother’s actual reaction to the marriage. I remember her letter to me.”
There was some sort of prophetic humour in the comment of the Prince on politics. The marquise seized on it rather mildly : “It is true that looking at our political life of the past years, the turmoil must be quite a burden on the shoulders of the ministry. But at the same time, it is undeniable that the government could use your guidance and counsel at the same time. I am quite sure that your advice is still quite sought.” She smiled as her daughter was taken away by the maid, before bringing her attention back to the Prince. “Once again, I am certainly biased in my evaluation of Henri, but I would dare to presume that I have a certain eye for greatness, and your Royal Highness has imparted many qualities to Henri that will bring him far in life. As for Her Highness my mother, I must admit that she was quite set on my marrying the son of a close friend of her, but despite the passion of Henri’s first foray into our courtship, she discovered his softer side quite rapidly, and she was also overcome by the honour of joining her house to yours.”
“You have no idea, letters for advice make the utmost sublime firewood.” The Prince said as the servants brought in some coffee. “I have no doubt that Sully shall carry the torch through the darkness, or die trying, the latter seeming more and more probable.” Condé took the cup and drank a slight bit before putting it back down. “I am happy that you are so constant in your praise, and that he seems to impress almost everyone. Apart from your mother, perhaps that has more to do with his social circle, I hear that you both enjoy quite liberal acquaintances. He is certainly from a different age than I, or most of the family.”
The Marquise took a small sip of her coffee before pursuing in the discussion: “While I do not praise lavishly for naught, I must admit that your son his most worthy. While the chasm of generations seldom separates us and our parents from mutual understanding, it is worth noting that this has been the case every since the ancient times, as Aristotle himself wrote about the difficulty of coming to an understanding with youth.” She took the underhand critique of her social circle without any visible reaction, smiling softly has she appreciated the frank manner in which the Prince has expressed it. “It is true that our table is quite sought after these days, but these endless receptions and salons are quite useful to Henri’s future prospects. Entertaining a wide variety of opinions can be burdensome, but I feel much better knowing that I can count on the friendship and common presence of the Duchess of Saint-Aignan and sometimes, of the Duchess of Sully, who have been constant mentors into navigating the Parisian society.”
She feigned a look around, subtly changing the subject. “I do not see the Dowager Countess of l’Isle Jourdain. I certainly hope that she continues to enlighten your days and enliven your evenings.”
Condé gave her nod. “She does, I am afraid that she is not here to meet you, but she is out with her sons, walking through the forest. Though I am happy to know that you have so high friends, I remember they were often fond of the social life of Paris. Not that I blame them.” Condé added before taking another sip of coffee, “If you will forgive me, I suppose that is partly why you are here.”
The Lady of Pisany deflected the critique on her intentions by yet another angelic smile, before answering on a playful tone: “ I am indeed here to cover your Royal Highness with the attentions of a loving daughter, as your Royal Highness honourable conduct over his long life has denied him many pleasure for the sake of duty.” She smiled amicably, to seal the effect of her sentence.
“Ah.” Condé just responded. “I ask your forgiveness for my insinuation. Everyone else has an opinion on the inheritance. His Majesty, his ministers, my children, Sophia daily has an opinion. I falsely expected the same from you, as it would concern not only your husband, but children. Though I applaud you, I am most happy to know we shall not concern that topic then.”
“While to be frank, just as everyone has an opinion about it, I certainly harbour my own views, but far from me to convey them to you, as the disposal of your possessions regards but you and you only. For myself, I considered that you already bequeathed to Henri many fine qualities who are invaluable to him as a father and as a husband, and that there are no finer legacies. But indeed, let us talk about more rejoicing subjects. How is Philippe? I have heard from Henri that he has become quite the rider.”
Condé kept his smile, but in truth remained disappointed as he spoke. “Philippe is well, he occupies most of his time nowadays on horseback. Though I am afraid the recent duel may have peaked his interest. He has certainly begun taking interest in swords, fencing with the young.. I forgot his name, forgive me, his younger brother, with sticks as sword. Philippe is shaping up most diligently. Though his literary studies are becoming somewhat lacking. What of Charlotte, I hope she does not keep you awake at night.”
The face of the young lady enlightened at the mention of her daughter. “She certainly does, for after all, she is a Bourbon, and as such, is most decided on what she wants in life. But rest assured, she is the finest of babies. As for Philippe, surely some training in fencing is not to be disregarded in our day and age. In matters of literature, we are all greatly expecting the next works from the Vicomte de Châteaubriand, which will undoubtedly be of genial nature.”
“Yes, the Vicomte is to be most congratulated on his excellent work, he is a fine example to all of France and one which should be taken heed of. And no, I do not plan to prevent him some training, just not too much, I would rather that he did not rush into duels, like Sophia’s late husband. Though surely that must have caught the attention of Paris. Such an act, truly disgraceful.” Condé replied.
“Indeed, I believe the entire society was quite shocked by such a betrayal of honour and chivalry. It was not a duel, but a sinister act, and the world is a better place being rid of its wanton perpetrator. Is the Dowager Countess still mourning? I have sent her a letter, but I am afraid that written words can do but little to assuage such a pain”, replied the young lady.
“She is, at least officially, but in truth I am unsure how deep their love is. On the other hand, a loving marriage is a rarity in and of itself, not something our class often sees.” Condé said before taking another sip of coffee, while having the servants bring some cake for them. “Though what is to be expected, Germain has always been a low cretin.”
Timing was of much the essence, for if the Prince had uttered his insult a few seconds later, the Marquise would have been in mid sip of her coffee and disaster would have ensued. She repressed laughter by a gentle cough, not expecting so crude a judgement. “I will take your Royal Highness’ word for it, not knowing the man myself, much to the better might I say.” She took a small bite of the cake, leaving the initiative of the discussion to the Prince.
“You may very well say that indeed.” Condé said, taking a piece of the cake as well. “There was a purpose to which I invited you out. I have heard that you, Henri and Charlotte still reside with your mother. I believe the house is yours, but still.”
She corrected the Prince softly. “As a matter of fact, by law, the Hôtel de Croÿ is Henri’s. But indeed, my mother has yet to move to lodging of her own, we dared not to brusque her from a property she so loved. Henri has made a point of honour to let her stay for as long as she likes, and quite frankly, I believe he sometimes regrets it.” She laughed gingerly.
Condé chuckled. “Indeed, I am sure your mother is most grateful. But now that you and Henri have a family, a daughter, and hopefully plenty more to come in the near future. I wished to offer you the use of the Hotel de Lassay if you two so wished. I rarely use it nowadays anyway, and it largely stands empty save for the occasional maids.”
The Marquise was quite surprised at the proposition. She pondered for a moment before answering: “It is very generous of your Royal Highness. I shall certainly relay the offer to Henri for his consideration. However, if I might indulge with one caveat, we could not accept such offer unless your Royal Highness promises to grace us with his presence from time to time.” She smiled in the way that young children can sometimes do, adoringly.
“Naturally.” The old Prince said, “I shall want to see my granddaughter from time to time. And please, while the decision may be his, the offer is just as much for you.”
“Then on behalf of our entire family, let me thank you profusely for such a generous offer. It will most certainly touch Henri very much, and for myself, I am already conquise in my affection for your Royal Highness.”
“And I for you.” He said with a smile. “Do you wish to stay for dinner?”
She smiled softly before answering. “Let me briefly consult with Charlotte, who theses days is my complete master. I would be delighted to accept your invitation, should she allow it.”
Confessions d’un enfant martyr
In the early months following the Affair of the 17th, a new novel, Confession d’un enfant martyr, was published by Armand Thiers, unabashed by the dismal reception of his first book, Les Arpents malheureux. Exploring the themes of sufferance and familial rivalries, Confession, set in the bucolic landscape of 19th century France, is the story of a young child, Henriette Montignasse, who enjoys an idyllic youth in Villiers-le-Bel with her parents, Marguerite and Henri. However, as she turns nine years old, Henriette ’s mother is diagnosed with ergotism, initiating a long descent into folly, which forces her to be committed in a hospital in Paris, severely taxing the strained family finances. As Marguerite illness progressed, her husband falls in love with a polish socialite, Sophie Dansk, who eyes the family possessions for her own.
Following the death of her mother and the remarriage of her father, Henriette falls under the evil rule of her new mother in law, who as soon as she produced a son from her new union, turned at every occasion against the poor little girl and her siblings, sparing no cruelty and encouraging their father to beat them regularly under the falsest of pretense. When two of Philippa’s siblings die, one falling from the roof of a barn, the other one found inert in his bed, suspicions is aroused about Sophie’s behavior, however, they are rapidly dashed by the parish priests, who being secretly in love with Sophie, declared that nothing was ill-looking.
The situation quickly got worse of Henriette, as the priest, Father Bougre, visiting her parish school asked a very difficult question about the Bible to the young girl which she was unable to answer. Notifying her parents of her lack of exertion in her duties, the Father only led her to be beaten even more. Sophie is ingenuous in abusing the young Henriette , slapping her, hitting her with an old nailed bat, dropping hot wax on her skin and locking her for days in a little room with little food when her father was away.
After an incident which left visible scars to her face, her teacher at the parish school, Frère Lebon, tries to intervene as he suspect that she is beaten quite above the acceptable custom. When Henriette stops showing up for parish school, the good Frère Lebon manages to find a reason to visit her home, and witness the young girl being beaten by her mother in law by the window. He quickly reported to his superior, Father Bougre, who stalled him, arguing that Sophie Dansk was in her own write to instill discipline in the child.
However, soon after, the news spread that the poor little Henriette had died of typhus. Having none of it, Frère Lebon overcame his superior’s opposition and told the whole story to the authorities, who after a brief inquiry, quickly arrested the evil matron, deploring that, had they known sooner, the child might have been saved. Overcome with grief, Father Bougre commits suicide.
Once again, with Confessions d’un enfant martyr, Thiers played the fine line between the various audiences in France. The clergy, playing at the same time the role of a villain and of an ally of Henriette ’s, has ample examples in the book to shield itself from any blame. In the liberal readership, the implicit critique of the parish schools and of the idea of instilling obedience in children to an extreme elicits much emotion.
On the stylistic side, while contemporary in its setting, the write borrowed heavily from the romanticism by exploring rather dark emotions and concentrating on the ordeal of the young Henriette , from a deeply personal and individual point of view. The use of a feminine heroin-victim also stirred some controversy by exposing the frailty of the fairer sex and the cruelty still residing in many parts of France toward domestic violence.
Finally, the titled, confession of a martyred child, played on the obsession of the ultraroyalist government of the time with the martyrdom of King Louis XVI, while ignoring the plight of the common people.
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Beauty and the Beast: Part IX
Winter had come and a chill permeated the castle. The building was not very well insulated. Belle found herself spending this cold days nuzzled up in a warm blanket near a blazing fire, reading one of the many books from the library that caught her interest. It was a comfortable way of spending her time. Often she would hear the Beast walk past and glance in the room. He never said anything, possibly because her nose was always in a book. At times she wanted to call him over, but he would disappear before she could speak. Perhaps he only meant to respect her privacy, yet she found herself growing more and more lonely with each passing day.
It was a strange sensation for Belle, this growing loneliness. She had never longed to be near other people. Back in Morlaix, she had enjoyed her solitude. The characters within her books were company enough. That didn’t seem enough anymore. Now she found herself putting down her book, wondering what the others were doing. Casting aside her blanket, Belle left the comfy confines of the library.
As Belle left the library and turned a corner, she nearly ran right into the Beast. He was pacing back and forth in the corridor, muttering to himself. He was so deep in his thoughts that he did not notice her at first. They both stopped right before colliding, exchanging apologies. His face flushed a deep crimson and he seemed unable to meet her gaze, as though he had been caught committing a crime. How long had he been pacing outside the library for? When she looked up at his face, he had his mouth open as though he meant to say something but thought better of it. She waited until he had finally found his words.
“Would you like to join me for a walk outside?” the Beast asked, his lip awkwardly twitching as he tried to maintain a smile.
Belle raised an eyebrow, glancing at the nearby window. The windowsill was covered in white snow, and through the icy panes, snow could be seen blanketing the ground all around. It wasn’t exactly the best weather for a walk. Yet she couldn’t say no to the almost childlike grin he gave her.
“I’m not exactly dressed for the weather,” Belle said. She still wore the same clothes she was wearing when she first arrived at the castle. Mme Potts regularly cleaned them and had offered her some spare clothes, but she preferred her own blue and white dress.
“I’m sure I can find something for you to wear.” Without another word, the Beast sped off down the hallway. He yelled back at her over his shoulder. “I’ll be back in a minute.”
Belle waited patiently by the window, watching the snow fall outside. The snowflakes danced gracefully across the landscape, drifting back and forth in the wind. She pressed her hand to the glass, feeling the chill against her skin. She hugged herself to ward off the cold leaking through the glass.
Eventually the Beast returned, lugging a brown fur coat under his arm. He held it out to her, although then decided he’d help her put it on. She extended her arms, allowing him to slip it on for her. It was well-padded and reached all the way down to her knees, although she couldn’t help noticing the loose threads and that the colour had long since faded. It was clearly an old coat. Belle wondered who its last owner had been.
The Beast took Belle by the hand and led her outside. The cold air nipped at her skin the moment she left the castle. The thick coat warded off most of it, although moisture started soaking into her boots soon after and her cheeks reddened with the cold. The Beast seemed unbothered by the weather. Snowflakes flittered down, sticking to his bushy beard. All that hair probably did a decent job of keeping him warm.
They walked together through the snow, leaving deep footsteps where they had stepped. Occasionally Belle would step into a deeper patch and have the snow reach up past the top of her boots, seeping down to her toes. She nearly took a tumble when she inadvertently wandered off the path and ended up stepping into a bit of a dip. Help was needed to escape, for it was up past her knees and the snow stuck to her boots. She would have been embarrassed by the whole affair, but instead of helping her step free, the Beast grabbed her by the waist and lifted her into the air. She couldn’t help but let out a childlike squeal as he twirled her around him as though she weighed nothing. When he did eventually set her back down, they were both laughing boisterously.
Hand in hand, the Beast guided Belle a little farther, this time stamping his feet in the ground to leave impressions for Belle to step in. When he spotted a bench, he brushed off the snow and let Belle sit for a moment so as to free the snow from her boots. She pulled them free and shook the slush out onto the ground. Once she was certain they were free of any cold substances, she put her boots back on.
They plodded on a bit further. It was difficult to tell where they were going. Belle was not too familiar with this part of the grounds, and it was even harder to distinguish any significant landmarks when everything was blanketed in white snow. Eventually curiosity won out over the thrill of a surprise. “So where are you taking me?”
“You’ll see soon enough,” the Beast said, his hot breath leaving clouds of mist in the air.
More walking followed, and Belle was starting to wonder if they’d ever reach their destination. The only warning she received that they had arrived was the Beast stopping and holding his arm out to keep her from walking past. She glanced around, seeing only white and more white. Some trees stood in the distance, bedecked in layers of snow. Then she noticed that the glistening surface before her, more solid in appearance than the rest of the landscape. What stood before her was not more snow but ice instead. Taking a closer look at her surroundings, she realized that she had been brought to a frozen pond.
Before Belle could ask any questions about why she had been brought here, the Beast held up two pairs of skates in his hands. How he had hidden them beneath his coat, she did not know. He merely grinned at her and asked, “Will you join me?”
Never before had Belle gone skating. It was not exactly a pastime practiced by most people, for no one had the time or money to devote to such a frivolous activity. She watched the Beast don his own pair of skates before she took her pair and put them on. They pinched her feet a bit, and it took some getting used to balancing on a thin metal blade. The Beast took her hand and they waddled towards the pond’s edge.
The Beast was the first to step onto the ice. For a brief moment she feared it would crack under his weight and he’d sink beneath the surface. She was uncertain how deep the pond was, but she did not have to fear for the ice held. He stepped onto the ice and gracefully glided across the surface. Turning back to face her, he said, “It has been quite some time since I last did this.”
Belle took her first step onto the ice. Once she had both feet firmly planted, she pushed off just like the Beast had done. She immediately lost her balance and proceeded to fall right down on her rump. The Beast smoothly skated over and helped her to her feet. As she rubbed her behind, she said, “I’ve never done this before.”
“I gathered that,” the Beast said, smirking through the beard that covered his lower face. “Let me teach you then.”
Holding her hand tight, the Beast carefully guided Belle out onto the ice. When she looked as though she was ready to fall, he grabbed her by the waist to steady her. They drew very close together during those moments and Belle could feel his breath against her neck. She found herself clinging more closely to him as she wobbled unsteadily on her feet.
“It’s quite easy once you get the hang of it,” the Beast said, pulling her close as she threatened the fall right over. “Try to let your feet glide across the ice rather than taking steps.”
Belle tried her best to follow the Beast’s advice, slowly sliding one foot after another over the ice. A few times she swayed back and forth, but he was always there to grab her and keep her from falling. As she became more certain of herself, he let go of her waist and held her by the hand, guiding her across the ice. His movements were so much more steady and sure, while her legs kept shaking as she tried to maintain her balance.
After several minutes of practice, Belle felt confident enough to let go of her companion and skate alone. She took a few hesitant glides forward and found that she wasn’t tipping over this time. The Beast grinned at her as she triumphantly skated across the pond alone.
“I did it,” Belle said proudly, waving her arms around in excitement. The Beast applauded her as she kept upright and steady, continuing to move forward. His expression dropped though as he came to notice what Belle was just realizing: she didn’t know how to stop. With the nearby bank approaching far too rapidly, Belle tried to turn and over-adjusted, losing her balance and slipping. She let out a yelp as her legs kicked out from underneath her and she fell backwards towards the ice.
The Beast’s burly hands grabbed her before she could hit the ground. He had built up too much momentum though trying to reach her in time and thus carried the both of them forward. He ungraciously tripped as his skates caught on the hard ground of the pond’s bank. The two of them fell into the snow, the Beast twisting his body to ensure he did not land on top of her. His manoeuvring instead ended with him collapsing on his back in the snow with Belle landing on top of him.
The two huffed for air, shaken by their near disaster. It had only been luck that they had not fallen onto the ice or through it. Yet looking back at the whole thing, the flailing of limbs and spastic dances they had performed to keep upright, they couldn’t help but chuckle. Then they looked to each other with great mirth in their eyes and let loose a loud barrage of laughter.
As their laughter died down, they decided to just lie there in the snow in silence. Belle nuzzled her head against the Beast’s warm chest, listening to the beat of his heart. The Beast wrapped an arm around her and pulled her close, gently caressing her arm. The snow had stopped falling, allowing them to rest in the snowbank without being smothered by new flakes. They rested there for quite some time, enjoying the moment and each other’s company.
The Lean Years: 1823-1827
A view of the Palais-Royal.
A view of the Palais-Royal.
Louis-Philippe had devoted his efforts in the middle of the decade to stabilizing his precarious position in the civic life of France. His relations with his cousin, the late king, were rather strained and although he found his tendency towards reaction rather annoying the new king, his cousin Charles, was an all together more affable man. Under the guise of taking an active interest in the Greek Crisis, the duc d'Orleans grew his network of political clients and tried to stay personally above the parliamentary fray that rocked the current Ministry. The inability of the Ultra-Royalists to move forward an agenda even with super-majorities and the de facto abdication of the prominent members of the opposition of leadership provided the Duc with occasion to make his will known again in the ranks of government.
Due to the poorly thought out attempt to compensate emigres Louis-Philippe found himself with a windfall in the form of government bonds. This expanded his sizeable base of assets and advanced his ability to populate the Liberal wing of the Doctrinaires and the larger opposition movement with more of his creatures. This combined with the profusion of new publications taking advantage of freer press laws gave him a new stage to reach a larger audience. His ties with the industrious class and those among the nobility of a liberal-bent were reforged and during these years Louis-Philippe did much to encourage his network to make inroads among the more prosperous and talented of the departments, and to bring those deemed worthy to his attention so that he could advance their careers and ensure their service to the cause of Enlightenment.
His attachment to the Liberal cause was tempered by his reactionary wife and the need to advance the career of his son and heir, Ferdinand-Philippe. The new king had not only restored his family's style of address as Royal Highness' but also granted his eldest a commission as a Colonel in the Hussars. He placed great hopes on the young duc de Chartres who graduated near the top of his class at the Ecole Polytechnique and was now with the 1er regiment de hussards. Chartres was almost of a carbon copy of his father in personality and political leanings but lacked his patience and fancied himself a populist. He shared the usual fire of youth and had to be regularly reminded by his father to measure his words and to carry himself in a manner more befitting a member of the high nobility.
Balancing the needs of his dynasty and what he thought best for the French people, Louis-Philippe embarked on rallying the political opposition at the Palais-Royal. In his conversations with members of his faction and allies he would emphasize the need to decouple King Charles from his Ministers. He anticipated a tightening of the censorship laws in light of the inability of the Ultras to fight the opposition effectively in the media. His followers had to avoid libel problems and stay ahead of the curve. Additionally Orleans would commission a series of lectures given by his allies in civic life and academia and pay for their serialization in the newspapers on the virtues of the Charter and the need to recommit to the cause of national reconciliation.
It was Orleans' intent to advance a Liberal, forward-looking vision for France and her people. While many of his enemies accused him of coveting the throne those that knew Louis-Philippe on a personal knew better. He was attached to the family of the late Berry and socialized with the King and his circle. On a personal level he got along with the Bourbons and hoped that the young Prince Henri would grow up in an atmosphere conducive to sympathy for Liberal causes. Usurping the throne was never on his mind.
In contrast, Orleans' sister Princess Adélaïde had little faith in the Bourbons and their reactionary tendencies.
From her salon in the Palais-Royal she hosted members of the Liberal press, politicians, actors, and academics all nursing grudges. Many suspected it was the hostility shown by Marie Thérèse, the wife of the Dauphin and Louis XVI's only surviving child, that fed and strengthened Adélaïde's grudge. By her measure, the reactionary tendencies nursed by the Bourbons would eventually alienate the middle and working-classes. In the next moment of crisis such forces would be arrayed against the Bourbons and if handled improperly by them such forces would hasten their demise, if not remove them entirely.
It was Princess Adélaïde's ambition that the House of Orleans would cultivate the opinions of influence makers in these groups hostile to the Bourbons. Where her brother could not, or would not, dare to tread she was present to drive public opinion towards her brother. On the off chance opportunity visited itself upon Louis-Philippe, she wanted to ensure he was in the hearts of the people to better make use of such an auspicious occasion.
((Private - @99KingHigh ))
Addressed to His Most Christian Majesty, Charles X, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre,
courtesy of His Majesty's Household;
courtesy of His Majesty's Household;
Your Majesty,
I beg your forgiveness for my insolence - it was through my own lax behavior that efforts to push forward our most righteous agenda were stalled in the Chamber of Deputies. It will stand as a great disappointment in my life, but I shall take heed of it and promise to serve with tenfold the enthusiasm and vigor that I possessed previously. It is my solemn promise that I shall not fail His Majesty again.
Although I am loathe to point fingers - or make excuses - I do believe general stagnation in the Council of State and unseen illnesses, such as the prince de Polignac, have caused a faltering of its capabilities. It would thus be my recommendation to His Majesty that a shuffling may be the best course at hand.
If I may be so bold, I would have recommendations to put forward on the exact nature of the shuffling based on consultations with the ministers themselves, and other influential figures in our movement. I would submit it for His Majesty's consideration:
President: duc de Sully
Minister of the Interior: duc de Sully
Minister of Foreign Affairs: comte de Berstett
Minister of Justice: vicomte de Chateaubriand
Minister of War: vicomte de St. Fulgent
Minister of Finance: Jean-Baptiste de Villèle
Minister of the Navy & Colonies: Christophe André Jean de Chabrol de Crouzol
Minister of Education and Religious Affairs: Henri-Maurice de St. Germain
Minister of the King's Household: duc de Saint-Aignan
It is my hope that His Majesty looks on such appointments with approval; it is my belief that such changes will have a positive effect on the Council of State's abilities to implement His Majesty's will. Minister of the Interior: duc de Sully
Minister of Foreign Affairs: comte de Berstett
Minister of Justice: vicomte de Chateaubriand
Minister of War: vicomte de St. Fulgent
Minister of Finance: Jean-Baptiste de Villèle
Minister of the Navy & Colonies: Christophe André Jean de Chabrol de Crouzol
Minister of Education and Religious Affairs: Henri-Maurice de St. Germain
Minister of the King's Household: duc de Saint-Aignan
I beg to remain your most humble and obedient servant,
Article published by the journalist patroned by the Lécuyers.
Le Globe
On Position and Opposition.
When the King ascended to his rightful throne he were in a unique position. The Ultra-Royalists had won by a landslide and composed a supermajority. It seemed as if the government were to have a field day in the absence of any real opposition. An opposition who laid with a broken back after a humiliating defeat.
But such were not the reality. It were as if the hopes were a hot air balloon. It were to rise up to unprecedented heights and float away majestly to the horizon. But as they ascended the air went out of the balloon and it were as if it made the position speechless.
For that was what they were - speechless. None of the articles and speeches made by Durand and Duval, the Double-D loved by so many men, nor any of the others in opposition were answered. Were this a result of hubris from their victory or were it the result from general incompetence? We do not know, and it's not our task to speculate on that matter.
What is clear, however, is that despite of their super-majority the government had little support from the urban classes, the press and even the Deputies and Peers. The Peers were given would give the ultra-reactionary proposals a hard fight, many are moderate to liberal royalists - they were appointed by the brilliant Decazes. But the Deputies? How could the government fail to pass great parts of their legislation through the Deputies and had to moderate parts of it? It baffle us all.
The reason for this may be twofold if one are to analyze this peculiar situation. The first part is to look at the opposition. The opposition formed around the center-left policies and arguments of Durand. Despite their difficult position in the Chamber of Deputies they made a heroic effort to stand up for their beliefs. To argue for their cause where most Ultras and ministers stood by rather tending to their vast estates than partaking in the discourse. Perhaps this helped sway many of the position to come to the center and implement compromise rather than the hard rightist and ultra-reactionary policies of the government. If so it were quite the feat of 57 Doctrinaires and 30 Liberals to stand against the whopping 213 Ultras.
The answer have to lay elsewhere too. Perhaps the current government simply did not rule on the grace of the position? Perhaps the 213 Ultra Deputies do not matter much when many of them do not agree with the current government? There can be no other explenation for why they would help defeat the Protection of the Church and moderate the Indemnification Bills - which showed the true ultra-reactionary feathers of the government.
As such a new policy should be taken in place. A policy most should support. The liberal Doctrinaires and Independent-Liberals should support it out of ideology, while the conservative Doctrinaires and moderat Ultraroyalist should support it of practiciality. That is the Chamber of Deputies, perhaps in tandem with the Chamber of Peers, should elect the Council of Ministers. As such we're guaranteed the government will reflect the composition of our legaslative body. To avoid the emberassament of the current Council of Ministers.
The strenghts will be many. The electorate will have a direct saying in how their country are to be ruled, and the government will from the get go have the blessing of the Deputies giving them great room of manuever. France deserve this too so we no longer need to fall into situations like this where the government obviously have little support, and need to strike compromises with the opposition, among their own faction and get little to nothing done. Of course the King will have the final word and the Ministers are to be approved by him, but it is the Chamber of Deputies, and perhaps the Peers too, who are to nominate the Ministers. If such a policy are to be in place a new election should be called for too.
As such it is strongly reccomended the Doctrinaires or Liberals, or moderate Ultras, make such a proposition in the Chamber of Deputies or Peers.
Le Globe
On Position and Opposition.
When the King ascended to his rightful throne he were in a unique position. The Ultra-Royalists had won by a landslide and composed a supermajority. It seemed as if the government were to have a field day in the absence of any real opposition. An opposition who laid with a broken back after a humiliating defeat.
But such were not the reality. It were as if the hopes were a hot air balloon. It were to rise up to unprecedented heights and float away majestly to the horizon. But as they ascended the air went out of the balloon and it were as if it made the position speechless.
For that was what they were - speechless. None of the articles and speeches made by Durand and Duval, the Double-D loved by so many men, nor any of the others in opposition were answered. Were this a result of hubris from their victory or were it the result from general incompetence? We do not know, and it's not our task to speculate on that matter.
What is clear, however, is that despite of their super-majority the government had little support from the urban classes, the press and even the Deputies and Peers. The Peers were given would give the ultra-reactionary proposals a hard fight, many are moderate to liberal royalists - they were appointed by the brilliant Decazes. But the Deputies? How could the government fail to pass great parts of their legislation through the Deputies and had to moderate parts of it? It baffle us all.
The reason for this may be twofold if one are to analyze this peculiar situation. The first part is to look at the opposition. The opposition formed around the center-left policies and arguments of Durand. Despite their difficult position in the Chamber of Deputies they made a heroic effort to stand up for their beliefs. To argue for their cause where most Ultras and ministers stood by rather tending to their vast estates than partaking in the discourse. Perhaps this helped sway many of the position to come to the center and implement compromise rather than the hard rightist and ultra-reactionary policies of the government. If so it were quite the feat of 57 Doctrinaires and 30 Liberals to stand against the whopping 213 Ultras.
The answer have to lay elsewhere too. Perhaps the current government simply did not rule on the grace of the position? Perhaps the 213 Ultra Deputies do not matter much when many of them do not agree with the current government? There can be no other explenation for why they would help defeat the Protection of the Church and moderate the Indemnification Bills - which showed the true ultra-reactionary feathers of the government.
As such a new policy should be taken in place. A policy most should support. The liberal Doctrinaires and Independent-Liberals should support it out of ideology, while the conservative Doctrinaires and moderat Ultraroyalist should support it of practiciality. That is the Chamber of Deputies, perhaps in tandem with the Chamber of Peers, should elect the Council of Ministers. As such we're guaranteed the government will reflect the composition of our legaslative body. To avoid the emberassament of the current Council of Ministers.
The strenghts will be many. The electorate will have a direct saying in how their country are to be ruled, and the government will from the get go have the blessing of the Deputies giving them great room of manuever. France deserve this too so we no longer need to fall into situations like this where the government obviously have little support, and need to strike compromises with the opposition, among their own faction and get little to nothing done. Of course the King will have the final word and the Ministers are to be approved by him, but it is the Chamber of Deputies, and perhaps the Peers too, who are to nominate the Ministers. If such a policy are to be in place a new election should be called for too.
As such it is strongly reccomended the Doctrinaires or Liberals, or moderate Ultras, make such a proposition in the Chamber of Deputies or Peers.
His Most Christian Majesty, King Charles X, King of France and Navarre
Addressed to the duc de Saint-Aignan
@Marschalk
Addressed to the duc de Saint-Aignan
@Marschalk
Mon-Cher Saint-Aignan,
I am unsure if you have heard from M. Sully the proposition of the Council; nonetheless I have included it for reference. I must know your opinion on this matter; what I know to be true is that if M. Sully intends to bring the person of Monsieur de Chateaubriand into the Government, he must be prepared to depart with M. Villèle. It is often said that when under the heat one must not be made to look weak. I have been told by some loyal friends that I should not make concessions to the "factions"; and that only unflinching firmness on my part could force resolution. But I will not ignore the judgement of my chief Minister, yet I would be foolish not to take yours. Above all, however, I fear that M. Sully will by this act, only worsen his position in the Chamber, insofar that these factions have portioned the loyalties of the Kingdom.
((Written by the corrupted journalist)).
Le Globe
Philosophical and practical implications from the Indemnification.
The greatest achievement of the current government are perhaps the Indmenification laws. Despite the finishng touch being heavily influenced by the stable guidance of M.Durand. The first act of the new King were to implement this law, but were it needed? When did those who emigrated get their property confiscated? Over 33 years ago. nd when did they return? Over 22 years ago. One can argue the whole issue of confiscation and indemnification are indeed dated. Dated in the legal sense, and dated in the social sense. Should the government rip up the conflicts and wounds of old? The indemnification serve no other purpose than benefitting the few and creating polarization and hostility in a time where we were starting to come together as one nation, one people.
Then there's the whole reasoning behing the indemnification. It's a revisision of history, nothing more, nothing less. It've been potrayed as if the nobles got their property confiscated in a revolutionairy fervour and indiscriminate. That it were as a lighting that struck from a clear blue sky. But such is not the case. The confiscation of property did not happen until 1792. And those who got their property confiscated were those who left France to conspire with foreign powers to overthrow the government. The article is not condemning the act itself, but one should reflect around the reason for the confiscation. Afterall the nobles made a free choice to sacrifce themself for the greater good. And they were, in the eyes of the state, traitors and were as such treated accordinigly.
Now let us switch pespective for a while. Imagine that when liberals took power in Spain and held their King hostage, many liberals emigrated from France to Spain. There they conspired to bring the revolution to France or to fight against the 100.000 Sons of St. Louis. How should these nobles and borgouis who left to conspire against their own people and government be treated?
When we look at the practical issues of the indemnification they are taking francs away from the small time investors. This is not benefitial for the economy at all. We've barely gotten out of a debt crisis and economical downturns, and now the government seek to further punish the lower middle class and industrialists in general. First they reverted many of the needed economicl reforms under Rotschild and the like, now they punish them further. And for what? To appease the great propertiers and landowners? Let us just hope, and here hope is the keyword, this will not have further consquences for the economy. Or that a financial downturn follow. The policies may then be disastrous. Disatrous for the financial institutions, who have little protection under the radical-agragrian politics of the current government, and disastrous for the poor urban classes.
Fortunately, for all of France, the Doctrinaires showed moderation under the leadership of Durand. They and the moderate Ultras managed to reduce the costs from nearly one billion francs (!) to "just" 630 million francs. They clearly valued the overall unity, stability and progress of France over dogmatic pursuits.
And who do this indemnficiation benefit? Men who have much. Those who have much want more. But great figures such as His Royal Highness the Duke of Orleans benefitted immensly. However he, and others, have shown themself to be of moderate and compassionate colors. Let us all hope they will spend some of their newfound wealth to donate to those who suffer under the current indemnfication, the poor or to the liberal press so that we may have a sensible coverage of the political scene and government activity. Hopefully the Duke, and other men as him, will show this act of good faith and grace.
Finally let us examine the numbers themself. 630 000 000 francs are to be spent. An enormous number by all means 19 times greater than the immense fortune of James de Rotschild and 21 years worth of the King's annual civil list. To put this vast sum into perspective some data have been collected. 126 000 000 working men could have gotten their annual pay. Nearly 420 000 families of three could get their minimum wage of living. Over 467 500 assisstant priests could be employed for a year. The article is not saying the money should be spent directly on that, but it do create a moment of reflection. The money could be better spent elsewhere, such as public works. Or the private industry could keep their hard earned money and help finance new industries and employ more working men. And are France not in shortage of priests? And the most shocking of all were that, had it not been for the moderates in the Chamber of Deputies, the government were ready to spend 1 billion francs on the indementies. To take 1 billion francs, francs who could be better spent elsewhere, to rip up old wounds and conflicts and give to those who already have much.
So with these indemnities one have to ask where the priority of the government lies. Do it lie in steering the nation into an age of prosperity and stability, or to give millions of francs to their loyal supporters? Are the state supposed to care of its people or its loyal supporters?
Le Globe
Philosophical and practical implications from the Indemnification.
The greatest achievement of the current government are perhaps the Indmenification laws. Despite the finishng touch being heavily influenced by the stable guidance of M.Durand. The first act of the new King were to implement this law, but were it needed? When did those who emigrated get their property confiscated? Over 33 years ago. nd when did they return? Over 22 years ago. One can argue the whole issue of confiscation and indemnification are indeed dated. Dated in the legal sense, and dated in the social sense. Should the government rip up the conflicts and wounds of old? The indemnification serve no other purpose than benefitting the few and creating polarization and hostility in a time where we were starting to come together as one nation, one people.
Then there's the whole reasoning behing the indemnification. It's a revisision of history, nothing more, nothing less. It've been potrayed as if the nobles got their property confiscated in a revolutionairy fervour and indiscriminate. That it were as a lighting that struck from a clear blue sky. But such is not the case. The confiscation of property did not happen until 1792. And those who got their property confiscated were those who left France to conspire with foreign powers to overthrow the government. The article is not condemning the act itself, but one should reflect around the reason for the confiscation. Afterall the nobles made a free choice to sacrifce themself for the greater good. And they were, in the eyes of the state, traitors and were as such treated accordinigly.
Now let us switch pespective for a while. Imagine that when liberals took power in Spain and held their King hostage, many liberals emigrated from France to Spain. There they conspired to bring the revolution to France or to fight against the 100.000 Sons of St. Louis. How should these nobles and borgouis who left to conspire against their own people and government be treated?
When we look at the practical issues of the indemnification they are taking francs away from the small time investors. This is not benefitial for the economy at all. We've barely gotten out of a debt crisis and economical downturns, and now the government seek to further punish the lower middle class and industrialists in general. First they reverted many of the needed economicl reforms under Rotschild and the like, now they punish them further. And for what? To appease the great propertiers and landowners? Let us just hope, and here hope is the keyword, this will not have further consquences for the economy. Or that a financial downturn follow. The policies may then be disastrous. Disatrous for the financial institutions, who have little protection under the radical-agragrian politics of the current government, and disastrous for the poor urban classes.
Fortunately, for all of France, the Doctrinaires showed moderation under the leadership of Durand. They and the moderate Ultras managed to reduce the costs from nearly one billion francs (!) to "just" 630 million francs. They clearly valued the overall unity, stability and progress of France over dogmatic pursuits.
And who do this indemnficiation benefit? Men who have much. Those who have much want more. But great figures such as His Royal Highness the Duke of Orleans benefitted immensly. However he, and others, have shown themself to be of moderate and compassionate colors. Let us all hope they will spend some of their newfound wealth to donate to those who suffer under the current indemnfication, the poor or to the liberal press so that we may have a sensible coverage of the political scene and government activity. Hopefully the Duke, and other men as him, will show this act of good faith and grace.
Finally let us examine the numbers themself. 630 000 000 francs are to be spent. An enormous number by all means 19 times greater than the immense fortune of James de Rotschild and 21 years worth of the King's annual civil list. To put this vast sum into perspective some data have been collected. 126 000 000 working men could have gotten their annual pay. Nearly 420 000 families of three could get their minimum wage of living. Over 467 500 assisstant priests could be employed for a year. The article is not saying the money should be spent directly on that, but it do create a moment of reflection. The money could be better spent elsewhere, such as public works. Or the private industry could keep their hard earned money and help finance new industries and employ more working men. And are France not in shortage of priests? And the most shocking of all were that, had it not been for the moderates in the Chamber of Deputies, the government were ready to spend 1 billion francs on the indementies. To take 1 billion francs, francs who could be better spent elsewhere, to rip up old wounds and conflicts and give to those who already have much.
So with these indemnities one have to ask where the priority of the government lies. Do it lie in steering the nation into an age of prosperity and stability, or to give millions of francs to their loyal supporters? Are the state supposed to care of its people or its loyal supporters?
The Manifesto of the New Royalist
But how to build that world? We must not acknowledge calls for violent upheaval and must not acknowledge calls for a romantic return to the past. Instead, we must focus on today. The truth is that the present system would be entirely agreeable to most Frenchmen were it properly upheld. The Charter guarantees the rights of the people and provides for sound, stable governance. It is that the Charter is so routinely set aside, that law is passed and enforced by fiat, and that corrupt practices reign in government and elections, that our nation still languishes in backwardness and inefficiency.
Therefore, I say to those who desire reform, we should not overthrow that which presently exists, but rather demand that the government conform to the Charter and to sound, moral practices. We must demand an end to royal ordinances for acts which rightfully belong to the Chambers, an end to corrupt electoral practices, and an end to the routine abuses of the rights guaranteed by the Charter and His Majesty's solemn oath to uphold it.
To the electors, I say this: when the elections come, hold the government to account! To the people, I say this: when you make your voices heard, call for the Charter, and for honest government!
- Henri Jules de Bourbon d'Armentières
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Préfet et Député Victor Durand du Nord
de facto Chef de l'Opposition
«I shall, before introducing a motion in this house, read the service and travel report by Capitaine Achille Durand of the Fourth Philhellenic "Myrmidons" Company, on the State of Greece as he fought to protect it:
Our scouts have recieved information of the Turkish crimes in Missolonghi. As this town, which had already been besieged three times by the Ottomans and their vile Mohammedan allies under the Egyptian Prince Ibrahim, was starving through a cruel Ottoman blockade, the local Commanders planned to retreat from the city with all men, women and children, in fear of the crimes that may be committed against them by the Mohammedans if they surrendered. When that night of retreat came, nearly ten thousands Greek men, women and children silently traversed the darkness to what they thought was safety. However, the Turks and Egyptians stood ready and fired upon them. Like rats in a trap, they would either become victim of the Egyptians or the Turks, as the Mohammedans had already entered the city and started looting, raping and klilling. Karaiskakis, a fellow commander in the vacinity, has described to me what he saw: "the Turks set fire to Missolonghi as a torch, visable as far as Vasiladhi and Klisova and over the whole plain. The flashes of gunfire looked like a host of fireflies. From Missolonghi we heard the shrieks of women, the sound of gunfire, the explosion of powder magazines and mines, all combined in an indescribably fearful noise. The town was like a roaring furnace." Those that did escape the horrors at Missolonghi were pursued by Mohammedans intent on killing the men and to take the women and children to sell into slavery. With pride, the Turk taken prisoner by our scouts tell us of their crimes, with those remaining Greeks who did not kill themselves by blowing themselves up with gunpowder rather than surrendering being either slaughtered or sold into slavery. They speak highly of the 3,000 severed heads displayed of the walls of what has become the ghost town of Missolonghi.»
Silence has descended in the Chamber as rarely before, Deputies of all sides shocked by another report of Turkic crimes against the Greeks being layed before them. Durand once again spoke:
«France has always stood proud as defender of Christianity and Civilization both in- and outside Europe. Indeed, from the First Crusade, in which our ancestors lead an army of pious souls in defence of Christians and Christianity persecuted by wicked Mohammedan Hords, onwards it has been our duty and our privelige to spread the Light of Christianity and protect those Good Christian souls unable to protect themselves. Thus I ask you, Monsieur Président, what should be our answer to these crimes? Should we stand silently by as Mohammedans rape the birthplace of Western Society, Culture and History? Should we stand silently by as Christians are being persecuted as things lower than virmin? Should we, like this Foreign Minister, remain immorally silent, fearing that doing the Good Work for our Lord would incur us the wrath of that Mephistopheles in Vienna?»
«Nay! Nay! Nay!, Monsieur Président, Messieurs Députés, we answer the calls of Christian duty and Greek pleas for help now and today. Thus I do hereby introduce a Motion in this Chamber moving the Government to do all that is in her Charted Power to free the Greek Christian People from Oppression and Persecution by the Mohammedans.»
«Merci, Monsieur Président.»
((P.S. I am endebted for the leeway I have recieved from KingHigh on the matter of my vote, and sincerely apologise for my absence. However, I did not belief myself able to adequately contribute to the thread in what could be described as a tired and emotional state))
A new way forward for the Kingdom
The advent and coronation of His Majesty Charles X was a most pristine occasion to usher the kingdom into a new era. Gone were to be the careful days of Louis XVIII, who adroitly navigated the treacherous waters of the restoration, rebuilding the nation’s love for their natural monarchy after a forced absence of a quarter of a century. Our new Monarch quickly dispensed with the most oppressive apparatus of state censorship, announcing new and glorious days of the realm. Given the largest majority of staunch royalists to work with in both Chambers, there was a general feeling of acquiescence that His Majesty was going to be able to enact meaningful reforms to the benefits of the good people of France.
However, his cabinet squandered that opportunity by exerting the greatest lack of leadership witnessed in recent memory. Asleep at the helm, the Duke of Sully maneuvered his Ministry in a cul-de-sac, squandering royalist fervor and momentum, discarding, we are told, the most apt recommendations of the Duke of Saint-Aignan. It is to be pointed as rather pitiful, that the greatest legislative realization of this Ministry of late has been to reduce the number of national holidays by combining the commemoration of the Martyrdom of beloved King Louis XVI with the commemoration of the passing of his Queen, Marie-Antoinette, thus ripping away the common man of a most needed moment of respite and mourning.
It is with great sadness that we witnessed the current Ministry guide the ship of the State into the shoals of reaction, embroiling the King into the treacherous waters of the restitution of properties to the noble émigrés, who four decades ago almost were wronged in the most unimaginable way, but for whom great contrition have been done over the years since the Restoration. One can only wonder why the matter of émigré compensation was brought up in such bad fashion by Minister Villèle, whose bill’s net result was widespread dissatisfaction from all sides of the issue. Moreover, the poor thoughtfulness of the Bill ended up netting egregious amounts to members of the Royal Family such as the Duke of Orléans, in what can only be understood as an attempt at embarrassment on that exalted personage.
There is need for a delicate balance between the ways of old and the new society in which we live. Floundering ruinous amount of money in so short a time, to no increased benefit to the new generations whose father’s sins are visited upon them, given that any Frenchmen under 51 years of age was not even 13 years old at the time of the ruinous dispossession of the émigrés, will not bring prosperity to the realm.
In the meantime, while the Sully Ministry is holding back the King’s brilliance, the other nations of Europe are not going to display the politeness of waiting for France to figure out its past ordeals before aiming ahead. There is more than ever a great need to put prosperity at the center of the Government’s action and to guide properly through the Chambers the energy of the King, who aspires to lead his people to greatness.
Important issues, such as the economic development of the realm, the protection of the our nascent industries from the depredation of countries who leaped ahead of us in that regard, the much needed sanitation reform of the capital, and the necessary development of our rural areas, are all left unattended while the Ministry dabbles into decades old debates.
It is time, for the current Ministry to vacate the office and pave the way for men of a fresher perspective. Only by grasping firmly at the current times, rather than being fixated on events of decades ago, can the realm be ushered in a new era of prosperity, under the active and beneficial leadership of the King.
- A modern Royalist.
Paris, 1827.
Lothaire were consumed by his studies, and the book he were writing as he studied and analyzed military tactics. The book focused on his own experience from the Napoleonic Wars and the Spanish Intervention, but also studied contemptoary tactics in modern armies and those prior to the Napoleonic wars. But Lothaire also had some time off. During his time off he mostly spent his freetime in salons and coffeehouses. As it appeared Greek coffee were becoming vogue among some romantics - that and Italian coffee. Lothaire were pleased by this new modern royalist movement, perhaps he oon were no longer percieved as a republican or bonapartist. But when he heard news of Deputy Durand's address in the Chamber of Deputies Lothaire were deeply moved. He were deeply moved that the Eastern Question - a cause he had spoken so highly for since before the Spanish Intervention and the creation of the Philhellenistic Society - were once more on the lips of so many and were addressed by the Deputies. He did not know if his essays had played any role, or his request to Durand to put forward this motion, but he moved. He did not feel pride, but he felt some sort of romantic feeling dwelling within him.
Deeply touched Lothaire returned home. Filled with new energy, both from the speech by Durand but also the great amounts of caffeine he had consumed over several hours.
Le Globe
The Greek Renaissaince. -Essay by Lothaire Lécuyer.
In the 14th century Europe had an awakening. Europe woke up from their slumber, Europe rediscovered itself and culture. Europe saw the rebirth of philosophy, culture and arts from the Antiquity. We moved away from the barbarism and darkness of the middle ages. Our identity and civilization were rediscovered taken from the cradle of culture - Greece. And now the Greeks have gotten their rebirth aswell. They have woken up from their slumber. They've educated themself and been exposed to the ideas of the west. Ideas that were their own. They're the true ears of the Greek Antiquity and they've found a national identity and challenge the barbarism perpetrated by the Turks.
But despite their heroism they're now walking in the valleys, shadowed by death. But they shall find comfort "Even if I shall walk in the valleys of the shadows of death, I will not be afraid of evil, because you are with me; your rod and your staff, they comfort me". Deputy Durand have once again stepped forward. Once again spoken up for the Greeks. Reports have it his speech greatly moved the Deputies. He told them a story of a massacre. A massacre that drown among the infinite crimes committed by the Turks and Egyptians.
With great convicton rumors have it he put forward a motion for the government to free the Greek people, good Christians where too many have suffered martyrdom, from their oppressor.
And all I can say is that I support him. And all of you who care about your fellow Christian and want them to experience their own renaissaince should support Deputy Durand too. Go to your elected and plea them to support the motion.
We're at a crossroad here. And history will judge us. History will judge us as a people and a nation. If we cowered and turned a blind eye to the oppression of the Greek people. Or if we supported our King Charles X as he pointed Joyeuse to the lands of the Ancient Greeks.
Do know that supporting Greek independence, nay Christian freedom, do not equal supporting war. The French can still act as meditators along with Britain and Russia. But if arms are created the Sons of St. Louis are prepared to fight for freedom and justice. A King that were a devout Christian and partook in Crusades. For his devotion he were made a Saint. Let us extend the protection of Saint Louis to our ancient brothers. To let his sword and grace, and the sword of Charlemagne, watch over them and spar away the Turk curved saber who cut down men, women and children alike.
Lothaire were consumed by his studies, and the book he were writing as he studied and analyzed military tactics. The book focused on his own experience from the Napoleonic Wars and the Spanish Intervention, but also studied contemptoary tactics in modern armies and those prior to the Napoleonic wars. But Lothaire also had some time off. During his time off he mostly spent his freetime in salons and coffeehouses. As it appeared Greek coffee were becoming vogue among some romantics - that and Italian coffee. Lothaire were pleased by this new modern royalist movement, perhaps he oon were no longer percieved as a republican or bonapartist. But when he heard news of Deputy Durand's address in the Chamber of Deputies Lothaire were deeply moved. He were deeply moved that the Eastern Question - a cause he had spoken so highly for since before the Spanish Intervention and the creation of the Philhellenistic Society - were once more on the lips of so many and were addressed by the Deputies. He did not know if his essays had played any role, or his request to Durand to put forward this motion, but he moved. He did not feel pride, but he felt some sort of romantic feeling dwelling within him.
Deeply touched Lothaire returned home. Filled with new energy, both from the speech by Durand but also the great amounts of caffeine he had consumed over several hours.
Le Globe
The Greek Renaissaince. -Essay by Lothaire Lécuyer.
In the 14th century Europe had an awakening. Europe woke up from their slumber, Europe rediscovered itself and culture. Europe saw the rebirth of philosophy, culture and arts from the Antiquity. We moved away from the barbarism and darkness of the middle ages. Our identity and civilization were rediscovered taken from the cradle of culture - Greece. And now the Greeks have gotten their rebirth aswell. They have woken up from their slumber. They've educated themself and been exposed to the ideas of the west. Ideas that were their own. They're the true ears of the Greek Antiquity and they've found a national identity and challenge the barbarism perpetrated by the Turks.
But despite their heroism they're now walking in the valleys, shadowed by death. But they shall find comfort "Even if I shall walk in the valleys of the shadows of death, I will not be afraid of evil, because you are with me; your rod and your staff, they comfort me". Deputy Durand have once again stepped forward. Once again spoken up for the Greeks. Reports have it his speech greatly moved the Deputies. He told them a story of a massacre. A massacre that drown among the infinite crimes committed by the Turks and Egyptians.
With great convicton rumors have it he put forward a motion for the government to free the Greek people, good Christians where too many have suffered martyrdom, from their oppressor.
And all I can say is that I support him. And all of you who care about your fellow Christian and want them to experience their own renaissaince should support Deputy Durand too. Go to your elected and plea them to support the motion.
We're at a crossroad here. And history will judge us. History will judge us as a people and a nation. If we cowered and turned a blind eye to the oppression of the Greek people. Or if we supported our King Charles X as he pointed Joyeuse to the lands of the Ancient Greeks.
Do know that supporting Greek independence, nay Christian freedom, do not equal supporting war. The French can still act as meditators along with Britain and Russia. But if arms are created the Sons of St. Louis are prepared to fight for freedom and justice. A King that were a devout Christian and partook in Crusades. For his devotion he were made a Saint. Let us extend the protection of Saint Louis to our ancient brothers. To let his sword and grace, and the sword of Charlemagne, watch over them and spar away the Turk curved saber who cut down men, women and children alike.