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Did Ephron not have a son to inherit the throne instead of a child?
He did, Sophronius. But because of the succession law (agnatic, I think), the throne passed to the first child of the previous heir.

Hopefully the Punic Wars will distract the big fish long enough to get you up to strength.
The Second Punic War is, in many ways, one of the most interesting things I've seen in this game. It goes on, and on, and on...

Now would be a perfect time to backstab Rome... just saying...
Nah, that might make them decide to make peace with Carthage. Better to let those two bleed each other dry.

When I saw this image I had visions of Ephron and the Seleucid leader going on Maurice Chavez's show on VCPR to "Press the Issue".
Heh, I don't know that show but I think I can imagine it...

Well, it looks like Ephron did accomplish something noteworthy in his final years after all, what with that curtailment of Seleucid ambitions in Europe. Speaking of whom, they seem to be having some rather bad luck of their own this game, getting hit with that civil war right when nearly everyone in the area seems to be dogpiling them at once.

Let's hope the younger Ephron can survive his regency and the war with Egypt. I'm sure Sophronius is not one to sit around quietly and let some child sit on a throne he views as rightfully his...
Yep, Ephron the Elder at least made sure that the Seleucid Empire won't expand unchecked in the northern Balkans. But the Seleucid Empire has taken too many hits, with the civil war on top of everything, and that has significantly altered the balance of power, to the advantage of Egypt... As for Sophronius, I expected the same.
 
VIII. The Egyptian Wars of Ephron the Younger

Ephron the younger knew that there was a war going on. He was quite excited about it, but couldn’t quite grasp the numbers entailed in the conflict. They were rather large numbers, to be fair, and his life experience did not lend itself to picturing the true horrors of war.



What he did come to realize, very well, was that for four years the Egyptian and Achaean armies fought each other in Cyrene and Libya to a standstill. The only action that took place elsewhere was when a small Achaean army occupied Cyprus. By the time Ephron was 12, it had become clear to everyone in his court that the war was a senseless waste of life, so a peace treaty was negotiated with the Pharaoh, in which the Achaeans paid an amount of money that was trivial for their finances.



Achaea was finally at peace, and Ephron wished to see it stay that way for a while, for a change of pace. Meanwhile, the Second Punic War still raged, and although Rome had reconquered a small part of the lands it had lost to the Magna Grecian rebellion, new independent states sprung up at the edges of the republic. One of them was a properly Greek state, Syracuse.



In November 620AVC, Ephron the Younger became 16, and those at court could assess what virtues his teachers had managed to instill in him. He was just, wise and content, well skilled in all traits though excelling in none.



In the summer of 622AVC Egypt once again declared war on the Seleucid Empire. Once again, it was Rhodes that requested an Achaean intervention, and Ephron followed in his grandfather’s footsteps by accepting. However, he had a far better grasp of military matters than his grandfather and could count on a large anti-Egyptian alliance, whose weakest link was, admittedly, the Seleucid Empire.



The Achaean advance in Africa was fast, since the Egyptian army was mostly occupied in defeating the Seleucids. Within a year and a half the Achaeans were at the walls of Alexandria, and after repelling some Egyptian counter-attacks, the city was taken in October 624AVC.





Soon afterwards, the Egyptian navy suffered the first of several defeats, losing almost half its combat strength. The Achaean navy would rule the waves in this war.



Success in Africa prompted Ephron to order an expedition to Asia, where Egypt had forced concessions out of the defeated Seleucids. The Achaean armies succeeded in establishing a foothold and in beating back Egyptian counter-attacks, at one point capturing an entire enemy army.



However, despite those successes, the Egyptian army remained large, while the Achaeans had limited success in besieging further enemy cities. A major Egyptian offensive in Asia saw the Achaean armies defeated and in retreat to friendly Seleucid lands. Lydia was retaken by the Egyptians, but numerous military operations prevented Pergamon from being likewise lost. In Africa, an attempted offensive into Palestine ended in near-disaster, when the Achaean army was defeated in battle and had to execute a months-long fighting retreat to return to safety. The Achaeans had more success in Libya, but by that time it had turned into a war of attrition which Egypt was losing, but the Achaean League was not definitively winning.

In 628AVC, the two exhausted states agreed on a peace treaty. Egypt would cede Cyrenaica and Pergamon. Ephron had dearly wanted Lydia as well, but the Achaean army had not been able to capture it again and there were fears that if the war would be allowed to drag on there might be a risk of the Acheans losing their advantage. Besides, Achaean colonies in Illyria were under threat from barbarian hordes, and the local defense forces were insufficient to provide protection.



The Achaean League had reclaimed its lost lands in Cyrenaica – which had been a great source of unpopularity for Ephron – and also gained a foothold in Asia. But the war had lasted seven and a half years and the League was exhausted. This would have been a source of greater concern for Ephron were the other great powers not even more exhausted; The Second Punic War was in its twenty-fourth year, with no signs of a resolution in sight, while the Seleucid Empire was a shadow of its former strength. The greatest short-term threat to the Achaean League would be from itself.
 
And castrate everyone else!
 
Imprison everyone who might rebel. :p
And castrate everyone else!

Alas, I did not heed your advise. Ephron's traits are of a gentler nature, and I didn't want him following a tyrannical route...

Glad to see Achaea gain ground against the Egyptians, but that closing note is quite ominous. Perhaps Sophronius has reared his ugly head finally?

Oddly enough, I don't think Sophronius was the ringleader, or even much involved in the following events. He may even have passed away at some point when I wasn't paying much attention... not very AARy of me to miss such nuances, I admit...
 
IX. The Civil War of Ephron the Younger

The Egyptian wars had been long and brutal, with many generals distinguishing themselves in the field of battle. Ephron, in contrast, was a young tyrant who had never seen a battle up close. Although he was respected in philosophical circles for his wisdom and virtue, many important people in the wider Achaean League had lost faith in the Peneid dynasty that he represented. Ephron, to his discredit, did little to avoid the way this situation was obviously heading. Perhaps he thought that by not escalating it himself he could convince the party arranged against him to rethink their actions. But his miscalculation was brutally revealed in June 629AVC, when a large faction within the League started a civil war, with the aim of placing Leonidas Timolid on the tyrant’s throne.



The insurrectionists were based in two regions, which came under their undisputed control: Bosporus and Dacia. They also convinced elements of the army to take up their cause in Cyrene and Pergamon. The latter would lead to the civil war’s first battle and the loyalists’ first victory, when Ephron’s army crushed the larger but leaderless rebel army before it could organize. That was the largest standing army of the rebels and, not having anywhere to retreat, its men were all captured or slain.



In Cyrene, on the other hand, there were no loyalist armies present but the cities refused to answer the rebel cause, and so Cyrene itself was besieged.



Trusting to its strong walls, Ephron and his council decided to focus all their forces on the largest rebel stronghold, Bosporus.



Fortunately, the greater part of the navy (90 ships) remained loyal, while only 15 ships took up the rebel cause. This allowed Ephron freedom of movement, and would prove crucial in conducting the war. Within the next two years, Ephron’s armies fought a long series of battles and sieges all across Bosporus and in neighbouring provinces. Although the death toll was high, the final rebel elements were forced to flee to Pontus in the spring of 632AVC, even as loyalist armies were ferried west to reclaim Dacia.



Dacia proved to be a particularly obstinate region to put down, and rebel armies even managed to outmaneuver the loyalists and threatened to reignite the flames of the uprising in the Bosporus. Proving that there were no populist depths they would not sink to, the rebels promised the slaves of Pergamon their freedom, inciting an uprising in September.



By then, Ephron had decided that the war required his personal attention, if he was to dispel all thoughts that he was an unworthy leader of the League. Although he deferred tactical decisions to more experienced generals during his first battles, he eventually became confident enough to act on his own. His philosophical virtues then shone, as he stood out as a model of discipline on the battlefield. That, and a triumph that he organized for himself soon thereafter, reversed the negative perception towards him by much of the Achaean public.



The civil war was all but won, then. It took another half year for the last rebel strongholds to concede defeat, but in March of 633AVC Ephron’s rule was once again uncontested.



But all was not well in the Achaean League. The civil war had taken a terrible toll on human life, at a time when the League was still mourning the thousands of dead of the Egyptian Wars. There was no reserve manpower to call upon, and the existing regiments needed some 60,000 men to be brought back up to full complement. What there was of an army was mostly mercenary regiments raised by prominent loyalist Achaeans, towards whom the mercenaries owed more loyalty than towards the League. Rhodes called upon the League to provide help in propping up the Seleucids against a new Parthian invasion and Ephron, although accepting the call, would not spare a single regiment for that task. What troubled him most was that the truce with Egypt had just recently ended, and it was very possible that the great southern power, which had five years to rebuild its strength while the Achaeans gleefully killed each other, would want revenge for its defeat in the last war. He was not called wise for nothing, but sometimes he hated being right.
 
Rome is still fighting the Second Punic War. It's ben piling up war exhaustion and bits of it are gaining independence. Bits of Carthage are also gaining independence. I'll cover it more in the next chapter.

Macedonia is still alive because Achaea is usually too busy fighting someone else and because it's got three provinces, so it can't be annexed in a single war. But it won't be neglected for long...
 
Heh, I don't know that show but I think I can imagine it...

It's a Grand Theft Auto:Vice City reference. One of the shows of the in-game radio, just like a normal talk show except everything dialled up to eleven.
 
It's a Grand Theft Auto:Vice City reference. One of the shows of the in-game radio, just like a normal talk show except everything dialled up to eleven.
Ah! I've never played it, but it does sound like what I had in mind. :p
 
X. The Expansionism of Ephron the Younger

It was nary two months since the dust of the Achaean Civil War had settled when an Egyptian envoy delivered a declaration of war. To understand the import of the Achaean-Egyptian wars at that time, one should bear in mind that the Second Punic War was in its thirtieth year, having equally exhausted both sides’ strength but not their stubbornness, and that the Seleucid Empire had already become irrelevant on the world stage, useful only in checking Parthian expansion towards the Greek world. Egypt and the Achaean League were thus the two great powers, at liberty to reshape the map of the world around them, and they were once again in conflict.



The war was fought in two theatres: Cyrene and Lydia. The Egyptian fleet had not recovered from its previous defeat, and so the Achaeans ruled the waves. However, that was of limited use with the Egyptian numerical superiority on land, apart from an easy occupation of Cyprus. The Achaean strategy was, of necessity, defensive, striking with concentration of force at the Egyptians whenever they were assaulting a city or whenever they appeared weak, and retreating when faced with overwhelming numbers. Even so, the difficulty of maintaining such a concentrated effort meant that many battles were fought that were far bloodier than the League could stomach; but on the whole, Egyptian casualties were far higher than the Achaean ones, and the Egyptian generals were vexed in their efforts to occupy Achaean lands for any protracted periods of time. So, after two years the Pharaoh agreed to an offer of gold for peace. The Achaean treasury being, as it so often was, overflowing, it was sensible policy to spend a small part of it to save untold thousands of lives from death on the battlefield with no prospect of territorial gain.



Meanwhile, the Roman republic was falling apart, with former client peoples declaring their independence and forming petty kingdoms or republics from the north of Gaul to the south of Italy. Carthage faced some splinter movements of its own, with Sardinia and parts of Africa having seceded from the Republic, but at least its armies had succeeded in taking the war to Gaul.



It was against that backdrop that Ephron decided to act aggressively and expand the Achaean League to Italy – for only by the strength provided by such territorial expansion could Egypt be countered in the long run. The Raetian tribes were the first to be invaded, since their colonies were in friction with the Achaean ones in Taurisci.



The war was short, and the Achaean League was content to take control over the colonies in question, rather than outright annex the Raetians. Such restraint was shown not so much out of fear for a Roman reaction, than because Rhodes called the League to help in a defensive war against Pontus. The latter had invaded Bithynia, which could not stand up to the might of the Pontic armies. But when the Achaean League joined the war, Pontus hastened to make truce with Bithynia, at a symbolic price.



The Achaean League, Rhodes, Macedonia and the Seleucid Empire remained at war with Pontus. But the Seleucids were soon engulfed in a civil war, which made them unable to contribute to the allied effort.



The Achaean armies, marching through Bithynia, invaded Pontus and proved their clear superiority in a series of battles that culminated with the occupation of the Pontic capital.



By November 639AVC, the Pontic king had come to his senses and accepted the Achaean terms.



While war raged in distant Pontus, Achaean armies were also operating against the Seleucid rebels along the Danube and in Phrygia. They were successful enough that the League took control of Dardania before the rightful Seleucid king could snuff out the rebellion. But with war winding down in the east, Ephron once again turned his attention to the west. Syracuse, which had previously annexed Brutium, was experiencing some turmoil, with the rabble running loose in the city and the kingdom in chaos. It seemed like the only humane solution was to incorporate it into the Achaean League, and two armies were dispatched for that purpose. Soon after the League ended its participation in the Seleucid civil war, Syracuse was convinced by force of arms to join the great league of Greek cities.



Unfortunately, the stabilizing presence of Achaean troops was not enough to quell the citizens’ unrest right away; but the neighbouring Sicilian cities saw the possibility for improvement and voluntarily accepted Ephron’s rule.



For the next two years, the League was at peace. The armies were given time to regroup and recruit, while trade was normalized. However, an unexpected source of friction would plant the seeds of future wars that would drastically reshape the map of Greece.



Ephron had been given a strong reason to interfere in Macedonian affairs. Moreover, Egypt was in the throes of a civil war, albeit a not very threatening one for the reigning pharaoh.



But before starting a war so close to home, Ephron was determined to complete his plan of expansion in the west. After the armies had been assembled, it only took a few months for the north Italian tribes to be brought under Achaean control. With the Magna Grecian League having actually occupied Rome and the Carthaginians gaining ground in Gaul, it seemed like the Roman Republic was done for. But the Romans were obstinate, even without their capital, and would not give the Carthaginians the satisfaction of gaining an inch of Roman land through a peace treaty.



Finally, on 30 October 644AVC, the Carthaginian senate had had enough. After 40 years of war, famine and anarchy, 40 years that saw both republics bleed continuously and lose lands to local uprisings, the Second Punic War was ended. Rome paid Carthage 10 gold.



Before the year was over, Ephron declared war on Macedonia, citing the boundary dispute as a casus belli. Bithynia and the Seleucid Empire took Macedonia’s side. Within a year, Achaean forces had almost complete control in Europe.

Macedonia was forced to cede two of its three provinces. Bithynia was forced to cede all its European territories, four provinces out of its five in total. The Seleucids were the last holdouts, when Egypt decided to intervene. However, it was too late to prevent the fall of Phrygia, after which the Seleucids agreed to cede their last Danubian colonies to the Achaean League. The final act of the Great Game was over.



 
"Rome will pay 10 gold to Carthage."

*takes large gulp of air, slowly releasing through nose whilst shaking intensely*
 
So the five Great Powers of the Antiquity Era have formed. Now we must wait for the first "World" War.
 
The Second Punic War - 40 horrible years of death and destruction. It ends with a payment of ten gold. Paradox, your AI sometimes makes me want to weep...

"Rome will pay 10 gold to Carthage."

*takes large gulp of air, slowly releasing through nose whilst shaking intensely*

Ιt all felt so... pointless. Sure, Rome lost about 15 provinces to independence movements, but none of those went to Carthage. At least Carthage was the defender, so they didn't have any territorial claims to begin with. Still...
Maybe there is some bias towards Rome in the game? :D

SPQR is as buffed as Sweden in EU series. :p
I don't think it did that well militarily in this war (except maybe its navy), but the Roman AI might be unusually obstinate when it comes to making peace if it's losing - which wouldn't be ahistorical.

So the five Great Powers of the Antiquity Era have formed. Now we must wait for the first "World" War.
It will most likely be sparked by some silliness in the upper Balkans, where the Roman and Achaean spheres of influence meet...
 
XI. The Reign of Ephron II

Ephron had steered the Achaean League into a trajectory of ruthless expansionism in Europe, even as the Second Punic War ended after 40 years, allowing Rome and Carthage a chance to rebuild their strengths. Egypt, seeing the League occupied in its wars in Europe, saw an opportunity to strike, but the Achaean armies were in far better shape than in the previous war. Egyptian attacks were easily repelled from both Pergamon and Cyrene, and the Achaean armies went on the offensive on both fronts. In Asia Minor they concentrated on besieging Lydia, but in Egypt the Achaeans marched boldly up to Alexandria, where they faced the desperate defence of numerous Egyptian armies that had converged to that location. Although the Achaean generals had thought, and Ephron had confidence in them, that their momentum would have been enough to brush aside their Egyptian foes, the presence of numerous elephants in the enemy army limited the effectiveness of the Achaean cavalry, allowing enemy numbers in infantry to gradually turn the tide of battle to their advantage.



The Alexandrian campaign was a disaster. It took months for the battered remains of the Achaean armies to make it back to Cyrene, suffering from lack of supplies and always wary of the Egyptian army, which was also making its way to Cyrene. But the arrival of fresh troops from Sicily kept Cyrene safe from enemy attacks, while progress was made on the Asian front. Lydia fell in December 649AVC.



For the next year, the two sides bloodied each other in battles on both fronts, with little or no change in the ownership of territories. Cyprus had already fallen to the Achaeans, since the Achaean navy reigned supreme, eliminating any Egyptian warships that dared leave port. Finally, a year after the fall of Lydia the Pharaoh agreed to a truce, transferring control of that rich, Greek province to the Achaean League.



The following five years were a time of consolidation and colonial expansion. The Suebi, in the forests of Germany, were brought under Achaean control, to check Roman expansion in that area. The Romans themselves suffered through a civil war, started by their Populist faction. With the west reasonably secure, Ephron decided to settle the League’s last territorial differences with Macedonia. The resulting war drew in Bithynia and the Seleucid Empire on Macedonia’s side. Achaean military superiority was absolute, and soon Macedonia and Bithynia were annexed, the latter providing a land connection between Achaea’s lands in Europe and Pergamon and Lydia. Once again, the Seleucid Empire stood alone when Egypt, its truce with the Achaean League having expired, decided to intervene.

The war with Egypt was very much the same as the previous one; fought in two theatres, Asia and Cyrene, with Cyprus being occupied with little peril to the Achaean troops and ships. This time, however, within two years the Achaean armies had reached Alexandria.



By June 658AVC the Egyptian capital had fallen, and in early 659AVC Egypt agreed to a new truce, ceding Caria to the Achaeans.



With the Achaean League stable and secure, Ephron felt in his heart that it was time for political change. The tyranny that had been imposed by his great-great-grandfather, Aratus, over a hundred years ago had outgrown its initial parameters. Ephron was now the equal or superior of kings, but he knew that such a title would not be easily accepted by Greeks. For, after all, was the Achaean League not founded on the premise of resistance to the Macedonian monarchy? As he pondered the problem, and indeed it was not the first time such thoughts had entered his mind, he saw four possibilities for the future.



He could try to reform the old republic. The size of the League meant that the old confederate system could no longer be sustainable, but there were many who deemed an oligarchic system, such as the one used in Carthage, Rome, or Rhodes, suitable for Achaean sensibilities. There were also those of a more martial temperament, for under Ephron’s rule the Achaean League had fought many wars, not all defensive in nature, who would likely welcome a more militarily-oriented republic. But both options carried the risk of instability and even civil war, should the many prominent men of the republic fail to come to an understanding. Another option would be to strengthen the religious bonds that tied the state together – to form a theocracy, where he would rule as high priest. But Ephron was content to rule in simple piousness without assuming to speak for the gods – for he deemed that that would lead to such arrogance as he had often remarked about the high priests of Pontus and Parthia. There was a fourth option, which was to try something new. Create a title higher than that of kings, but civil, not religious in character. Not merely a tyrant, Ephron and his descendants would rule as emperors, becoming the symbols of stability for the expanding Achaean Empire. After much contemplation, it was that last option that won him over. On the 8th of June 659AVC, the Achaean Empire was born.



Ephron was not only the first Achaean to assume the title of emperor (although it has become customary among historians to retroactively count his two reigning ancestors, Aratus and Ephron the Elder, in the imperial catalogues), but also one of the greatest. His contemporaries would attest to his many virtues. He was just, wise, content and generous; but also disciplined, self-controlled, and victorious. And as he reformed the government, he instilled new values in the young empire. The army would no longer be based on a system of tribal recruitment, but would embrace a more organized training system, based around military camps. It would also experiment with a new type of heavy cavalry, cataphracts. The Achaean citizens would come to embrace a tradition of service in the army, meaning that the experience of the average unit would be higher than those of foreign armies. Most importantly, an ethos of loyalty to the state, rather than to individual strongmen, was promulgated. For himself though, Ephron reserved the doctrine of the divine right to rule – for there was some allure to the idea of a theocracy that he was not prepared to abandon altogether.

Sadly, Ephron did not live long to enjoy his new political creation. Less than three years after his reforms, he died of an illness at the age of 57. Just a year earlier his son, Aratus, who was archon of Thracia, had been killed in the course of a slave revolt. As the Empire mourned the passing of its founder, the throne passed to Ephron’s 20-year-old grandson, Aratus.
 
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How is the cultural map at this point? Are you hellenizing the world?