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((Private @99KingHigh ))


Letter from the Bishop of Montauban to Monseigneur Alexandre Angélique de Talleyrand-Périgord, Archevêque Métropolitain de Reims and Grand Almoner of his Majesty Louis XVIII.


Monseigneur,

It is with definite sorrow that I have learned in the last hours about the resignation of your nephew from the ministry in which he excelled so well given the impossible task at hand. I certainly hope that you will not suffer from the consequences of such upheaval. Your congregation shall remain in my prayers at all times, as well as your august person.

I was quite worried by the liberal passions which I have seen unleashed in the Chamber of Deputies, where a recent proposal of mine to restore the prestige of our education system and place it back once again in the tender arms of our Holy Mother Church met from definite opposition from an “acquointance” of the Comte de Dhuizon.

I strongly believe it to be of prime importance to restore an appreciation for the religious sentiment in France and to quickly capitalize on the Restoration of the Monarchy to rehabilitate the Church into its centuries old prerogatives before the liberal sentiment so aggressively propagated by the scions of the Usurper crystallises into the habits and uses of the populace.

As for myself, I have been informed that the personal confesseur of Monsieur le Frère du Roy is gravely ill. Should you deem me to be of any use to the Count of Artois, I shall be delighted to put my personal industry in the service of his cause, for he is certainly a Prince worthy of praises and of impeccable morals.

I shall not abuse of your time any further with this letter. As a token of our esteemed friendship, you will find an 1804 bottle of Château-Châlon, a delicacy from the Jura. I shall also have fresh vegetables be sent from Montauban for your congregation, as the harvest was quite abundant this year.

Toujours avec vous dans la Foy,

Henri-Charles Victorin du Bourget
Bishop of Montauban
Député of the Gers

NOTICE OF APPOINTMENT
The twenty-second day of September you are called upon to the Pavillon de Mars for interview.

Alpohnse Louis-Patries
Chamberlain
to the Monsieur
 
((Front page updated. I gave Belle a raunchy last name.))
 
"It is not to the advantage of any power, in my own estimation, that the new French monarchy be inaugurated with the banners of degradation. The notion that France will be compelled to concede territorial entities and the indemnities of warfare is almost beyond dispute, but I concur that little good would be done by the humiliation of the vanquished country. If anything, those sentiments that projected revolutionary fervor that animated Bonaparte, always a fiendish creature, would be replicated. But in the absence of hefty concessions, or total absolution from France's transgression, the only path for the continental powers would be to dissolve the French state in its present incarnation and make it ripe for buffers. I have no sympathy for such diplomatic inventions as they are drawn by the Prussians, and thus I would find it much more convenient for the stability of our continent if France was to oblige the concessions that I can design, and protest little with regards to its content, which would save you much grief that our Germanic brethren are all too keen to impose. An alliance in French company, must I say, might be conceivable insofar as it is a future projection, but His Majesty has no appetite to sever the 'Holy Alliance' that was signed here just yesterday, or endanger its contents by the invitation of the Prussian foe."
"I am glad to hear we are in concurrence to that extent. Of course, France is prepared to indemnify those who have suffered due to its actions. We only ask that such indemnities be calculated rationally and proportionately. Years of war and Bonapartist exploitation have utterly enervated the French economy. If she is further saddled with unreasonable debts, then it may take a further generation before she can return to fiscal fitness. That should be deleterious to not just France, but the entirety of European trade and enterprise; for if France is sunk into depression, she shall drag all down with her. The economic recovery of the continent is predicated on a healthy French regime."

"I am indebted to the Prince for offering a window of escape for France from dismemberment. Naturally, I should not wish to jeopardise any arrangements that Austria has made vis-à-vis the other powers. Perhaps an extension of the Holy Alliance may be considered at a further time, though I understand now is not possible. However, it is the Alliance against Napoleon which I believe shall serve as the foundation for a Europe bereft of him. The Congress which you conducted in Vienna should be the model, I believe, for all disputation and resolution. Twenty-five years of warfare have ably demonstrated the failures of the old system. Furthermore, the matters that now concern us are as much of universal interest as of the state; the opposition to Bonapartism and Jacobinism wherever they bare their faces, the protection of the constitutional order, and the preservation of the territories established in the Vienna settlement."

"Pray tell, what do you make, Monsieur, of the proposal to retain an army of occupation on French territory? I must confess that, on my part, such a measure, though understandably animated by the Bonapartist phobia, will be far more financially ruinous than any financial penalty. Moreover, it shall be equally injurious to the peace and stability of the continent; for so long as such an army shall remain in being, the war shall truly not be over. Finally, the prestige of the Monarchy is much at stake, for the continued presence of foreign soldiery on French fields shall provide much ammunition to the anti-royalist forces who now lie dormant."
 
"I am glad to hear we are in concurrence to that extent. Of course, France is prepared to indemnify those who have suffered due to its actions. We only ask that such indemnities be calculated rationally and proportionately. Years of war and Bonapartist exploitation have utterly enervated the French economy. If she is further saddled with unreasonable debts, then it may take a further generation before she can return to fiscal fitness. That should be deleterious to not just France, but the entirety of European trade and enterprise; for if France is sunk into depression, she shall drag all down with her. The economic recovery of the continent is predicated on a healthy French regime."

"I am indebted to the Prince for offering a window of escape for France from dismemberment. Naturally, I should not wish to jeopardise any arrangements that Austria has made vis-à-vis the other powers. Perhaps an extension of the Holy Alliance may be considered at a further time, though I understand now is not possible. However, it is the Alliance against Napoleon which I believe shall serve as the foundation for a Europe bereft of him. The Congress which you conducted in Vienna should be the model, I believe, for all disputation and resolution. Twenty-five years of warfare have ably demonstrated the failures of the old system. Furthermore, the matters that now concern us are as much of universal interest as of the state; the opposition to Bonapartism and Jacobinism wherever they bare their faces, the protection of the constitutional order, and the preservation of the territories established in the Vienna settlement."

"Pray tell, what do you make, Monsieur, of the proposal to retain an army of occupation on French territory? I must confess that, on my part, such a measure, though understandably animated by the Bonapartist phobia, will be far more financially ruinous than any financial penalty. Moreover, it shall be equally injurious to the peace and stability of the continent; for so long as such an army shall remain in being, the war shall truly not be over. Finally, the prestige of the Monarchy is much at stake, for the continued presence of foreign soldiery on French fields shall provide much ammunition to the anti-royalist forces who now lie dormant."

"It may be unfortunate that France must endure the sufferings of occupation, but the anguish that is endured in that context is but the replacement of other injuries. I fear that in the absence of occupation, France might either once again fall victim to Bonaparte's sympathizers, or perhaps, be forced to concede further territory and greater indemnity in place of military presence. I am sure you can understand the reticence of the occupiers to make hasty withdraw so soon after previous blundering, and I would think them mad if they were keen to not see that France is protected by force of arms. But if it is the conviction of His Majesty to resist occupation, it may best to make concessions in other areas, whether it be in those eastern departments, or the extraction of further indemnity. I have every incentive to make France strong, but I have a further disposition to make Europe content, and I believe these concessions must be balanced to procure the satisfaction of Austria's allies."
 
- This is to be distribuited to all of France, our brothers outside of Paris are also revolutionaries and since they have expresed their support and their apreciation towards our cause and LRR we should send a copy to every city we have contact with so they can re-imprent localy, Understud? - Alexandre said to the leader of the delivery group. The man noded and taked the packs of papers with the help of some other fellow brothers and fastly departed from the pub.

Why we fight: A reminder for our brothers in all France.

Brothers in all the motherland, we the people of Paris, we the Légion de la République, want to remind all of you we why all fight, why we are willing to loose our lives in every street of France.

I remember, as must of you probably do, the time when freedom reigned the streets, the time were all ofthe citizens were living by Liberté, Égalite, Fraternité, and even if we all know the crimes comited during the Terror, which I have criticized so many times, before and after that we tasted freedom, we tasted what living without absolut rulers was like, we tasted the sweet flavor of not being porsecuted by priests, by gendarmes, by royal guards.

We loosed all that by our own fault as I said in an earlier publication, but I know that not all is lost, I have seen with my own eyes that the spirit that made us fought on the streets once is still alive, that freedom is still in our veins, and a man that have scaped slavery once can never be turn in a slave again.

Don't you dream of a new République, don't you dream of freedom again? I bet you all do as I do, and in my heart I hope that you still keep our tri-colour in an old dusted chest in your house as I do, I hope that the ones old enough still remember the glorious République, still dream with it at night where no traitor can see you.

We fight for freedom, for oportunity, for equality, fraternity and hope, and we shall remember the people of France the importance of all that. Yes, some might die, even I might die, but if I die I would be glad I died defending the future and freedom of my brothers in all the nation.

Should yo join the Légion I can't guarantee your safety, but that is why we all joined, because we know that our safety is worth nothing without freedom as that is the greatest good. Many have fought and failed, but we shall not, we have throw away tyrans once and we shall do it any time that we should, as don't fear, we won't back down. I won't rest until I see France free again, from monarchs, emperors, nobles, bad priests and absurd absolutisms.

If I go foward, follow me, if I stop, push me, and if I retreat, kill me, as I prefer dead than failing our cause.

We shall all live together in Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité, we shall succes as we have done in the past, as the flames of that the Révolution started can't be put down.

Form barricades, take the arms, freedom is calling us and we shall attend out duty. We may be silent know, but we are getting stronger and you sooner than later you will hear from Paris that a Revolution have started.

I trust and believe in all you brothers, the Légion count with all of you.

Vive la République, vive la Révolution!

Join the Légion, and fight with us.
 
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((A letter from the desk of Marshal Saint-Cyr arrives for the duc d'Angoulême. @99KingHigh))

To, His Royal Highness, the duc d'Angoulême.
From, Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France.

I bid his Royal Highness greetings,

I write to his Royal Highness from Toulouse on the matter of military preparedness. If it was not for the loyalty of the general population to the House of Bourbon, as enshrined in your person as your Royal Highness put down disorder throughout the Southlands, les Légions départementales would have been hard-pressed to handle a full on crisis with their lack of extant numbers. Not all departments of France are blessed with the same population and resources. We have found ourselves in Occitania in a struggle to keep numbers high and I have sent a few proposals to his Excellency, Maréchal Moncey the Minister of War, on how we might remedy this situation without both arousing the ire of the Allied occupation and straining our scare resources. By dividing France not only into military regions that would group each department legion into armies, but allowing the regions to recruit troops for the legions on a regional basis--instead of a departmental basis--would greatly improve the ability of each legion to stay at full capacity.

I humbly beseech your Royal Person to consider these modest petitions and do me the great honor of allowing this King's subject to personally present such arguments before your august person. It would be a great aid to the cause of future military preparedness for your Royal Highness to endorse such proposals to his Christian Majesty, the King.

Your humble and obedient servant,
Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France
 
"It may be unfortunate that France must endure the sufferings of occupation, but the anguish that is endured in that context is but the replacement of other injuries. I fear that in the absence of occupation, France might either once again fall victim to Bonaparte's sympathizers, or perhaps, be forced to concede further territory and greater indemnity in place of military presence. I am sure you can understand the reticence of the occupiers to make hasty withdraw so soon after previous blundering, and I would think them mad if they were keen to not see that France is protected by force of arms. But if it is the conviction of His Majesty to resist occupation, it may best to make concessions in other areas, whether it be in those eastern departments, or the extraction of further indemnity. I have every incentive to make France strong, but I have a further disposition to make Europe content, and I believe these concessions must be balanced to procure the satisfaction of Austria's allies."
"Such sentiments are understandable. If continued occupation is the price of European peace, might the sufferings thereof be somewhat alleviated in respect of France? Should the remaining army be, say, 150,000 strong as proposed. Perhaps this force could be subject to gradual reduction, with the recession of the danger of Bonapartist recidivism? After the first year, a third of that number might be withdrawn, and so on and so forth. Three years should prove ample time to demonstrate the stability and fidelity of the Kingdom. Moreover, the sooner the army is withdrawn, the faster shall be the French facility to make good on its indemnities to the Alliance."

"On that subject, I should also propose that the financial burden of the occupation be equally borne by France and the Alliance. If France is to expend all her finance in propping up the martial administration, she shall have none left for restitution of indemnities. Instead of gold, she could only offer the Alliance bonds and paper, which might further be rendered worthless if economic difficulties arising from the maintenance of the occupying army ruins her public credit. Such a scheme of contribution would hopefully satisfy the whims of the Prussians, for whereas the Alliance shall divide its contributions between four States, France shall alone bear her own contribution, which shall be equal to the Alliance entire."
 
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image_029.jpg

A New Day Begins

Hercule Vipond, duc de Piombino

Having felt a great pest to the Marquis de Bezonvaux, the Duc de Piombino bade him farewell with great gratefulness for his hospitality, leaving behind a series of historical texts regarding the Church's early history as a gift. Returning to his Parisian home relatively unmolested, the Duc de Piombino settled into his bedchamber, mind still adrift on the ether of thought and self-doubt.

Mindlessly, he combed through his belongings, the nagging thought it his head that he ought to make sure everything was in order. An orderly house was of utmost necessity of course. But then inspiration would give spark in the Duc de Piombino's mind upon seeing a peculiar sort of ring, one that hearkened to his brief correspondence with Joseph Bonaparte. Back when had purpose...purpose. Yes, purpose!

Frantically, the Duc de Piombino shuffled off to his study, seeking pen and paper. With equal parts haste and zeal, he drafted the birth of something which would again grant him a path forward in life. Napoleon had passed, but perhaps the Duc de Piombino could preserve just a piece of his past and carry it bright and shiny, a torch to one day pass on into eternity.

With the untrained hand of a man never considered an artist, the Duc de Piombino nevertheless wrote out a symbol for his legacy and below it he wrote the name. Truly it would be that the Supreme Lodge of France, a Freemason organization that would spawn a generation of greats, inspire men to be Herculean in service to France, and perhaps rival the Grand Orient of France. Sweat shining his forehead, the Duc de Piombino wrote well into the night on his plans.


_________​

xYsexUt.png

Lodge Suprême de France

Three Aims of the True French Lodge

1. To establish itself as superior fount of Masonic thought within France

2. To cultivate a membership of prestigious and good-standing men

3. To maintain and sponsor the intellectual arts of France

_________

It was a simple write-out, but in it, the Duc de Piombino saw hope. He knew that perhaps such an organization would stir feathers, not simply with the Grand Orient whose jurisdiction he would infringe upon, but many elements now empowered within France. Secretly, he deduced, would be for the best, for now. Thus, the Duc de Piombino plotted his future membership.
 
aaFp-wCIVNsspBRq6w5wPGOPAk-qFmaOeIza5rZo2SUg6DAdRWZhqxFRfVYXOIN6sUrTsDiDaS-c6vc-dV03aCq_42ingxpJC7zDkCfflwT6JzhI1eREo2vuoLfw2Rv_m1EUD18QuzgYvFktrOij=w236-h341-nc


Name: Pepe Fourelles
Born: 1788
Profession: Captain, Adventurer, P- Merchant of East Asian Goods and Spices, and now Obscenely Rich Playboy
Department: Bouches-du Rhone

Background: Pepe was born to unremarkable parents in Marseille. At the age of 12, he ran away to the sea, ending up as a cabin boy on a merchant vessel bound for the East Indies.

In his time at sea, Pepe grew into a dashingly handsome and rogueish, errrrr, Merchant Adventurer, leading his crew of Loveable Rogues across the Seven Seas. After some exceptionally successful, errrrr, deals he skillfully dodged British Privateers and blockaders after his entirely legitimate and vast wealth, he sailed into Marseille to begin his new life as an obscenely rich playboy.

After briefly considering, in a tavern of ill-repute, extorting Bonapartists trying to flee from Gang-occupied Marseille, Pepe's Dyak first mate Temengong had an idea.

"'Ey Boss, if you were a politician, you'd be able to rob even more people."

Some wise investments and good campaigning later, Pepe and his motley crew head for Paris
 
200px-G%C3%A9n%C3%A9ral_CLAUDE_Jacques_LECOURBE_%281759-1815%29.jpg

Name: Félix Tholomyès
Born: Lille, 1787
Profession: Lawyer, Military Officer (formerly)
Department: Nord
Doctrinaire
Bio: WIP
 
FROM THE DESK OF THE MINISTER OF JUSTICE
A CIRCULAR LETTER
STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL​

To Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice de Loritz, Comte de Berstett, Minister of Interior (Firehound - Private)

To Élie-Louis, Comte de Decazes, Minister of Police (KingHIgh - Private)​

Esteemed colleagues,

The Ministry of Justice has been informed that an underground group naming itself Légion de la République has been attempting to spread seditious pamphlets and newspapers labelled Le Républicain Révolutionnaire. The analysis of these materials has proved that they are advocating revolution, rebellion and overthrow of the lawful King and government. Thus, the printing and spread of such materials is a grave offense under the Section II of the French Penal Code of 1810 (Of Crimes against the INTERIOR Safety of the State), Art. 87, 90 - 91, punishable by execution or banishment.

Therefore it is of utmost imporance to stop the spread of such materials, to discover the criminals behind them and confiscate all the copies of such papers found, which demands the cooperation of our Ministries.

As the Minister of Justice, I would take all necessary measures to ensure that the warrants neccessary for arrests, various investigatory actions and other measures as demanded by law would be procured. I would also instruct the procureurs général in my disposal to do their utmost that such cases are presented to courts effectively.

I do hope that the police and local administrations being under the supervision of my esteemed colleagues would take action so that such vile plots against the King and the Kingdom are stopped.

Please deign to accept, Sirs, this expression of my distinguished sentiments,

SAINT-AIGNAN
 
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Pavillion de Marsan, Paris

The Bishop of Montauban had left the Chamber of Deputies quite early this day to visit several of his parishionners who were visiting Paris. After some hours in their company, he had retreated to his modest room in the Hôtel de Neuilly, rue Vaugirard, to refresh himself in preparation for his summon by the Count of Artois,

He chose a black soutane, without any ostentatious decoration, expressing by this choice his personal adherence to the ascetic way of life of the Franciscan friars. He topped it by a rosewood rosary and he chose a simply carved oak cane to assist his walk.

He arrived a good fifteen minutes before his summon at the Pavillon de Marsan, a large and decadent structure which purpose was to inspire awe and glory, a purpose which utterly failed when confronted to a priest whose passion was for the simple and devoid.

He was escorted by the staff to a room where he was quickly joined by the Chambellan of Monsieur, who asked him if he was familiar with the protocol when meeting the royal presence, to which he replied : "Alas, the last 25 years where quite devoid of Royal Presence, therefore, a quick refresher might be in order,"

After some explanation, he was ready, at which point, a door opened and he was ushered in, referencing three time in an elegant but laborious way given his age and condition, strongly relying on his cane not to fall. And there the Bishop stood, severe but fragile, the spark of wisdom and intellect in his eye.
 
Le Censeur

Small note on how to benefit from the rape of France.

As a patriot to our glorious homeland it is with no light heart I make this note. Let there be no doubt that I do not support the occupation nor the actions that brought us here. However once we find ourselves in this position we can turn it to our benefit.

For what are the Huns, Tartars, Anglo-Saxons and disgraced Romans? They are barbarians and greedy! And of course when they are in our glorious Nation they will get their hands on our top quality goods - let that be superior wine, women, cheese or culture. So I say the noble bussiness men of France are to take advantage of their greed. Let us produce goods that teh barbarians will buy. Let them buy our high quality goods, such a quality that do not exist in their savage lands. This will in turn make more jobs and help improve our economy. May the government also strike a deal where most of the goods to be supplied to the occupational forces are to be produced by French?

Also a more radical proposition: Let us create a bilateral trade deal with Britain. The British surely want to gain a pass into our markets, let us lower our common tarrifs and tolls with the British. This will make them look more favorable on us and we can tie them now together not only by the virtues of a constitutional monarchy, but also economic ties! Will that not make the British wanting French economy to recover for the negotiations and invested long term interest in our well being?

-Capitaine and Deputy of Seine,
Lothaire Lécuyer.
 
Shortly after midnight the three-cart convoy of the Comte de Saint-Germain left Paris. The count was not at all interested in the boring debates or voting processes of the Chamber of Deputies. His party of lackeys, maids and le Boucher headed north east at a leisurely pace, on the way stopping at the households of old friends. The Count was most pleased to be able to show off his famous southern companion to likeminded Royalists.


***

The underworld of the city of Compiegne became completely saturated with rumours of a mysterious Ultra-royalist benefactor attempting to recruit brigands, police officials and local governors into a brand-new clique. Small time thieves and respectable landowners alike have allegedly been paid visits by agents tied to both the government and the Comte de Artois. The results of these shady meetings have not yet revealed themselves to the public.


***

The harbour of Dieppe received a visit in the dead of the night. A slender ship, her paint weathered by a dozen storms, her sails in tatters and her name covered by a tar covered sheet wandered into one of the piers, offloaded a few chests and disappeared soon after. Bored fishwives have been outcompeting each other in circulating rumours about the shady business; Napoleon has come back, assures one, while another maintains that it was Talleyrand fleeing France. The local officials remain unconvinced that the ship existed, and insist that it was simply a lost latecomer if it did.


***

‘It was him, ma! I saw him! Just like on those drawings!’ Yelled the boy, orbiting with ferocity his mother as she struggled to get to the washbasin. She swatted the boy away with her hand.
‘Stop getting in my way. Your imagination will be the doom of you one day.’ She poured the bucket of dirty lukewarm water inside the basin. The boy, still scratching his struck head, recoiled at the sight.
‘It was him, ma, it was le Boucher! He talked to the old man who owns the mill, I swear!’ The boy continued, all the while retreating from the washbasin.
‘Stop spreading nonsense. He’s dead, and his body rests too far away from Compiegne to pay you any visits. If you don’t plan on helping me here then go bother your father.’
‘I saw him!’ Adamant in his convictions, the boy stormed off.
 
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Du Ministère de la Guerre
À Sa Majesté, le Roi et le Président du Conseil des Ministres

((@MastahCheef117 @99KingHigh))
Strictly Confidential

Concerning the reorganization of the Royal Army of France

The Ministry of War proposes:

That the current system of Department Legions be transformed into a system of seven regional commands (Appendix A), to make the defence of France the best as possible. As of now, many of the Departments, especially in Occitania, does not have the ressources to maintain legions at equal strength. Therefore we propose that the Departments will be allowed to recruit from all over the region that their department is part of. Each of the regional commands should be one army, with at least one divison attached to it. Backing the standing army in the region, will be a reserves so that the army of a region will not be in a lack of men.

That the size of the Royal Army be increased to onehundredthousand men, willing to protect France.

That promotion in the army be choosen by merit and not by status or rank in the society of the Kingdom of France. This will ensure that the army of France is as professional and competent as possible.


Concerning the the General Staff

The Ministry of War proposes:

That the Chief of the General Staff be choosen by the Minister of War, who shall ensure that the Chief is a competent commander, capaple of leading and planning many battles.

That the General Staff chooses the commanders of the regional armies.

That the General Staff will be responsible to come up with a recruitmen campaign that emphasizes the opportunity to serve the King and France in the military, and the benefits of a strenuous life of adventure, dash and camaraderie.

That the General Staff will ensure that certain officers will be trained to serve commanders in the field with tactical advice, and control over recruitment and standards.

That the General Staff will give the commanders in the field sufficient freedom to lead his men. The General Staff will help with planning and the aspects of execution of said plan.

----

Appendix A:
6hwykqE.png

The names of each military region will correspond to the number that they have been given. Ex. Region I, Region II etc.
 
"Such sentiments are understandable. If continued occupation is the price of European peace, might the sufferings thereof be somewhat alleviated in respect of France? Should the remaining army be, say, 150,000 strong as proposed. Perhaps this force could be subject to gradual reduction, with the recession of the danger of Bonapartist recidivism? After the first year, a third of that number might be withdrawn, and so on and so forth. Three years should prove ample time to demonstrate the stability and fidelity of the Kingdom. Moreover, the sooner the army is withdrawn, the faster shall be the French facility to make good on its indemnities to the Alliance."

"On that subject, I should also propose that the financial burden of the occupation be equally borne by France and the Alliance. If France is to expend all her finance in propping up the martial administration, she shall have none left for restitution of indemnities. Instead of gold, she could only offer the Alliance bonds and paper, which might further be rendered worthless if economic difficulties arising from the maintenance of the occupying army ruins her public credit. Such a scheme of contribution would hopefully satisfy the whims of the Prussians, for whereas the Alliance shall divide its contributions between four States, France shall alone bear her own contribution, which shall be equal to the Alliance entire."

"If the balance of the occupation is to be compensated equally by the allied powers, it would indeed give encouragement to those other occupants to make a speedy withdrawal. My only reservation, once again, in this regard, is that if we are to compensate for the appetite of the Prussians, it may become necessary to increase the indemnity, or compel you to find some other compensation to King Frederick William, in order to equalize the attitudes of revenge."
 
((A letter from the desk of Marshal Saint-Cyr arrives for the duc d'Angoulême. @99KingHigh))

To, His Royal Highness, the duc d'Angoulême.
From, Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France.

I bid his Royal Highness greetings,

I write to his Royal Highness from Toulouse on the matter of military preparedness. If it was not for the loyalty of the general population to the House of Bourbon, as enshrined in your person as your Royal Highness put down disorder throughout the Southlands, les Légions départementales would have been hard-pressed to handle a full on crisis with their lack of extant numbers. Not all departments of France are blessed with the same population and resources. We have found ourselves in Occitania in a struggle to keep numbers high and I have sent a few proposals to his Excellency, Maréchal Moncey the Minister of War, on how we might remedy this situation without both arousing the ire of the Allied occupation and straining our scare resources. By dividing France not only into military regions that would group each department legion into armies, but allowing the regions to recruit troops for the legions on a regional basis--instead of a departmental basis--would greatly improve the ability of each legion to stay at full capacity.

I humbly beseech your Royal Person to consider these modest petitions and do me the great honor of allowing this King's subject to personally present such arguments before your august person. It would be a great aid to the cause of future military preparedness for your Royal Highness to endorse such proposals to his Christian Majesty, the King.

Your humble and obedient servant,
Laurent de Gouvion, Maréchal de France

Addressed to très-haut et très-puissant seigneur Laurent Gouvion, comte de Saint-Cyr, Maréchal de France

Marshal,

I am in considerable agreement with your persons on the matters of martial reorganization, and have been most pleased to receive news from Paris that the Minister of War has proposed to the council matters of military reform. I confess that I am no more influential in these matters then yourself for so long as I remain in the south, but I beg you know that I am all too aware of the present deficiencies that plagues the current organization of our force.
Please deign to accept, seigneur, this expression of my distinguished sentiments,

7pQDBfM.png
 
XHZ4Ts0.png

In good Compiegne
The flag was quietly raised in front of a mansion of a rather poor nobleman. The signal, as obvious as it was, was enough. Men gathered in location, usually of middling or lower classes, but sometimes from a higher station, to mingle and drink. Les Hommes cheered to the Comte, the King, and themselves, although not usually in that order or number. Insofar as it was a secret society, it expanded quite nicely, as individuals gathered in corners hitherto untapped by the popular politics in order to institutionalise the forces of reaction and hate.
 
"If the balance of the occupation is to be compensated equally by the allied powers, it would indeed give encouragement to those other occupants to make a speedy withdrawal. My only reservation, once again, in this regard, is that if we are to compensate for the appetite of the Prussians, it may become necessary to increase the indemnity, or compel you to find some other compensation to King Frederick William, in order to equalize the attitudes of revenge."
Valence did indeed have an alternative form of compensation to offer the King of Prussia, should it become necessary, but this was not something he was prepared to share with Metternich. Instead, he placed his faith in that old stalwart of diplomacy: le grand nombre.

"Shall we say 750 million francs livres?"
 
Valence did indeed have an alternative form of compensation to offer the King of Prussia, should it become necessary, but this was not something he was prepared to share with Metternich. Instead, he placed his faith in that old stalwart of diplomacy: le grand nombre.

"Shall we say 750 million francs livres?"
"In valid francs, monsieur? I believe livres are out of commission."