The Proletarian indirectly via the vanguard and directly via soviets.
No.
No.
Yes.
No.
No.
Yes.
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As you may remember, sadly, I was never able to give my self made Pan-African state cores over the entire Continent. However I think since the VSVR has spread its control over Africa as far as it can it is now time to begin some sort of movement for the seperation of Africa from Cologne. However I won't be able to represent this in game due to my failure to get the cores spread everywhere.
So would you guys mind if in the story Africa became a seperate entity but in game it remained a part of the VSVR?
So would you guys mind if in the story Africa became a seperate entity but in game it remained a part of the VSVR?
Not at all. As much as I'd like to see an actual pan-African state, if it cannot be done in game then seeing it in the story is good enough for me. Besides, you've already done more or less the same thing with some of the countries in your SoI out of necessity (Russia is the only one I can think of, but I remember seeing others), so why not do the same with Africa?
I have an idea for how you could get the African state to own all the land...
First, make a one-state African nation. Next, either edit the savegame or tag-switch to make it at war with all socialist nations that have territory in Africa. Then edit the savegame to make Africa's war goals include all the African states. Load up as the different nations and accept all the war goals, and voila. Of course you would probably have to also edit the colonial nations to reverse the prestige hits and so on that result from losing a lot of territory in a war. But the key thing is that instead of having to edit a huge number of provinces you simply have to make a list of the states. They still wouldn't be cores, of course, but perhaps once it's all owned the core event will work?
Swap the TUR tag in this out to the tag of whatever you are using for your African nation and paste it into any decision file. Then trigger it as the VSVR and you can release your nation.
For bonus points, start playing as the african pan nationalist state!
For bonus points, start playing as the african pan nationalist state!
Code:
africa_cores = {
potential = {
ai = no
}
allow = {
prestige = 100
}
effect = {
any_owned = {
limit = { continent = africa }
add_core = TUR
}
}
}Continent = Africa is invalid syntax. I tried pretty much everything at the time.
@ Communard: Too many states to make it worthwhile.
I'm not going to be able to create Africa in game.
Um, I triggered this successfully in a test game. It gave Turkey cores on all my african holdings. So continent = africa is valid syntax if used in a limit.
Past it into any existing decision file, inside the first open bracket but before the first existing decision. You can trigger it in game as the VSVR.
A solution! 
Tommy, assuming this works, are you going to give all Comintern African territory to Africa or just VSVR territory?
Tommy, assuming this works, are you going to give all Comintern African territory to Africa or just VSVR territory?
I see that my complaints regarding the constitution have been dog-piled and mercilessly attacked, while the Leninists have completely avoided the subject. You were all saying I was arguing for something to be specifically allowed within the constitution; wrong! I was arguing that limiting what a party member can support limits what part of the proletarian can be represented. The claim that the government does not work like a traditional democracy is ideological rambling if the constitution says the party must represent the proletarian.
And again, making the party these "guardians of the people" who "know whats right for the people" does set the party as an elite class reigning over the proletarian.
Can you try arguing against my actual points, instead of assuming what I believe? That's called a "straw-man", its a "logical fallacy"; empty and deceptive reasoning.
And again, making the party these "guardians of the people" who "know whats right for the people" does set the party as an elite class reigning over the proletarian.
Can you try arguing against my actual points, instead of assuming what I believe? That's called a "straw-man", its a "logical fallacy"; empty and deceptive reasoning.
Zechs, I thank you for your input but I have addressed your points and clearly shown you how neither part of the constitution contradicts the other. To argue that a political party should accept into its ranks individuals who openly support views that are utterly contradictory to those of the party is quite odd.
People have been arguing against your actual points and although some have been using 'strawman' arguments most have been addressing the points raised by yourself.
I feel both I and other readers have given sufficient answers to the problems you raised and I would appreciate it if we could move on.
On a side note, I've finished playing the next portion of the game so I'll try to make an update tomorrow. I'll also try out keynes' decision tomorrow.
A call to consider and support National Communist positions
First to get it out of the way, I feel the National Communists suffer from having much presumption and connotation thrown their way and much of this results from the name Naci's which while similar to Nazi's does not follow from their name. A more appropriate abbreviation would be Nako's in German or Naco's in English.
While virtually every faction has been called either reactionary or oppressive, the Nako's suffer from such slurs being widely accepted, and rarely defended against with in the party. I will try to argue against this, and show that they are perhaps the best party for the future of the international revolution.
Firstly Economically:
The Nako's have suffered few accusations of economic reactionism, and far more of economic naivety. They're syndicalist policies are derided as a return to the corrupt unions that helped create one of the republics greatest economic and political crises back in the '70's. But the question begs asking, in hindsight what responsibility do the Unions hold for that crisis? While I believe the majority would still blame the Unions, for they were both corrupt and not without complicity, evidence remains that the republic continued to suffer for over a decade after the unions were crushed during the dark days of the Civil War. It may even be argued that the economic problems present in the 70's and 80's have not been wholly dismissed and persist below the economic stimulus of our wars and the industrialization of Africa. The far more interesting question in fact is what is the fundamental difference between the Soviet and the Union economically? The one is regional and smaller in scope, and has been attributed by some as the secret of our economic recovery. The other is more international but economically much the same yet blamed for creating the same crisis. Yet for all their faults the Unions were part of the secret, indeed perhaps the silver bullet, of the miracle of the Rurh, the transforming event that helped make our revolution possible. Whatever your position on the Unions, they are most definitely a viable socialist model in the bounds of our political spectrum, and one that has worked for our republic in the past, they should be considered.
Politically:
On the fronts of nationhood and religion. This is where the greatest part of accusation of reactionism against the Nako's stem. The concept of nationality with in the socialism of the VSVR has been dormant for almost half a century, only to reemerge and be labeled as the most insidious poison within the party. The German Socialists were devotedly nationalist, and it was they that led us through the earliest days of the Revolution and the Republic. They did not last long, but their legacy has endured beyond our borders. Look at the other Socialist members of Commintern. When the revolution occurred in Denmark, we asked that St. Thomas be autonomous, even as we kept the Walloons within our own republic. When the Revolution occured in the Netherlands, we again called for devolution and the freedom of the East Indies only this time to be emulated ourselves as they did as we did not as we said and remained united. When the Spanish revolution deposed their King, Cuba and the Philippines joined their onetime colonial master as equal members of Commintern. When the German states had their revolutions they joined the republic and were accepted. Yet no non German revolution was ever thus treated. Even the CSR is a federation of socialist states (nay socialist nations since they are organized by nationality). Even more recently when we dismantled the Hapsburg Empire it was along national lines (and under the direction of a Marxist government no less). At each turn these foreign policy decisions gained support across factions from among the party. Yet when a faction suggests we end the hypocrisy and apply these same principles at home, they are derided as the most reactionary faction in the party. The situation is only made worse by the new council of Commintern. The new council's composition ensures even the smallest socialist states are heard. But since Commintern beyond the VSVR ans CSR is organized by nation, this leads to representation of the nationalities. Meanwhile the Flemish, Walloon, and Polish, citizens of the VSVR have no independent voice apart from the German majority.
Perhaps, you argue that, distinctions of nationality are antiquated and have no place in the VSVR. This ignores the reality that such distinctions continue to persist. The people of our republic speak many languages, and even as Flemings have distributed across the republic, they continue to be perceived as such as Fleming, equals and fellow proletarians, but Flemings nonetheless. The two parties that did disproportionately well in the minority regions were the Nako's and the A-K's. The former calls for the potential independence of these regions while the latter calls for the rapid dissolution of the state. The minorities are by appearances displeased by the status quo, and in one way or another wish to see our state dismantled. While in the past comparisons of our proud and revolutionary republic to the autocratic empires were ungrounded and without evidence, these electoral results mean we must seriously consider the question of whether we are a legitimate government for the Walloon, Flemish, and Polish minorities, whether they are adequately represented amongst the German minority? The electoral contrast to the rest of the republic suggests that the minorities continue to be distinct and in particular Nako success suggests the perceive themselves as separate and/or feel treated as such. Why not conduct regional plebiscites on their future status. At the least, we should be informed as to their desires. If the majority wish for independence under their own socialist government, what grounds shall we use to refuse them?
The religious debate has been largely dealt with in the constitution and will be postpone for now in keeping with Tommy's wishes.
First to get it out of the way, I feel the National Communists suffer from having much presumption and connotation thrown their way and much of this results from the name Naci's which while similar to Nazi's does not follow from their name. A more appropriate abbreviation would be Nako's in German or Naco's in English.
While virtually every faction has been called either reactionary or oppressive, the Nako's suffer from such slurs being widely accepted, and rarely defended against with in the party. I will try to argue against this, and show that they are perhaps the best party for the future of the international revolution.
Firstly Economically:
The Nako's have suffered few accusations of economic reactionism, and far more of economic naivety. They're syndicalist policies are derided as a return to the corrupt unions that helped create one of the republics greatest economic and political crises back in the '70's. But the question begs asking, in hindsight what responsibility do the Unions hold for that crisis? While I believe the majority would still blame the Unions, for they were both corrupt and not without complicity, evidence remains that the republic continued to suffer for over a decade after the unions were crushed during the dark days of the Civil War. It may even be argued that the economic problems present in the 70's and 80's have not been wholly dismissed and persist below the economic stimulus of our wars and the industrialization of Africa. The far more interesting question in fact is what is the fundamental difference between the Soviet and the Union economically? The one is regional and smaller in scope, and has been attributed by some as the secret of our economic recovery. The other is more international but economically much the same yet blamed for creating the same crisis. Yet for all their faults the Unions were part of the secret, indeed perhaps the silver bullet, of the miracle of the Rurh, the transforming event that helped make our revolution possible. Whatever your position on the Unions, they are most definitely a viable socialist model in the bounds of our political spectrum, and one that has worked for our republic in the past, they should be considered.
Politically:
On the fronts of nationhood and religion. This is where the greatest part of accusation of reactionism against the Nako's stem. The concept of nationality with in the socialism of the VSVR has been dormant for almost half a century, only to reemerge and be labeled as the most insidious poison within the party. The German Socialists were devotedly nationalist, and it was they that led us through the earliest days of the Revolution and the Republic. They did not last long, but their legacy has endured beyond our borders. Look at the other Socialist members of Commintern. When the revolution occurred in Denmark, we asked that St. Thomas be autonomous, even as we kept the Walloons within our own republic. When the Revolution occured in the Netherlands, we again called for devolution and the freedom of the East Indies only this time to be emulated ourselves as they did as we did not as we said and remained united. When the Spanish revolution deposed their King, Cuba and the Philippines joined their onetime colonial master as equal members of Commintern. When the German states had their revolutions they joined the republic and were accepted. Yet no non German revolution was ever thus treated. Even the CSR is a federation of socialist states (nay socialist nations since they are organized by nationality). Even more recently when we dismantled the Hapsburg Empire it was along national lines (and under the direction of a Marxist government no less). At each turn these foreign policy decisions gained support across factions from among the party. Yet when a faction suggests we end the hypocrisy and apply these same principles at home, they are derided as the most reactionary faction in the party. The situation is only made worse by the new council of Commintern. The new council's composition ensures even the smallest socialist states are heard. But since Commintern beyond the VSVR ans CSR is organized by nation, this leads to representation of the nationalities. Meanwhile the Flemish, Walloon, and Polish, citizens of the VSVR have no independent voice apart from the German majority.
Perhaps, you argue that, distinctions of nationality are antiquated and have no place in the VSVR. This ignores the reality that such distinctions continue to persist. The people of our republic speak many languages, and even as Flemings have distributed across the republic, they continue to be perceived as such as Fleming, equals and fellow proletarians, but Flemings nonetheless. The two parties that did disproportionately well in the minority regions were the Nako's and the A-K's. The former calls for the potential independence of these regions while the latter calls for the rapid dissolution of the state. The minorities are by appearances displeased by the status quo, and in one way or another wish to see our state dismantled. While in the past comparisons of our proud and revolutionary republic to the autocratic empires were ungrounded and without evidence, these electoral results mean we must seriously consider the question of whether we are a legitimate government for the Walloon, Flemish, and Polish minorities, whether they are adequately represented amongst the German minority? The electoral contrast to the rest of the republic suggests that the minorities continue to be distinct and in particular Nako success suggests the perceive themselves as separate and/or feel treated as such. Why not conduct regional plebiscites on their future status. At the least, we should be informed as to their desires. If the majority wish for independence under their own socialist government, what grounds shall we use to refuse them?
The religious debate has been largely dealt with in the constitution and will be postpone for now in keeping with Tommy's wishes.
If you wanted to, you could label this as a piece in the "Unions Friend", the old name I used when writing pro-union news editorials. I certainly wouldn't mind having another union friendly, nice and calm writer sharing my banner.
As an afterthought, I would like to outline a very minimal political framework that while not part of the National Communist platform, may fall within their current or future spectrum. I agree with some of these policies (in RP), but others are simply to help construct a consistent ideology.
What have been the defining features of the human condition this last century. First national conflict, then class conflict. The rise of national awareness defined the early nineteenth century, as the nations of the Western hemisphere threw off distant masters. The German states consolidated, Italy formed itself through great trials, and the western nations united within around their national identities. The midpoint of the century was marked by the rise of an old conflict long forgotten and then only recently articulated. Class conflict saw the victory of the proletariat and the common control of the means of production. The VSVR led the way in liberating the proletariat, in unifying Germans, in uniting Germans, Walloons, Flemings, Poles and Czechs as brother proletarians. It united the Poles long torn apart inside the same borders and shone the light of revolution where once the dreary twilight of capitalism and darkness of feudalism had reigned. In the chaos of the last decades much of nationalism's part in all this has been forgoteen and ignored. But today the National Communists have found a way to bring the strings of history together and lead us into the glorious future. National struggle has strengthened us, reminded us of who we are and set against the enemies of unity to allow us to emerge stronger. Class struggle has empowered us and strengthened our resolve, the revolution is inevitable, and though our fellow proletarians suffer abroad they may rest more easily at night knowing that with our help and their efforts their inevitable liberation progresses. The struggles of the past these are what have made us strong, as nations, as a class, as trades. We are the ones that control our means of production and we reap the rewards of our labors and share them communally so that all may benefit from the bounty of out work as they need. How is this so because we seized what was rightfully ours from the capitalist and the king. We are united by our brothers in a nation, and so experience harmony where once we were divided. How did we do this by erasing the artificial borders that ignored our identity. We have surpassed the world in producing new and great technologies and goods of great value. This we did by cooperating in our trade to improve our means of production and quality of our product.
The way forward is clear. It is through competition as nations within the safety of Commintern that we will all be improved, that we shall exalt eachother to be better and surpass ourselves. It is through the continuation of the class wars beyond the Socialist fold that we will spread the revolution abroad and strengthen the revolution within. It is as unified and powerful trade unions within Commintern, that we will improve the yield and quality of our work that it may better our nations, the proletariat and ourselves. We have been mistaken in creating the artificial behemoth that is the VSVR. For as surely as we are proletarian, we are also Germans, Walloons, Poles and Flemings. As surely as we may live in Cologne, or Brussels, or Munich, or Krakow, we also live as Cement mixers, weavers, telephone assemblers, wheat farmers, coalminers, or any of a multitude of tradesmen. We must do away with the economic borders of the Soviets that divided us for it is by our trades that we are members of the proletariat not by our home cities. Better that we be organized by trade irrespective of state into great unions. We must do away with the artificial political borders, for it is as nations that we are defined culturally and politically. Better that we be organised into socialist nation-states that we may continue our traditions and enjoy the fruits of the revolution.
No more must we confront the worker with a choice of whether he is a first a German, Walloon, Fleming, or Pole, or first a cement worker, or a cloth worker, or an electrician. Rather let the worker be proud that he is German, proud he is a Walloon, proud as a Fleming, a proud Pole, that knows he has his own nation and contributes to it. Let the worker be proud that he mines coal, proud he weaves cloth, proud he assembles guns, proud he grows wheat, proud he mixes cement, proud that he supports his union and the united economy of workers. And above all let the worker be proud that his a proletarian free of oppression and part of the inevitable revolution that leads to communism.
What have been the defining features of the human condition this last century. First national conflict, then class conflict. The rise of national awareness defined the early nineteenth century, as the nations of the Western hemisphere threw off distant masters. The German states consolidated, Italy formed itself through great trials, and the western nations united within around their national identities. The midpoint of the century was marked by the rise of an old conflict long forgotten and then only recently articulated. Class conflict saw the victory of the proletariat and the common control of the means of production. The VSVR led the way in liberating the proletariat, in unifying Germans, in uniting Germans, Walloons, Flemings, Poles and Czechs as brother proletarians. It united the Poles long torn apart inside the same borders and shone the light of revolution where once the dreary twilight of capitalism and darkness of feudalism had reigned. In the chaos of the last decades much of nationalism's part in all this has been forgoteen and ignored. But today the National Communists have found a way to bring the strings of history together and lead us into the glorious future. National struggle has strengthened us, reminded us of who we are and set against the enemies of unity to allow us to emerge stronger. Class struggle has empowered us and strengthened our resolve, the revolution is inevitable, and though our fellow proletarians suffer abroad they may rest more easily at night knowing that with our help and their efforts their inevitable liberation progresses. The struggles of the past these are what have made us strong, as nations, as a class, as trades. We are the ones that control our means of production and we reap the rewards of our labors and share them communally so that all may benefit from the bounty of out work as they need. How is this so because we seized what was rightfully ours from the capitalist and the king. We are united by our brothers in a nation, and so experience harmony where once we were divided. How did we do this by erasing the artificial borders that ignored our identity. We have surpassed the world in producing new and great technologies and goods of great value. This we did by cooperating in our trade to improve our means of production and quality of our product.
The way forward is clear. It is through competition as nations within the safety of Commintern that we will all be improved, that we shall exalt eachother to be better and surpass ourselves. It is through the continuation of the class wars beyond the Socialist fold that we will spread the revolution abroad and strengthen the revolution within. It is as unified and powerful trade unions within Commintern, that we will improve the yield and quality of our work that it may better our nations, the proletariat and ourselves. We have been mistaken in creating the artificial behemoth that is the VSVR. For as surely as we are proletarian, we are also Germans, Walloons, Poles and Flemings. As surely as we may live in Cologne, or Brussels, or Munich, or Krakow, we also live as Cement mixers, weavers, telephone assemblers, wheat farmers, coalminers, or any of a multitude of tradesmen. We must do away with the economic borders of the Soviets that divided us for it is by our trades that we are members of the proletariat not by our home cities. Better that we be organized by trade irrespective of state into great unions. We must do away with the artificial political borders, for it is as nations that we are defined culturally and politically. Better that we be organised into socialist nation-states that we may continue our traditions and enjoy the fruits of the revolution.
No more must we confront the worker with a choice of whether he is a first a German, Walloon, Fleming, or Pole, or first a cement worker, or a cloth worker, or an electrician. Rather let the worker be proud that he is German, proud he is a Walloon, proud as a Fleming, a proud Pole, that knows he has his own nation and contributes to it. Let the worker be proud that he mines coal, proud he weaves cloth, proud he assembles guns, proud he grows wheat, proud he mixes cement, proud that he supports his union and the united economy of workers. And above all let the worker be proud that his a proletarian free of oppression and part of the inevitable revolution that leads to communism.
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@keynes
I'm trying to decide whether to be a calm mouth piece for the more moderate politically minded NC's or a more radical populist branch of the faction as in the post just after yours.
I may even try to merge the two into one being the face to the party and the other being a more public face to raise support.
I'm trying to decide whether to be a calm mouth piece for the more moderate politically minded NC's or a more radical populist branch of the faction as in the post just after yours.
I may even try to merge the two into one being the face to the party and the other being a more public face to raise support.
Didn't you get the memo? Us NatComs are supposed to be all rainbows and sunshine until we take power and then we rip off the masks and turn out to actually be evil capitalists planning to suppress the masses. I thought all the NatComs knew our ultra secret plan?
Why dont we divide the nation along the lines of hair colors?
GINGERS DESERVE FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE!
GINGERS DESERVE FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE!
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