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Delivered to

Claude Louis Marie de Beauvilliers, duc de Saint-Aignan
Arnaud Alexandre Saint-Maurice de Loritz, comte de Berstett, chevalier du Saint-Esprit
Guillaume Armand Marie Emmanuel de Chalançon, prince de Polignac, duc de Polignac
Louis Francois, comte de Saint Germain


@Firehound15 @Marschalk @m.equitum @Shynka

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I beg you come join me for refreshments and dinner, five o'clock, tomorrow, Pavillion de Mars.

ARTOIS
 
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- Private -
Letter to @LordTempest

To Monsieur A. A. Tremblay,

It has come to my attention that in a recent article in Le Censeur you disavowed the ideas of protectionism and autarky of which I was also highly critical in my essays in the Journal des Débats Politiques et Littéraires, written under a pseudonym, of course, as to prevent my academic work conflicting with my work as public official. However, the theoretical discussions on the distribution and the methods of distribution of foodstuffs cannot and should not remain uncompounded with empirical evidence and as our Kingdom now struggles with a less than stable supply of foodstuffs, I would like to cooperate with your person on this matter, to reform government policy for the better.

What I personally propose at this moment is the introduction of charter for all merchants wishing to stall their wares on a market. This measure shall not be discriminatory in any way, as our current situation neither allows nor would benefit from such practices, the new capital that this measure shall yield can be used to improve and/or repair the infrastructure from the demanding areas to the supplying areas and with it the ability of farmers to sell their produce at the best possible price on the market, thereby restoring more easily France's economic and social backbone after the destruction of the past years.

I am most interested in your opinion on this matter.

Your Obedient Servant,

Victor Henri Louis Marie Durand,
Préfet du Nord et Citoyen concerné

((Private - @TJDS))

Monsieur Durand,

Thank you kindly for your letter. Though I do not subscribe to the Journal des Débats Politiques et Littéraires myself, I was thankfully able to track down a few copies of the appropriate volumes from a friend who does. I was most impressed by your two most recent articles, particularly by your command of Malthusian philosophy and your marriage of this to the contemporary national crisis. I feel it imperative that those in government understand that issues such as free trade and food prices are more than mere economic matters, but essential to the maintenance of order at home and security abroad, and am glad (and to be perfectly honest, more than a tad relieved) that at least one official in the government feels likewise.

I am intrigued by your proposal. I confess that my major concern is that any charter which is not voluntary would inherently be discriminatory, as one assumes that one could not sell wares without a charter, and that any charter which is voluntary might fail to garner enough capital investment to prove useful -- although obviously it would depend on what precise form this charter would entail. In any case, the price would have to be low enough to ensure mass adoption and prevent discrimination against smaller merchants in possession of little capital, otherwise one would risk creating a cartel in which only the wealthier merchants who could afford the charter would monopolise trade. There is also the possibility that those who could not afford the charter would choose to defy it and sell their goods regardless, thus undermining the validity of the charter and increasing the amount of resources necessary to police it. Barter and unpoliceable, ad-hoc markets are already commonplace in many areas, and I fear that the introduction of a charter of this nature would only exacerbate the situation.

Mandating the price of wheat through the establishment of a governmental Commission du Agriculture with the sole authority to buy wheat, (but not to sell; merchants could still purchase wheat from abroad and sell it in France) for example, would be an alternate means of ensuring that both farmers and consumers are granted a fair price, but such a board would prove expensive to maintain over the long term. This may be ultimately necessary in order to ensure the ready supply of foodstuffs and thus the maintenance of domestic order during the present times of crisis, but the level of expense incurred would likely make such a measure a temporary one at best.

The need to invest in infrastructure, both physical and intellectual (I strongly support your proposals to emulate the Prussian system of education) is indeed crucial, but I fear that a charter is not the best means of doing so. Perhaps some form of state intervention in order to restore confidence in our moribund banking sector might prove the answer here? In lieu of a charter, perhaps one could appeal to the patriotism of the mercantile classes to encourage their investment?

I await your reply, and wish you the best of luck in your official duties, for the sake of both Le Roi and the Nation,

-- A.A. Tremblay
 
- Private -

A letter from Lieutenant Alexandre Louis Desrosiers, baron de Roybon, to Celeste Chauvet née Desrosiers, dated 19 July 1815.

Dearest Celeste,

While it has scarcely been a week since I arrived in Paris, it seems to me that the city exists in a state of positive excitation. A palpable sense of restlessness can be felt by soldier and citizen alike, no doubt a direct consequence of a certain individual’s brief yet disruptive abscondment from exile. While my blood boils to see the Champs-Élysées patrolled by foreign soldiers, I am ashamed to admit that I know of no other reliable means of securing peace and order at present. I pray for the day when France might be guarded by the French and not her neighbors, though it is likely several years away at least; such is the great humiliation Bonaparte has bought us, and one which we must unfortunately tolerate.

Rumors of widespread gang violence in the south are on everyone’s lips, and the barracks buzz with news of murdered Marshal Brune and General Ramel. A lethal sort of madness seems to have taken root in Toulouse, and it causes me no end of trepidation. Have you heard from your dear sister Lyra? Know you her health and wellbeing, or that of her husband? God knows the people are angry, and rightly so, but I mislike such open and unabated bloodletting. I pray that you all are safe in these turbulent times, and that the crown soon dispatches a force to crush this unseemly violence.

In your last letter you enquired about the state of my quarters, and I must reply that they are quite splendid – one might even call them luxurious compared to our Spanish lodgings. I am fast developing a most sincere appreciation for Maj. Gen. Bournier, for despite the chaos of these last few months the men and munitions remain in impressively good order. As I have oft-remarked during my years under Marshal Suchet, I am most fond of a commander who can run a tight ship. While my duties are mostly menial, I find myself with nary an idle moment, charged as I am to ensure the continued quality of our regiment. My fellow officers are mostly good men, all possessing admirable qualities and a great deal more experience than myself. There is no question in my mind that I serve alongside the finest foot our Fatherland has to offer; God willing, we shall someday prove as much on the field of battle.

My love to you and your children, whom I so dearly wish to see again. Perhaps you would care to visit this autumn, when the heat has died a little? Rest assured that I would provide suitable accommodations.

Your loving brother,
Alexandre
 
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PROPOSITIONS RELATIVES À L'ADMINISTRATION DE FRANCE
“Proposals Relating to the Administration of France”
_____________________________________________

THE PROPOSALS, AS A WHOLE:
IN the face of challenges regarding the organizational structure of a nation, it is a mark of not only good stewardship, but of conscious personhood to assess and consider any and all matters relating to the causes and products of the issues faced throughout France. In particular, potential mechanisms by which the crises faced as of the publication of this piece may be addressed, and through which the sanctity of the Kingdom of France may not only be fully restored, but protected from any and all further attacks.

To achieve such an end, it is proposed herein that, rather than necessarily returning to the organization of a past era, we may conserve its spirit and the obligations therein whilst also accepting the contributions of other nations to our knowledge of practical administration. While there is, undoubtedly, little to be gleamed of the solutions proposed by radicals in our own nation’s history, we may still consider the challenges they faced, as well as similar challenges and resolutions implemented by our neighbors.

The proposals herein aim to build a foundation upon the bedrock of the Monarchy, as well as to provide a framework upon which more precise expansions of His Majesty’s powers may be built. These points aim to reject not only the disloyalty of certain liberals, but also the tendency of weak-spirited elements to disavow the possibility of continued influence by both the temporal and spiritual elements of the Kingdom of France. These proposals are aimed, largely, at the denunciation of such attempts to sacrifice the soul of France in exchange for a temporary political interest.


THE PROPOSAL RELATING TO HIS MAJESTY:
AS previously stated, His Majesty forms the bedrock of the Kingdom of France, and the mere insinuation that his power is purely derived from temporal circumstance is not only an offense against the Kingdom of France as a whole, but also against the Lord, who appointed him and his forebears to reflect His power on Earth. As such, open rejection of His Majesty and his God-given authority ought to be considered a crime against not only his person, but a treason against the state and a blasphemy against God.

The King of France is primarily responsible for the administration of his Kingdom, and any delegation of authority from him to any other should be understood to simply constitute an authorization of that other individual to exercise an element of his power, and not to be the release of such powers from the King. His Majesty must continue to be the sole ruler of all of France, and no devolution ought to be attempted which would sacrifice his authority to any number of individuals. France must continue to be a united nation, avoiding a plummet into the weakened chaos of the now-destroyed Holy Roman Empire.

In order to further ensure the longevity of the rule of His Majesty, he must retain his position as the sole head of the French military, and break the disloyal sectionalism which made much of the Army loyal to their Bonapartiste commanders, rather than to their King. Efforts must be undertaken to reorganize units and remove all traces of this attitude from the military’s forces. While the necessary change may not arrive immediately, the cultural shift from tribalism to royalism shall soon arrive if it is properly cultivated.


THE PROPOSAL RELATING TO THE NOBILITY:
JUSTICE mandates, as many liberals insist, the honoring of contracts between individuals. How then, is it, that they urge against the continued validity of land grants and rights given by the King of France to an individual and his successors? Certainly, none should have substantial disagreement regarding the necessity of enforcing such binding agreements, and as such, the opposition to returning such grants is a mark of a selfish and disreputable nature.

However, it should be acknowledged that, as a matter of practice, the restoration of such temporal jurisdiction to the old nobility is impractical, and this proposal is aimed not at insisting upon a return to the order prior to 1789 - although it would certainly have its merits. Rather, a degree of trust ought to be placed in the hands of those who remained loyal to His Majesty and the Kingdom of France throughout all iterations of rival rulership. While, perhaps, elements of the old standards are impossible to reintroduce, they may be replaced with modernized developments.

In Russia and Austria, for instance, much of the local administration is conducted by an appointed governor. While, again, such a destruction of the unitary authority of the King of France is a maneuver against which these proposals advise, this approach is not without a certain degree of merit. By granting to members of the local upper nobility a role in the management of local government, acting as an arms of His Majesty’s authority, they may actually further the growth of the King’s authority. If these regions are made small and localized enough, they will ensure that no single local noble gains influence rivaling that of His Majesty.

Members of urban nobility may serve to gain by a similar arrangement, as well. While they lack the capacities to administer agricultural and productive lands, councils of noblemen may be formed in order to advise His Majesty and His Majesty’s intermediaries on matters of immediate local importance. By doing so, their more temperate perspectives may be accounted for, enabling a more appropriate and effective approach to resolving certain issues.

These revised grants, however, should not be understood to be “concessions” to the nobility. They would only represent a new ability to exercise the authority of the King of France in those jurisdictions which he deems would merit such a structure. The nobility - particularly those prior to the rise of Bonaparte - have largely proven the most loyal to His Majesty, and possess qualifications in many diverse matters, all of which would help serve the interests and needs of the Kingdom of France.


THE PROPOSAL RELATING TO THE CHURCH:
SPIRITUAL powers, it is claimed by certain opponents of the Church, are the sole powers which religious institutions may exercise. While, perhaps, this would suit their inadequate approach to resolving matters of national administration, to discount the capacities of the Catholic Church in aiding the construction and strengthening of the Kingdom of France is to make a terrible error. Certainly, if certain powers are not properly considered, they may result in a weakening of the fabric of His Majesty’s reign - however, with a careful approach to the powers of the Church, this may be easily avoided, and all shall be able to benefit.

The Church possesses a closeness to the French people which His Majesty, as a practical matter, has difficulty matching. All faithful Frenchmen listen eagerly to the homilies of their pastors, and through these pastors, a great deal of good can be achieved. By providing for the construction of Church-sponsored and administered local works, not only can a broader collective of men be employed and supported, but the poor may be treated, cured, and set at ease. The Church has possessed for hundreds of years this infrastructure, and by returning to them many of their estates, their capacity to provide for individuals may once again be elevated to levels of excellency.

Further, the Church ought to be granted political representation in the Kingdom of France, allowing its representatives to have an influence on matters of state. Whether this is best achieved through a Clerical Council or simply through the apportionment of peerages to certain bishops and archbishops is a matter which the author of these Proposals shall not explore, although both would offer a distinct set of advantages, allowing the wounds of the past twenty-five years to begin the process of more fully healing.


THE PROPOSAL RELATING TO THE PEOPLE:
CAUTION must be exerted in dealing with the broad population of France. In one regard, they are the blood which runs through the veins of this nation’s being - in another, they are passionate, easily-swayed, and possess a poor understanding of the mechanisms of governance. These latter concerns, as the Radicals learned, are made exponentially worse as more individuals are able to vote. The compounding therein is what must be avoided.

Certainly, the concerns of the unrepresented classes are paramount, and they must have some form of representation, as well as the ability to air grievances to His Majesty, the Chamber of Peers, and the Chamber of Deputies. The best mechanism of allowing these potential grievances to be aired is through the local clergy and nobility. By giving those elements the responsibility for the well-beings of those over whom they are administrators, the concerns of the broader populace may be considered without allowing for their passions to overcome reasonable issues.

In particular, issues relating to the poor, unlanded, and common must be a priority of the Kingdom of France, for these are the very men who serve in His Majesty’s military, till the fields, and work from dawn into the dark night. The aim, then, of both His Majesty and the nobility must be the careful protection of these men. When they are hungry, they must be fed; when they are jobless, they must be given fruitful labor. As they are given a greater capacity to contribute to the needs of the Monarchy, they will lose many of their objections to it. As they are able to feed themselves, they will no longer cry out in demand for bread.


THE PROPOSALS, IN CONCLUSION:
THESE proposals are directed toward not only those who exhibit the power to engage fully with them, but also to those who have never set foot in His Majesty’s presence. The betterment of France and her children, as ought to be generally agreed, is a priority of all holy, righteous, spiritual, faithful, and honest men. As it says in the Book of Proverbs, “Say to wisdom, ‘You are my sister,’ and to insight, ‘You are my relative.’” While such proposals as these are only proposals of this time, they reflect precisely what we can not allow to be lost - a wise insight into resolving all crises which present themselves to us.


SAINT-MAURICE.
 
The confession of Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey
A joint IC with Eid3r

Église Saint-Germain-l’Auxerrois, Paris


While in the capital, the Bishop of Montauban volunteered of his time to offer religious services to the local population, in the Église Saint-Germin-l’Auxerrois. As it was his custom on Mondays, he sat in the confessional, a sturdy piece of mobilier whose purpose was to facilitate the confession and pretend to protect the anonymity of the confessee. Hearing someone taking place, he opened up the little panel which enable him to speak and listen to the sinner.

Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey : “Pardon me father, for I have sinned and I am in need guidance.”

Bishop of Montauban: “Speak candidly my son, for only the Lord shall bear witness to the troubles of your soul.”

Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey : “It all started in the year of the lord, 1791. It was at that time I threw myself in the arms of the Revolution, embracing it, after much consideration for my life, which I see now was a mistake, but nonetheless one of the only choices I had for survival. Nonetheless during the campaigns against the Spanish, I fought and killed many of my fellow christians in a throughly anti-christian war, which itself is a crime in the eyes of God. But once he (God) smiled upon in all of this as I was discharged after the war in the Pyrenees for being a presumed moderate. I was raised to be one of the most powerful men in Napoleon's army, gained titles that I retain to this day. Although I refused to participate in the most ungodly invasion of Russia I defended Paris against the invaders in 1814, not as part of the revolution, but as any Frenchmen would have done in an act of patriotism.”

Bishop of Montauban: “I detect the sin of hubris, my son. Ambition too. But it appears to me that you have a strong conscience, plagued by the past. Continue...”

Bon-Adrien Jeannot de Moncey : “Now I am simply in distress. My old comrades in arms arrested and being targeted as traitors by mobs, like the ones that rampaged through the Realm of France during the early stages of the revolution. Instead in the name of the revolution, they do it in the name of his majesty and God, while doing ungodly acts of violence. I, a man of great valour and leadership is in disarray of what to do. My old comrades being slaughtered at the mere suspicion of being liberal or bonarpartist. I need the help of God to get through this.”

Bishop of Montauban: “I would be remiss to give you instructions. You must follow your heart and consult with your mortal soul. You cannot undo the past, but you can be a force of good to make sure its excess do not repeat themselves ad vitam aeternam. Rest assured that the Almighty is the supreme reader of hearts. He knows your motivations in all matters and he trusts in your judgement, for he made you who you are. The sins of the past, that you regret so dearly, shall not be held against you in the Court of Counscience. Te absolvo.”
 
AN AFFAIR IN PARIS
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"THE TRAITORS are everywhere!" cries a member of the Seine department as he holds up a copy of Le Républicain Révolutionare.

The mob stands eagerly outside the home of the duc de Piombino.

"And here is a traitor! Piombino is nothing more than Bonaparte's pawn!" he continues.

The crowd sways with anticipation.

"Vive le roi!" shouts the delegate. Gunshots ring out.

The mob has turned on itself. Parisian plebeians, protective of their former glory, run into crowd and try to find the rancorous delegate. Other citizens, donning the white cockade, push to the door to find Piombino.

The thumping of Prussian drums is heard. The mob disperses. Two commoners are dead.

 
Haut et puissant seigneu,

I am most contented to receive your correspondence, Monsieur, and encouraged greatly by the esteem you have placed upon my own person. No less assuring is the conviction to which you have demonstrated the prestige of your experience and history. I admit, Monsieur, in ordinary times, I would place greater worth on previous professions in the service, but the extraordinary nature of the present circumstance dictates that I should spoil no talent of the quality that you have related. I have taken references from those of former relation and they assure me that you are held in regard by certain gentlemen of the Russian court. I would prefer, given normal parameters, to give you commission to serve our plenipotentiary in St. Petersburg, the duc espagnol de Mouchy. But the matters of late seem to dictate that the diplomatic affairs of Europe will once again reside predominantly in our capital. I would be well suited to be accompanied by another noblemen of fair intellect to balance the intrigue of the Russian court and procure good relations with the Tsar, who while I can consider a dearest friend, is nonetheless a man who will require the utmost energy. It is imperative for us to make the Russians a bulwark against the vindictive sentiments of the British and the Prussians, and so we would do well to make sure that the Tsar does not lose faith in the crown of France by the recent escapade with the deposed Emperor. You should present yourself in Paris, at the Quai d'Orsay, where I shall have a deputy make your acquaintance.
Salutations distinguées,

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Most noble, most honourable and most potent prince,

I acknowledge His Excellency's response with the utmost pleasure. I am grateful beyond measure for the trust His Excellency has reposed in myself. I would assure you, Monsieur, that it shall not go unanswered. Whether in Paris or Petersburg, I am glad to be of service to His Excellency and His Majesty's Government. I shall present myself at the appointed location at the earliest possible opportunity. Should it please His Excellency, I would be happy to furnish him with a full memorial on my observations of the Russian Court and its personalities, and such ambitions as they might have vis-à-vis France and the Alliance. It may prove of slight utility in the coming negotiations.


Please receive, Monsieur, my sincere salutations,

Marquis de Valence



 
The Enterprises of the Comte de Saint-Germain


Revolutionary history tends to have a bad habit of focusing on entirely the wrong set of people. The heroic antics of various soldiers, lawyers and public agitators on both sides of the continent defining struggle that was the French Revolution cast a very long shadow. At the end of this shadow, in the darkness unperceived to the general public, skulked the true heroes of the period; profiteers. Although not endowed by God with traditional bravery, these men helped form the foundation of all of histories epics by providing a steady stream of coin to keep the war machines going. One may even claim that these acts in a way are both brave and patriotic. If the side you supply trips up and falls, never to rise again, how are you to ensure the return on your investments? This ability to stomach risks, the count of Saint-Germain thought to himself, was the principal quality of the modern warrior.

Never too wealthy, but never too poor, the Count treaded the thin line between being a sociable bachelor of good financial status and being a simple drunk and hedonist, living on short term loans with nothing but his title to distinguish him from the other low lives. During the initial period of the Count’s exile, the gutters of Germany were never a faraway prospect, at times seeming almost like an inevitability. But the allure of perpetual bachelorship and freedom made marriage a hard concept to swallow; as long as de Saint-Germain the elder remained alive his good credit could be used to bail the irresponsible son out. With his death came the realisation that the fun had to either end or at the very least be temporarily suspended. The lustful houses of Germany, Bohemia and Russia had to be left behind, with the dull saloons of England now forming the Counts social life. The opportunities for marriage were plenty, even for someone as low as the Count of Saint-Germain. All the handsome and strong men died against Napoleon, while all the wealth ones were bankrupted by the revolution. The Count of Saint-Germain found himself a bride attached to a very wealthy and sickly father, who importantly forgot to make himself any sons. Soon enough the two were stuck in unhappy marriage, while the father-in-law was stuck in a death bed. God saw it that the Count of Saint-Germain inherited the fortunes smuggled by his wives late Papa out of the hellhole that was France.

Being a true patriot, the Count invested all the wealth he forgot to gamble away into shipping war supplies to the English. Initially an owner of a proud fleet of four ships (the Marie-Antoinette, Amelie, Meduse and the Magnanime) the Count became a true Sealord, merchant extraordinaire. With barrels of salt and fish flowing to the oversized armies that were busy annihilating each other, gold begun to trickle into the pockets of the Count. He was no Rothschild, but he guaranteed for himself a comfortable life in exile, rallying around himself some other, poorer, French émigrés. Life was good while the war went on – so good that upon the first Restoration the Count did not truly fancy returning home. The war ending would in was a large hit to his finances, and the lenient peace terms imposed upon France made it unlikely he would gain back his father’s ancestral lands. Altogether angry, the Count opted to temporarily stay in London, trying to fish out any opportunity to broaden his fortunes. His ships were too small and frail for ocean going adventures and competition from the English was getting fierce. Only the second return of Napoleon provided a boost in income, as the organised butchery at Waterloo too demanded to be supplied.

The Second Restoration would help the Count immensely. The large number of foreign troops stationed on French soil would mostly feed themselves off the land, but some business could still be found in ferrying letters and other commodities to and from Britain and Germany. The Count would also quickly work out that deserters from the occupying armies also needed to go home, and what better way to covertly transport disgraced cowards back to their homelands than in the hulls of fish-reeking old ships. Although turnovers were decent enough to fund the Count’s move back to France, they certainly were not as good as in the glory days of the war. Some new way of extorting the people of this world had to be found, and what better way to find it than as a politician.
 
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Appel des Verdets
CITOYEN, ROYALISTE, et VERDETS!

The NAPOLEONIC DOG, the DUC DE PIOMBINO, lives unmolested by the carriages of justice.

FOREIGN AGENTS protect him, clad in Prussian Blue.

SEIZE QUICK men, BURN HIS HOUSE, HANG HIM HIGH.

By order of le Boucher, the DUC DE PIOMBINO must DIE.


Fou de la fraternité des Verdets
 
A letter to the Government (@99KingHigh)

Paris, August 15, 1815

Your Excellencies,

Know that my resignation from the Council of State is not a protest against his Majesty but a necessary sacrifice on my part to allow me voice certain opinions not in keeping with the consensus required of a Cabinet Minister. My desire to see France delivered from this state of affairs imposed upon us by outsiders has not dampened, and I can only note with horror that the disturbances lately affecting the Southlands threaten to draw foreign attention into areas currently unoccupied. Royal authority must be restored there lest other unsavory characters step in to fill the void.

I know the 2nd Division has men enough to escort government officials into the Southlands to return authority there to the direction of Paris, if the government would only give me the order and give me more men, I could see this done. Election or no election, the authority of this central government cannot be ignored with such impunity. Let me carry the King's mercy or wrath upon the heads of the agitators so that all can see his Majesty's wisdom, virtue, and commitment to betterment of his subjects.

Vive le Roi!

Cordialement,
Marshal Saint-Cyr
 
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The Savages Abound

Hercule Vipond, duc de Piombino
Knuckles white from a deadlock grip, the Duc de Piombino held firm to his stairwell banister as gunshots erupted outside his house. He had heard the mob grow dreadfully incensed as that damned demon delegate from Seine launched a tirade against his person.

A traitor!

A pawn!

Perhaps the last one was true, briefly pondered the Duc de Piombino; was it not so that he had acted so steadfast in service to Napoleon above all else? And would that not mean that the first charge was likewise truthful?

No, he reassured himself. What he had helped create was for the French - a fairer state, fairer laws, and a mighty Empire. It was fated that France should ascend due in part to its cultural, political, and military supremacy, and he had played his part in that ascension.

But was it fated? Napoleon sat humbled in exile, Maret and countless others as well, men who the Duc de Piombino knew to be his superiors. The Empire had wilted, torn asunder from within and without. His own titles would mean little were it not for the conciliatory nature of this restored monarchy; and yet the Duc de Piombino had little confidence in that maintenance for long.

So perhaps France's destiny lay elsewhere? A horrid thought, a life wasted in intense service to a forlorn cause. What would it mean to renew yourself at the age of 42, to understand that you have only just begin as your hair turns grey and your vigor falters?

Such dark thoughts were interrupted by the beating of drums - Prussian? It made little difference, there would be more blood regardless. The Duc de Piombino realized his titan hold on the banister and continued quickly up the stairs, retreating to his study, drowning his concerns away in reading.
 
A letter from the comte de Dhuizon to his wife.
le 18 août 1815
Dearest,

I received your letter from le 4 août and happy to hear. The soul within your womb grows daily & I am all excited and ready for its entry into this mortal realm. Naturally my love for you grows with each passing moment, and to that end I have most joyous news for you.

The work I published several days ago on the nature of Monarchy and the Royal Charter promulgated some time ago, which I spent many long hours reading to you -- and you were quite kind and loving in your providing comments and much-needed critique -- seems to have caught eyes in the most important places in all France. The King's Chamberlain has requested my presence on the morrow on matters most urgent and I anticipate yet also fear the responsibilities of some ministerial post appointed by the King himself. I cannot but wonder whether God has ordained me for glory or for disaster -- but in any case the anxiety on the matter is indeed very real. Hardly will you have to think or imagine long on that reality.

I will write you as soon as I am able and am aware of the present future of both my position as a Peer and as a member of the Parisian society we both adore so greatly. Should all go well or as I suspect they shall go then I shall immediately arrange for you to be taken, with all the effects you desire, to this city. Tender unto our unborn child my eternal love and forget not the desire within my own for you by my side once again.

your Auguste
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((Open publication to all veterans of the Grande Armée. Which is basically @Korona @baboushreturns @Rolman99 @Luftwafer @oxfordroyale )).

Esteemed brethren,

All of us have served faithfully in the name of France, freedom and justice. All of us have bled for France and her people. We have seen fellow brothers in arms fall in the name of France. And what do we get in return? We are now "retired" or exiled. We who served our grand nation are now swept away like we were just pawns on a table. Are pensions are not cleared. I am myself so lucky to inherit a small fortune, but what about all the poor Soldats who don't have any other future than to take to the streets? What will now become of all us? We used to have a purpose, but now we wander around with no end in sight.

I offer you to join my small association for Veterans of the Grande Armée. Here we can come together and speak out about our glory days. I may, if it is possible, also give you small donations to the less unfortunate among us and I encourage the rest of the noble Officers with wealth to do the same. This will not be an arena for politics, that is in the area of general politics, but we may advocate for our entilted pensions. This is NOT an area for revolutions and disloyalty to our nation! But less us come together, we were once brothers in arms. So let us still take care of eachother, and let us still be brethren.

-Capitaine Lothaire Lécuyer.
 
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((Private, @99KingHigh))

A Letter to His Serene Highness, the Duke of Orleans

Your Excellency

As a newly appointed Peer in the Chamber of Peers, I find myself realizing that I do not have a knowledge of the various political machinations that currently enshrine our system. As a man who has lived his entire life outside of France, I feel out of place among these peers and deputies in Paris. I wish for guidance in the matter, and thus is the reason I write to you, your excellency. As a man who has fought for King and country, and as a man who stands out above all the other Peers in Paris, I humbly ask your excellency to aide me in understanding the transgressions within the capital. I shall serve his excellency in any way in order for assistance, to be my mentor if his excellency wills it. I will be forever grateful if your excellency agrees to my humble request

-Nathanaël Barrande, comte de L'Isle Jourdain
 
A letter to the duc de Piombino:

Votre Grâce,

I have been informed of the circumstances surrounding your present situation and have been animated, by the spirit of Christian charity, to provide refuge. We are all sinners, Your Grace, and we all deserve the opportunity to make penance for our actions. Therefore I invite you to join me at my residence at the Hotel de Cluny as soon as you are able. I have dispatched a contingent of my own bodyguard to your abode to escort you here -- albeit in a most clandestine fashion. It is my hope that my position and station, as well as my record of service against those you once called brothers, will shield my residence from any suspicion.

Que la grâce du Christ soit toujours avec vous,

T. Lefebvre
Marquis de Bezonvaux
 
((Secret- @ManuelD'Garkia ))

Sir Alexandre Maximilian Reynard,

I am pleased to make your acquaintance Sir, in times like these a man can use every friend he can get. I hear the White Terror, is beginning to raise its ugly head. The papers report that the mob marches through the streets, and every day now it seems I hear news that one of my former brothers has been hacked to pieces, blood flows in the gutters. I am horrified by this violence, most horrified.

Let it be known that my sympathies lie with the cause of freedom for all men, from fear, from tyranny and oppression at the hands of the state, the church or their neighbors. I must respectfully decline your offer to return to France at the moment, I fear the time is not right. I will remain in exile and continue to fight for the cause of freedom until tempers cool enough that I may return. But do not be disheartened brother, we must use our words to inspire this generation and drag them out of this melancholy atmosphere that has brought our fatherland down so low. Tell your followers that the torch of freedom shall always remain lit so long as good men fight in the face of evil and so long as there is hope in our hearts for better times.

I look forward to hearing from you again Alexandre.

Best wishes,
Jean Maximilien Lamarque
 
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A Light in the Dark​
Hercule Vipond, duc de Piombino
Buried in the conquests of Alexander, the Duc de Piombino was roused back into the contemporary age by a servant.


"A letter arrives, from the Marquis de Bezonvaux!" the servant spoke excitedly.

Taking it with haste, the Duc de Piombino received back color as he read, his once pallid complexion now at least brightened for the moment. Such a blessing was fleeting, and so the servant ran to fetch for paper and pen. Taking it graciously, the Duc de Piombino was not sloth in his response.

"Monsieur de Marquis de Bezonvaux,

It is with jubilation that I see your most Christian message; I cannot express in mere letter my appreciation. I shall prepare myself with all due haste, so as not to beleaguer your already too-generous hospitality.

With me shall come a select number of texts which I will hope you will enjoy. Literature is most comforting in this turbulent time, is it not?"

With a contented sigh, the Duc de Piombino handed off his message to be sent immediately. The matter now resolved, his mind once again drifted to his literary collection - what did the Marquis fancy, he wondered. Poetry?
 
((Secret - @baboushreturns ))

- Dear Sir Jean Maximilien Lemarque,

The White Terror is ravaging, and my newspaper have come to the hands of the tyrants so they may be searching for me and my group right now, and I completely understand why you prefer to stay in exile right now, as I myself am in danger right now if they find what I plan I may be executed.

Right now, I only want to ask you if you have any contacts, here in France or in Holland, that can suminister my people with weapons in case we need to defend ourselfs from the mob or the military, if it happens that your contact is in Holland, don't worry that I will find the way to bring them here to Paris, I just only need a sumplier since the White Terror is making everything more difficult.

Best regards,

Alexandre Maximilian Reynard
 
AT THE PAVILION DE MARSAN

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The gentlemen, who had made procession to the Pavilion de Marsan, were greeted at the gates of prodigious residence with an unwieldily display of servants and maids. First, the écuyer directed the equestrian beasts of the noblemen to the adjacent stable, before the maître des cérémonies presented himself to the esteemed guests and ushered them through the sumptuous entryway and into a world that seemed long extinct. As the gentlemen passed through the lofty palace's glistening walls and decorated ceilings the maître d'hôtel and his army of servants and chefs scurried past. Next came the retainer of the duc de Berry, who proceeded in the opposite direction, while the maître des cérémonies continued his onward march into the heart of the Pavillion. Enfin, the entourage arrived in the the drawing room, where the comte d'Artois awaited, draped in the armoured uniform of the colonel général des Carabiniers. The duc de Berry also lingered around the room, but took no note of the guests, distracted in conversation with some debutantes of noble birth. The ancien régime lived through this man.

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The comte d'Artois gave his approach, and the guests esteemed his presence with a royal referral.

"Chevaliers, I am so very glad that you have come to meet with me this evening. I must confess that your presence is well-timed; my children grow tiresome of my complaints at all occasions. But, come now, you must enjoy our refreshments before we tire ourselves with matters of severe politics."

A servant brought forth drinks for the gentlemen; none dared refuse.

"Now, I beg you, let me hear your grievances with our present policy. I admit, although I love my brother with all my heart, I fear that his path will lead our ancient monarchy to revolutionary compromise and spoil the providence that affords our privileges. What is more, I cannot see hope for our cause without the exertions of cooperation -- the circumstances across the kingdom are too grave to be conceded only to the whims of chance. But no more rambling, good chevaliers, I have brought you here so that we may be fortified in our recent competition with the insurrectionist foe, and wish you give me your opinions what may be done to salvage our domain."
 
A letter to the Government (@99KingHigh)

Paris, August 15, 1815

Your Excellencies,

Know that my resignation from the Council of State is not a protest against his Majesty but a necessary sacrifice on my part to allow me voice certain opinions not in keeping with the consensus required of a Cabinet Minister. My desire to see France delivered from this state of affairs imposed upon us by outsiders has not dampened, and I can only note with horror that the disturbances lately affecting the Southlands threaten to draw foreign attention into areas currently unoccupied. Royal authority must be restored there lest other unsavory characters step in to fill the void.

I know the 2nd Division has men enough to escort government officials into the Southlands to return authority there to the direction of Paris, if the government would only give me the order and give me more men, I could see this done. Election or no election, the authority of this central government cannot be ignored with such impunity. Let me carry the King's mercy or wrath upon the heads of the agitators so that all can see his Majesty's wisdom, virtue, and commitment to betterment of his subjects.

Vive le Roi!

Cordialement,
Marshal Saint-Cyr


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Marshal,

I must regret to inform you, Monsieur, that the Government and His Most Christian Majesty have refused your petition for military intervention upon your own person. We find it most unlikely that a gentlemen of former imperial loyalty, no matter his good esteem at the court in Paris, will achieve any resolution beyond the inflammation of further sentiments of retribution and the likely outbreak of violence. His Majesty has consented, after petition from the Government, that the duc d'Angoulême, who is at present on return from embassy to Spain, will take charge of the matter in the South. No further action is being considered at this time.
Daignez, Marshal, agréer l'expression de ma considération très distinguée,

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