The Last of the Achaemenids

[HistoryDude]

The Achaemenids got their revenge on Alexander, even if it took decades.

How many Persian legions exist now?

When will the Hellenistic gods be abandoned completely?

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Achaemenids got their revenge on Alexander, even if it took decades.

How many Persian legions exist now?

When will the Hellenistic gods be abandoned completely?

These Neo-Achaemenids are working through their own raison d'etre. Are they restorers of past glories or seekers of a new legacy. Directionally, it shifts depending on the person sitting on the throne though Amastris, their "founder" was very clearly on the side of a Neo-Persia in Anatolia and for most of the the classical period of this 2nd Achaemenid Empire, the focus is mostly on the Mediterranean and the West.

There is just one Persian legion at this time period - the Immortals - as the Persians generally prefer relying on the levies of their various Satrapies instead of the fully professional army slowly taking shape in Rome. Asia Minor's reserves of manpower seemed inexhaustible until the combination of plagues and the Roman wars in the first century AD forces the expansion of the professional army to meet their defence needs - a move that contributed to the continual period of crisis in the 2nd and 3rd centuries.

The Hellenistic gods start to go out of favour from the 1st century AD as the later Achaemenids look to the religion of their homeland but Hellenism and other pagan faiths only become officially outlawed in the mid-4th century.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Great Campaign & The Reconquest of Persia (131 BC – 45 BC) - Part 1

As detailed in the Commentaries on the Persian Conquest by Arrianos of Philia [1]

Our great King Orodes had one daughter and she became our queen on his passing. Artanis was her name and she was commanded by her father as he lay sick and felt the end of his life draw near, to bury him in his homeland, in Persia, in Pasargadae where the Achaemenid King of Kings of old lay in their tombs dreaming their ancient undying dreams. [2]

Artanis, ever dutiful, sought to organize matters in our homeland before marching against the Macedonians of Persia. She advanced on the Cillician tribes of the South to deal with a revolt led by the Sergians and Isaurians. The quelling of the revolt would take her two years. We were then attacked by the Romans seeking to capture more of Macedonia and Epirus from us. The Roman wars ravaged our cities and Artanis sought her pound on flesh on the ill-fated aggressors. Our armies marched into Illyria. [3]
…

<The author spends the next chapter detailing the military manoeuvres of the Roman war. In the end, the war lasted for nine years with Romans ceding territory in Epirus in return for three hundred pounds of gold to be paid annually for the next twenty years.>

...
While she was triumphantly campaigning north, the Ionians and Rhodians rebelled once more. Artanis reacted immediately, but, while the other cities once again hesitated, Miletus decided to resist with the utmost vigour. This resistance was useless, however, as the city was razed to the ground amid great bloodshed and its territory divided between the other Ionian cities. The end of Miletus cowed Rhodos into submission, leaving all of Asia at least outwardly at peace under the Achaemenids.

In the fifteenth year of her reign, our Queen Artanis was reminded of her vow to her father by Mazaros, cousin to Artanis. Mazaros who commanded the Leontophoros denounced her as unfit for rulership, forsaker of promises and betrayer of her blood. There were those who sought to make him Xyathiya but I did not stand with them. Orodes, son of Artanis, next spoke “Oh blessed Majesty……”

<The next portion is missing. We can assume the attempted coup failed as Mazaros was denounced and sent into exile. It did however spur Artanis to begin plans for the Great Persian Campaign. When the text continues, we are already in the midst of the logistics planning.>

From Melitene in each direction her orders sped: to Xenopides, to join her there with the whole of his army; to Menarches, to come to terms with those at home, and to despatch to her the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Thespian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men available in Greece, excepting only those who were actually needed to garrison the citadels. She next summoned the captains at present engaged in the contract work, and called upon the mercenaries to follow her on her intended expedition, promising them that if she were successful in her object, she would not pause until she had gifted them each a city to rule in Phoenicia. To this invitation they hearkened gladly; they believed in her; and with their arms, they presented themselves at Melitene. So, too, Xenias arrived at Melitene with the contingent from the Greek cities, thirty-four thousand hoplites; Arbaces, also, with forty thousand Cappodican skirmishers and five thousand light horse; Sames from Pontus, with thirty thousand heavy infantry and ten thousand heavy horse; Zardok the Bithynian, with twenty-five thousand infantry and the same in horse; while the Spahbed Pasion came with forty five thousand Macedonian hoplites and three thousand peltasts. These all joined Artanis at Miletene. [4]

With the break of day the generals met and were surprised that Artanis should not have appeared herself, or at any rate have sent someone to tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected junction with Orodes. Just as they were on the point of starting, with the rising sun came Kleandros, the Satrap of Cappadocia Pontica. He was a descendant of Oxyathres the 3rd Mogh, and with him also came Sames Physician and son of Arbaces Vivanid. These two told them, first, that our Queen was dead; she and the Princess Samitra did not survive the birthing tent. [5]

[1] Arrianos was a court functionary in the time of Artanis and Orodes II. Based on his writing style and familiarity with military matters, we can assume he was a senior military commander or retired Immortal. During the Great Persian Campaign, he was attached as an aide to Orodes II. The Commentaries itself is an in-depth look at the military planning of the campaign and offers us some of the most extant look at the Neo-Persian tactics and approach to battle.

[2] While Arrianos presents the Great Persian Campaign as a dying wish of a king, we have multiple other sources that the campaign or at least the ‘dream’ was always on the cards since Amastris’ day. The Persians always paid attention to the military readiness of the Eastern Macedonians and different stratagems were drawn up to deal with the elephants and other elements the Seleukids could call upon.

[3] The first twenty years of Artanis’ reign was focused on stabilization and defeating threats in the west and south. There were still remnant rebels from her father’s day and the need to clear out the Greek and Ioanian isles of Ptolemaic and Roman holdouts. As per the map below showing the theatre of war on the cusp of invasion in 104 BC, she was quite thorough in making the Aegean a Persian lake.

[4] All told, Artanis could call upon 250,000 fighting men from her lands, supported by another 70,000 allied auxiliaries and another 50,000 mercenaries. It was the largest force seen since the days of Alexander’s host. Unlike most ancient sources, it seems Arrianos was more focused on accuracy, not exaggeration.

[5]The reign of Artanis is a tragic tale. Many would describe her as a good queen as she built amphitheatres and forums across her cities for citizens to gather and spent significant sums in repairing infrastructure in the lands captured by her and her forebears. Artanis also reduced the corruption and waste that was running rampant in Orodes’ day and worked with her Spahbeds and Strategos to continue the Persian military modernization program that had fallen to the wayside during Orodes’ day. By many accounts, she was just, humble and her court was courteous to all visitors. Even on the battlefield, Artanis would distinguish herself, earning herself the sobriquet ‘The Bosporan’ on account of her victories on the Scythian plain.

Unfortunately for her, she was born a woman and her enemies were happy to use any sign of weakness as a sign of her unfitness to rule. The Oracle of Delphi, still the most prestigious and authoritative seer among the Greek, would not support her right to rule and claiming that the gods were unhappy to see a woman ruling. Mazaros was merely the most obvious pretender to put himself forth but we have found evident for others challenging Artanis during her 28-year reign. The timing of her death while giving birth to her third child, right on the cusp of the campaign to conquer Persia, was poignant and taken by many as proof of the gods’ disfavour. Fortunately for her memory, her son Orodes II was already and adult and proven commander ready to take up the reins of power. He would do much to enshrine her place in history instead of being whitewashed out of the epics like other female leaders of antiquity.

​

 

[HistoryDude]

The conquest of Persia approaches! Let the homeland be reclaimed!

Did Miletus learn nothing from the Ionian Revolt? And there aren't even other Greek city-states to aid them this time.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The conquest of Persia approaches! Let the homeland be reclaimed!

Did Miletus learn nothing from the Ionian Revolt? And there aren't even other Greek city-states to aid them this time.

Miletus should be considered the last flowering of Greecian democracy. Unfortunately, the Persian lion was on their doorstep and the Ptolemies proved perfidious in their promises of protection for the Greek polities. Whether it was the Achaemenids, Romans or someone else, the city states would not have lasted. After Alexander and the Diadochi, consolidation and size became paramount as armies grew larger and states became better at mobilizing resources and manpower for war and conquest.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Great Campaign & The Reconquest of Persia (131 BC – 45 BC) – Part 2


Excerpts from the Commentaries on the Persian Conquest by Arrianos of Philia

So it came to be Orodes II was our new lord; a man the kingliest and most worthy to rule of all the Persians & Greeks who have lived since the noble Amastris: according to the concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

In this courtly training Orodes earned a double reputation; first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him, and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.

He was our King now and we marched to meet with his forces at the gates of Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer one, which protects Cilicia. At this point, Orodes summoned an assembly of all of his men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account of the present troubles. First of all, I went to war with the Scythians, and with Queen Artanis to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in behalf of Hellas; driving them out from the shores of the Bosphorus, when they wanted to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. Our queen defended us from the Romans and the Dacians and the Cretans but you now wish to turn back against her one wish? The gods cursed her for being born a woman but did she not protect you and your children? Has she not shown herself to be defender of the Persians and Hellenes? She has brought us here in search of our destiny. Some of you whisper that this is cursed; trust in my spear and my sword, trust in the promise of Artanis. Tomorrow I hope the Gods see fit to have you march into Syria. Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never shall it be said of me by any one that I betrayed the people, and chose the path of the tyrant. No! I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your fate. I look upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured, wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you go, I go also."

With that, Orodes was acclaimed as our King and the soldiers were his, and we marched through Syria in a single stage--five parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians, on the sea-coast. After this Orodes marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be injured--and so too the pigeons of the place…

------------------

The Commentaries from this point on is a travelogue of the armies' march through Syria and Persia and the battles fought. The Campaign would last for 58 years, proving to be Orodes’ all-consuming fixation and he would spend most of life in the east, marching through the deserts and mountains or sieging a holdout. For simplicity’ sake, I’ve divided the Campaign into five offensives outlining the progress of the campaign.

Red (104 BC – 98 BC) – The Syrian campaign began with the capture of the Phoenician trade cities of the coast before swinging back north to the provinces of Palmyrene and Apamene. Limited battle is offered by the Macedonian Persian Kingdom of the Lagids during this campaign as they recover from the Parthian onslaught that nearly destroyed the Macedonian presence in Persia and ended the line of the Seleukids. The Achaemenids also take control of a few key fortresses in Assyria.

Orange (95 BC – 93 BC) – A short campaign to secure the path to Mesopotamia. Skirmishing in the Caucasus occurs with Sagarejo, a Persian client state in the Caucasus but Orodes is content to hold his position there.

Yellow (88 BC – 80 BC) – The push into the Macedonian heartlands of Mesopotamia. Adiabene is annexed by the Spahbed Artaxerxes while Orodes marches directly for Babirus, the capital of the Macedonians. Here I’ll share another excerpt from Arrianos:

Now, having crossed the mighty Tigris River, our hearts pounded with both anticipation and trepidation. Before us lay Babirus, the golden city of the Seleukids, its walls gleaming in the midday sun. King Clearchus of Persia stood as a formidable opponent, his vast army a dark storm cloud threatening to engulf our armies. Just as Cyrus the Just, may his memory be blessed, had marched upon Babylon, so did Orodes, the descendant of Smerdomenes-Ares, lead us towards the city. We were a force of thunder and lightning, forged in the crucible of countless victories. The Macedonian scouts, their eyes wide with fear, reported our approach. Clearchus, ever the cautious ruler, hesitated to engage in open battle. He retreated behind the formidable walls of Mahoze, hoping to outlast us in a siege. But Orodes refused to be trapped in a war of attrition.

He sent a contingent of skilled archers to harass the defenders, their arrows a relentless rain upon the battlements. Under the cover of this barrage, Orodes, with a boldness that borders on recklessness, led a daring nighttime attack. Choosing a seemingly unguarded section of the wall, he and his elite Immortals, men forged in the fires of countless battles, scaled the bricks with unmatched speed and fury. Chaos erupted within the city. The roar of battle echoed through the streets as our Immortals, an iron tide, surged through the breached walls. The Persian soldiers, bewildered by the sudden attack, fell into disarray. Their once-proud boasts of invincibility crumbled before the unwavering Achaemenid advance.

Clearchus, witnessing the tide turn against him, fled the city in the dead of night, abandoning his loyal subjects to their fate. Shame, a bitter taste, filled my mouth at such cowardice. Yet, Orodes, ever the magnanimous victor, spared the city from the horrors of a full sack. He understood the value of preserving such a monument, an artefact of his proud lineage. Once he set the city right, King Orodes continued his march, intent on seizing Clearchus and ending the war in a single stroke.

This third campaign would see Orodes annexe all of Mesopotamia and raze the old Seleukid capital of Mahoze. In the north, Sagarejo would be pillaged and razed by Armenian soldiers, effectively removing them from the war. In the decades after, Sagarejo would switch allegiances, becoming a client state of the Achaemenids.

Green (78 BC – 72 BC) – Conquest of the old Achaemenid heartlands and the Median Kingdom. Parsa, Persepolis and lands across the Sinus Persicus up to Byblos were annexed. By this point, Macedonian power was spent with loyalists holding out in the mountain fastnesses.

Pink (66 BC – 50 BC) – Orodes would spend two decades scouring out Macedonian holdouts in Ariana and Bactria, almost in imitation of Alexander three hundred years ago. By the end, the Achaemenid Empire extended from Illyria in the West to Pentopotamia and the Indus in the East.

Finally, at 73 years of age, Orodes Achaemenid arranged a grand festival to celebrate the resurrection of the Empire in Byzantion. Every citizen across the Empire was gifted a gold coin and many slaves were manumitted. Beyond the achievement of the conquests themselves, Orodes had also set off a few other movements, intentionally or unintentionally, that would shape the Empire as it moved into the new millennium.

Firstly, with the return of the East, many Zoroastrians moved to the West to share their beliefs and set up fire temples in the cities dotted across Asia Minor. The Achaemenid Empire was relatively tolerant of faiths as long as proper obeisance was paid to the Shahanshahs along with the requisite offerings. The Zoroastrians would also trigger a great fascination with Persian culture and practices among the composite nations of the Achaemenid Empire. While many would adopt Persian customs, the Empire, Orodes also saw fit to establish the system of Cultural Administrators across the empire. Babylonians, Medeans, Parthians, Lankans, Assyrians, Hebrews, Armenians, Cappadocians, Greeks, Macedonians, Thracians. All were gifted citizenship, overseen by their own people and allowed the freedom to make their own way as long as taxes, tribute and offerings were made to the Shahanshahs sitting in Byzantion. Many Macedonians were resettled in Anatolia but many others remained in Mesopotamia and Ariana. Cities across the empire became a melting pot of cultures, and Byzantion grew as the hub of trade and power into a city of a thousand tongues.

Two years after his final Eastern campaign, Orodes would pass on peacefully in bed. He was 75 years of age.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Napad (45 BC to 18 AD)

Napad’s reign was notable for the fact that he was the grandson of Orodes. The old Shahanshah chose to bypass his son and presumed heir, Artochmes, in favour of the child. Artochmes was the Commander of the Immortals and was already in his fifties by the end of the Great Campaign. Guided by his Mobadan Mobad and Databdara (high priest and chancellor respectively), Orodes pronounced that the son of Artochmes would be the next to sit on the Lion Throne. A younger successor would ensure a long and stable rule for the good of the empire. While it turned out to be mostly true, the conflict between Napad and Artochmes raised unnecessary tension on the loyalties of the Immortals.

Since the start of the Great Campaign, this professional force had seen its numbers swell up to 30,000, three times larger than the force during the time of Darius the Great. As a counterbalance, Napad would raise more legions, establishing European and Asian armies and they would be called upon many times in their respective theatres. In Asia, the Tamilakam Empire had established control of India after the fading of Mauryan power and there were multiple clashes over Sindh, Gujarat and Pentopotamia (modern-day Punjab). In Europe, the Romans would clash over control of Illyria and Macedonia. Artochmes and his fellow Spahbeds spent most of their time in the field leading their respective Spadas, supported by Karas raised by provincial Satraps. These wars would often prove inconclusive as hundreds of thousands of soldiers fought and to draft a peace treaty that promised ‘eternal peace’ and an exchange of a province or two, only for conflict to reignite a decade later.

Napad’s crowning achievement was the conquest of Egypt as he sought to fully capture everything once held by the Achaemenid dynasty. The Ptolemies at this point were at their nadir, having lost upper Egypt to a religious uprising and being forced out of Syria and Greece by the Seleukids and Achaemenids in the past century. The war was swift and conclusive – in only two years, all Egypt was under Persian authority and the Ptolemies were exiled from their homeland. After the capture of Alexandria, Napad had Alexander’s remains moved to Lysimachea, about 100 miles from Byzantion to show respect to the great conqueror and to prove a point about Achaemenid power.

Now fed by the granaries of Egypt, the empire would prosper as conflict was pushed to the ever-expanding edges. Wars with Rome, Tamilakam, Arabia, Carthage and the steppe raiders would persist but the heartlands of Anatolia, Greece and the Levant would prosper like never before. Many cities blossomed during Napad’s reign including fallen capitals such as Antigoneia, Babirus and Persepolis. For the next two centuries, the ancient birthplace of civilizations would enjoy a near-uninterrupted period of prosperity and stability. However in the year 1 AD (of course they didn’t call it that back then), a new star was born and troubled many priests and soothsayers who predicted interesting times were to come. None of this would trouble Napad who reigned for eighteen more years.

As an interesting side note, Napad was the first Neo-Achaemenid King to have never led an army in person. His sobriquet, ‘the Italiote’ came about from his fascination with Roman culture and for a brief period of time, togas and Latin was the peak of court fashion. Napad would hand the reigns of powers to his son, Arbaces, the aptly named Besieger, born from his marriage to a Mauryan princess in 18 AD after a ruptured stomach following a three day long orgy.

 

[jak7139]

Very interesting! I love all the different accounts and historical information you include!

 

[blitzthedragon]

I think I missed the moment when the Neo-Achaemenids converted back to Zoroastrianism, but it only makes sense they would upon reintegrating their Persian relatives. Looks like it got hinted at when that was being talked about.

Regardless, the Empire that has long dogged the Greek city-states is back, and firmly in control. Can't wait to see how it falls from its zenith.

 

[HistoryDude]

Orodes seemed like an interesting character. I liked the speech!

Napad's rule seemed to be the beginning of a fall into decadence. How did he get interested in Roman culture? How far did his fascination go?

Who ruled Upper Egypt before your reconquest of the area?

 

[Killcrazy13]

Very interesting! I love all the different accounts and historical information you include!

Thank you. I've been following your EU4 AAR playthrough guide in preparation for hopefully this campaign's EU4 game. I've only clocked about 6 hours in EU4 so expect that period to be a disaster for the empire.

I think I missed the moment when the Neo-Achaemenids converted back to Zoroastrianism, but it only makes sense they would upon reintegrating their Persian relatives. Looks like it got hinted at when that was being talked about.

Regardless, the Empire that has long dogged the Greek city-states is back, and firmly in control. Can't wait to see how it falls from its zenith.

Nope, you haven't missed out on the Zoroastrian swing. That will be coming up in the next few updates. The collapse itself will be pretty impressive too. Holding together a multicultural empire is going to prove challenging but something resembling the corpse of the empire will limp into the sixth century and the CK3 portion of the campaign.

Orodes seemed like an interesting character. I liked the speech!

Napad's rule seemed to be the beginning of a fall into decadence. How did he get interested in Roman culture? How far did his fascination go?

Who ruled Upper Egypt before your reconquest of the area?

Napad ruled from Byzantion. As the beating heart and crossroad of the empire, it saw its fair share of traders and Roman cults establishing themselves within the city. The Roman traders were the few who could import rare trade goods such as amber and cinnabar only available in Western Europe. Roman culture was imported in through such elements and the more exotic cults of the Hellenic pantheon. How Napad developed his fixation is unknown but I would posit that the great wealth of empire meant a constantly escalating desire to experience the 'new' and Rome just happened to be the fad at the time.

Upper Egypt was ruled by a Memphite dynasty, the original Egyptians, who called their nation Wasset and became a tributary of the Achaemenids. Wasset and the Upper Nile was never annexed by Achaemenid until the 2nd century AD so many elements of their culture and religion persisted until the adoption of Christianity in the fourth century AD.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Conquests of Arbaces & The Punic Wars (18 AD – 31 AD)

Arbaces began his career in the military, assigned to the Immortals under the tutelage of his grandfather before succeeding him as the commander upon Arthochmes’ death. He would carve his legend during his time as Spahbed of the Immortals in the Punic Wars against Carthage during the reign of Napad before landing the deathblow after his ascension as Shahanshah. Unfortunately, he would end his reign in ignominy as a result of the court politics in Byzantion which he rarely visited.

A medieval summary of the text from the Punic Wars by Ionnes of Syracusa [1]

The Phoenicians settled Carthage, in Africa, fifty years before the capture of Troy. Its founders were either Zorus and Carchedon, or, as the Romans and the Carthaginians themselves think, Dido, a Tyrian woman, whose husband had been slain clandestinely by Pygmalion, the ruler of Tyre. The murder being revealed to her in a dream, she embarked for Africa with her property and a number of men who desired to escape from the tyranny of Pygmalion, and arrived at that part of Africa where Carthage now stands.

Being repelled by the inhabitants, they asked for as much land for a dwelling place as they could encompass with an ox-hide. The Africans laughed at this frivolity of the Phoenicians and were ashamed to deny so small a request. Besides, they could not imagine how a town could be built in so narrow a space, and wishing to unravel the mystery they agreed to give it, and confirmed the promise by an oath. The Phoenicians, cutting the hide round and round in one very narrow strip, enclosed the place where the citadel of Carthage now stands, which from this affair was called Byrsa, "hide". Proceeding from this start and getting the upper hand of their neighbours, as they were more adroit, and engaging in traffic by sea, like the Phoenicians, they built a city around Byrsa. Gradually acquiring strength, they mastered Africa and the greater part of the Mediterranean, carried war into Sicily and Sardinia and the other islands of that sea, and also into Spain. They sent out numerous colonies. They became a match for the Greeks in power, and next to the Persians in wealth. But about 700 years after the foundation of the city the Romans took Sicily and Sardinia away from them, and in a second war Spain also.

Thus, the Carthaginians looked East upon the rich lands of Cyrenaica and Egypt and sought war with Persia, confident that they had the element of surprise as their ambassadors told of the war in India and of the thousands of soldiers who marched across the deserts of Bactria. Then, assailing this territory with immense armies, the Carthaginians, under Bel’Hamon, ravaged Libya and Egypt for six years in succession, but the Persians, under the leadership of Arbaces, who marched across the world to face this new opponent, carried the war into Africa, crushed the Carthaginian power, took their ships and their elephants, and required them to pay tribute for a time.

Not long afterwards the Carthaginians invaded Waddan and were gradually subduing it, when the Fezzani appealed to the Shahanshah and a boundary was fixed to the Carthaginian advance by agreement that they should not cross into the desert of Libya. The Carthaginians, under the lead of Hasdrubal, violated this treaty by crossing the sand, and having done so Hasdrubal marched against Egypt, leaving the command in Libya in the hands of others. The Byzat-Spahbed despatched the fkeets Nava Leontophoros and Nava Ionian to Ifriqa with one hundred thousand men led by Arbaces. In the landing at Qart-Hardaht, Carthage lost two hundred ships while the Persian naval losses were minimal. Arbaces would siege and sack cities including Utica, Megara, Byrsa and Qart-Hardaht itself.

The Carthaginians sought surrender and Arbaces, acting on behalf of his father and king, forced the proud Punic people to surrender their lands in Ifriqa and concede their capital to the Persians. [2]

The 7th Roman War

Concurrently with the Punic Wars, the Persians faced Roman aggression in Illyria and Macedonia. The battles here drove an ever-escalating cost in manpower on both sides. By the end of Napad’s reign, there had been five Roman-Persian wars and there would be two more during Arbaces’ reign.

The seventh war would prove to be decisive in establishing a century of peace between the two empires. By this point, the Achaemenids held a toe hold in Sicily and had forced Illyrian independence from Rome before pulling them into the Persian sphere of influence. Without any wars in India or Africa to distract the Persians, Arbaces could bring to bear the full force of the empire against Rome. Clashes would rage up and down Illyria and southern Italy for two years before the matter focused on Northern Illyria. At the Battle of Bassena, half a million Persian soldiers faced off against three hundred thousand Romans. More than a third of the Persian forces were made up of allied auxiliaries commanded by a Thracian commander, Krenos, who knew the wooded terrain like the back of his hand. The ambush worked perfectly and the Romans were slaughtered nearly to the man. It was the largest single battle of antiquity, though later wars would have higher total body counts, and it shattered the Roman military’s ability to fight. The capture of several Roman Eagles added insult to injury. With the way open, Arbaces would march into Italia proper, sacking cities down the peninsular till he reached Rome itself, laying siege and taking the capital in gory massacre.

The peace treaty that followed was relatively magnanimous, Rome was to cede all of Sicily and a portion of Roman Calabria to Persia, and they were to create a demilitarized zone in Istria and promise an annual tribute of 100 talents of gold in return for an eternal peace between the two great empires. Arbaces himself had fallen in love with Sicily during his campaigning and commissioned the royal architect to rebuild Syracusa from the ruins the Romans had left it in. Within a decade, Syracusa was a growing city of villas, houses of love and pleasure yachts – a second home for the capital’s elite. Fittingly, this imperial holiday city would prove to be the final home for the Besieger.


The Resurgence of Zoroastrian

While Arbaces presented himself as the ideal Persian Warrior King like Rostam of legend, he lacked interest in governing the center. Spending so long in Arthochmes’s company equipped him for a life in the field and the rare times he visited his father’s court in Byzantion, his focus was on rest and military planning with the Byzat-Spahbed and other military figures. As noted previously, Napad’s court had divorced itself from military matters, content to let the heir and other worthies play at command. In the absence of such a focus, decadence and excess had grown. The cults of Dionysus and other festive deities were celebrated in the homes of many court nobles and the scions of great houses. With the eyes of Napad and Arbaces distracted by other interests, corruption grew rampant as the high lords pocketed more than their fair share of the empire’s prosperity.

At the same time, the people, the many Persians who emigrated to Byzantion challenged the status quo of Hellenic domination. The temple of Ahura Mazda grew to be the largest and most visited religious site in the city. Adherents were warned of the dangers of excess and the importance of moderation. Humata, Hūxta, Huvarshta ('good thoughts, good words, good deeds') became a common refrain of the priesthood as they preached in the temple and in the streets. Orypetis, the oldest child of Arbaces saw her opportunity to seize control using the power of the mob. Her father, the Shahanshah was having an affair with his brother’s wife. At first, she let the rumour of the scandal whisper within the court then let it escape into the street. At the same time, she sought favour with the holders of imperial offices, reminding them that the founder of the empire was a woman and that as the oldest, she had the right to rule. With careful application of blackmail, bribes and favour-trading, she brought many to her side and for those she couldn’t, she had them quietly removed. Even without such machinations, many thought her suited to succeed her father due to her uncommon intelligence and mastery of science, language and strategy.

When she triggered her coup, it was more vicious than many imagined. When Arbaces returned to the capital from his latest military expedition, he was accosted by the Mobadan Mobad and Argbahd for crimes against the god, Ahura Mazda. Senior members of the court all claimed faith in the religion of Zoroaster and that the debauched Hellenic Shahanshah was unfit to rule an empire of Persians. The child of Artazostres and Arbaces was presented to all and Arbaces was challenged to acknowledge the boy as his, which he did. Mithrobaios, brother to the Shahanshah, and most powerful Satrap in the land then stepped forward and denounced his brother. The Immortals had their loyalty bought and Mithrobaios had his Legion of Bithynia et Pathlagonia ready to maintain order in the capital as Arbaces was arrested amid a public denouncement of the Shahanshah.

We have an eye-witness account of the event from Pharian, a low-level court scribe: [3]

“By the sweat of Ahura Mazda, never have I witnessed such a sight! The midday sun beat down on Byzantion like a blacksmith's hammer, but a chill gripped my very bones as I stood amongst the throngs in the royal gardens. There, stripped bare of his kingly robes, stood Arbaces himself, our mighty Shahanshah, his head hung low like a wilted poppy.

Whispers had been flitting through the court like sea winds for weeks, each one carrying the stench of forbidden love and the betrayal of a king's vow. Now, it all lay bare before our very eyes. High Priest Homa, his face a mask of sorrow etched with duty, stood across from Arbaces, his voice booming like a hailstorm.

"Arbaces, son of false gods," he thundered, the words echoing through the polished walkways, "you have brought darkness into the light! You have strayed from the path of Asha, and nurtured Druj within your heart! You, who swore to uphold the sacred bond of marriage, have shattered it, casting a long shadow upon the very throne itself!"

A gasp, collective and sharp, ripped through the crowd. Arbaces, the man who had led us to countless victories, the wall against chaos, stood accused of becoming its embodiment. Shame radiated from him, a heat more intense than the midday sun.

High Priest Homa held aloft a bundle of twigs, dipped them into a foul-smelling concoction of water and cow urine. Three times he flicked the liquid onto the king, each drop a searing reminder of the stain upon his soul.

"Your name, King Arbaces," Homa roared, his voice carrying the weight of history, "shall forever be etched in the annals of Persia, not for your conquests, but for your unfaithfulness!"

The crowd erupted. Dust and pebbles flew as curses and insults were hurled at the once-mighty ruler. Men who had bowed low in his presence now spat upon the ground before him. Never had I seen such open defiance, such raw disgust aimed at a Shahanshah.

This, they say, is but the first act of his penance. Weeks of fire, water, and prayer await him, a torturous cleansing for the sin that has consumed him. The Great Houses meet as we speak, their faces grim as they grapple with this unprecedented situation. Exile? Fines? Perhaps a harsher fate awaits Arbaces. Only time will tell. But one thing is certain, this day will be whispered about for generations to come. The day a king fell from grace, a cautionary tale for all rulers - that even a Shahanshah is not above the laws of Asha.”

The Shahanshah was exiled to his beloved Syracusa as Orypetis succeeded her as ruler of the Achaemenid Empire. He would live on in ignominy for another fifteen years.

[1] Ionnes of Syracusa (195 AD – 265 AD) is one of the most underestimated Greek historians, author of the Persian History in twenty four books. Although only Ionnes’ books on the Great Campaign survive in their entirety, large parts of the other books, devoted to the Achaemenid’s foreign wars, have also come down to us. The parts on the Punic wars, the wars in India, and the Illyrian Wars are very important historical sources. Because these texts have to be reconstructed from several medieval manuscripts, not all editions of Ionnes’ account of Achaemenidian foreign wars are accounted in the same timeline. Here, the account of the Punic Wars based is summarised by Firuz Bagratid in the 8th century based on the original text from Ionnes.

[2] The satrap of Ifriqa was established as an semi-independent tributary state called Hadrametum with control of the interiors of North Africa encompassing modern day Tunisia and Algeria while the Achaemenids held Qart Hardaht itself as a staging point for their navy. The local Punic people would prove to be restive lot with frequent rebellions troubling the governors of the city but the advantages of the harbour were too great for the Persians to give it up. The nation of Carthage were forced into what we know as Morocco with constant attempts to retake their old territory until they were annexed by the Romans now expanding south from Spain in the 2nd century AD.

[3] We know little of Pharian outside of this account and his court role but the bias is a reflection of either Orypetis's influence in the court forcing all to toe the party line or that the Zoroastrian faith was more pervasive than many previous historians thought it to be during the 1st century AD. It's unlikely that Arbaces was humiliated in such a way as no regime would allow such a shameful event de-legitimize their rule but the vehemence is a possible reflection of millennial worries of the still young empire.

​

 

[jak7139]

Persia is lucky Arbaces didn't use his military prowess to start a civil war from his base in Sicily. Who knows what a disgraced ruler can get up to in exile?

 

[Killcrazy13]

Persia is lucky Arbaces didn't use his military prowess to start a civil war from his base in Sicily. Who knows what a disgraced ruler can get up to in exile?

Arbaces was probably shocked to his core, especially knowing that it was his daughter behind the entire scheme. Combined with his lack of skill in diplomacy, he had few allies and no coin to buy the loyalty of soldiers.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Orypetis (31 AD – 51 AD)

Historians are divided on Orypetis – was she a true believer or a cynical opportunist? After her coronation, the court would implement many Zoroastrian practices including establishing a small temple in the palace where the divine fire was kept burning but not much effort was spent on converting the populace at large. Worship of Ahura Mazda was encouraged but not demanded and many still chose to sacrifice to their Hellenic or other pagan gods. During her lifetime, Zoroastrianism and the fire temples were only extant in Western Asia Minor, Europa and Persia, areas where the Persians were the majority. It would only become the state religion during the reign of her son, Arbaces II.

The succession of rulers from Amastris to Arbaces I is now classified as the Hellenic Dynasty of the Achaemenid Empire, notable for great military successes and a spirit of innovation in approaching social and cultural issues. The system of cultural administrators, the erection of great wonders such as The Walls of Orodes in Byzantion, the Field of the Immortals in Rhebae, the Lighthouse of Alexandria, and the Great Persian Road that provided uninterrupted movement of people and goods from Dyrrachion to Balkh stand testament to the vigour of the dynasty.

The Hellenic Dynasty dating from Amastris and ending with Arbaces I​

The later Zoroastrian Dynasty maintain the structure of the empire but the era of aggressive expansion is over with nominal gains in Kush and in the Eurasian Steppe and Nepal. A few factors contribute to this slowdown but primarily it’s because there are two large empires blocking any easy expansion – Rome in the West and the Tamil Empire of the Pandyas in the East. In between the wars, this age of empires contributes to a period of prosperity unseen across the world. The Persian Silk Road engenders a vibrant exchange of goods and ideas between China, India, Persia and Europe and tribes move into cities across the known world in a great civilizing thrust. This status quo would be maintained for another two centuries until the crisis of the third century.

One of the long-term effects of the way Orypetis gained the throne was the reduction of royal power. Many court offices grew in influence in order to fulfil the promises she had made and the court in Byzantion became more stratified as titles and authority became more clearly delineated instead of all power previously coming from the Shahanshah. The court rolls of Arbaces II contain lists of court personalities graded in order of rank. The first rank included members of the royal family, including queens and other ladies of the imperial line (banug). Orypetis adopted the title of Banbisnan Banbisn (queen of queens) and not the traditional Sahr Banbisn (queen of the empire) relegating it as a title for the king’s consort. In the second rank were heads of the five great families, though the order of precedence among them varied over the centuries. In the time of Orypetis, the most honoured were the Bagratids (Persian origin) and Agesopolids (Greek origin) while the other three were the Beth Narayans (Babylonian origin), the Vivanids (Persian origin) and the Haihayans (Indian origin). In the third and lowest rank were the other dignitaries and officials including distantly related Achaemenids and other members of the Great Houses, though not all the courtiers are enumerated in the lists. Only sixty-six members of Arbaces II’s court are mentioned in the Paikuli rolls, whereas 165 were listed by the Armenian biographer of Orontes Vivanid, who was commissioned to prepare a gāh-nāmag fixing the positions of 400 cushions. Within this framework of proximity to the throne, there was additional stratification based on offices and titles awarded. The most important were those on the royal council and usually assigned to members of the royal line or the Great Houses. Beneath them were the governorships or Satraps, awarded control over large territories of the empire, free to act as they wished as long as imperial dues were paid. Evidently, three levels of kingship were recognized: the King of Kings (the ruling Achaemenid), Great Kings or Kings (foreign rulers of great powers), and kings of provinces or vassal states. The hierarchy of the senior clergy in the Zoroastrian period appears to have been graded on a similar model: Mowbedān, Great Mowbeds, and provincial Mowbeds.

Power within the Empire would now come from these two vectors – the temporal and religious authority of dozens of officials and would shape the course of Persian history over the next two centuries. During the reign of Orypetis, this was in abeyance as the court came to grips with the shocking abdication of Arbaces I but within a decade, factions would arise due to her medical condition. Orypetis was prone to fits and convulsions and she tried to keep it a secret for many years but insiders knew the truth and whisper campaigns would challenge her legitimacy, a common tactic against female rulers of the empire. The most dangerous words came from her younger brother, Artochmes but Orypetis retained the loyalty of the Magi who professed that her condition was due to divine insights from the Yazatas. However, her faith kept failing and she would eventually succumb to a sleeping sickness she was unable to wake from and the crown passed to her infant son, Arbaces II. So passed the Banbisnan Banbism who set the Achaemenid Empire on a new path of great change and tribulations.

 

[HistoryDude]

Orypetis's actions were interesting.

Does Carthage survive anywhere?

What did Arbaces do while he was in exile in Syracuse?

Has there been any Hellenic-Zoroastrian syncretism?

 

[Midnite Duke]

Thank You! Imp Rome screenshots have a simple beauty not found in other Paradox games. (Could be a mod.) What are the four numbers between title and rule date? ex. Amastris 5-10-7-5

 

[jak7139]

Bureaucracy and factionalism are never good signs for an empire. And now there's a regency, not good!

 

[Killcrazy13]

Orypetis's actions were interesting.

Does Carthage survive anywhere?

What did Arbaces do while he was in exile in Syracuse?

Has there been any Hellenic-Zoroastrian syncretism?

Carthage would survive as a distinct entity for another 80 years. Here's a map of North Africa in 117 AD with Carthage still in existence but clinging to the edges of the Sahara. Since the loss of the capital, they have been chewed up continuously by the Romans in the West, losing the lands of Mauretania and the Atlas region. The Romans would establish a friendly government in place there, Aggadir, just like the Achaemenids did with the creation of Hadrametum.

The North African coastline would still be dominated by the Punic people, especially in what we know as modern-day Tunisia and Libya. Hadrametum, the successor state would persist into the transitionary era from antiquity to the medieval era, eventually breaking free of Achaemenid control and charting their own path.

Arbaces would spend the remaining years of his life writing the first Achaemenid manual on warfare we have records of. The Artīmeh (the Book of Fighting) only exist in fragments but from what we can decipher, the Achaemenids' tactics were a gestalt of all the conquered peoples in their empire. He outlines the requirements to fight in the Roman Way, the Triplex Arces, and his condescension for the Indian Padma Vyuha formation. From it, we also learn that the Achaemenid legions were all uniquely structured with some favouring an all cavalry force while others were a mix of light and spear infantry. The Immortals were the best equipped, composed of heavy infantry and heavy cavalry regiments supported by engineers and a notable supply train.

Even prior to the Neo-Achaemenid conquests, there was some syncretism between the Hellenic pantheon and the Zoroastrian Yazatas. One of the most interesting sites is the tomb of Arbaces II from the early 2nd century AD. We'll learn more about how religion evolves with the next few Achaemenid shahanshahs.

Thank You! Imp Rome screenshots have a simple beauty not found in other Paradox games. (Could be a mod.) What are the four numbers between title and rule date? ex. Amastris 5-10-7-5

(OOC/Metagame chat) The screenshots are all from the base game. I agree that I:R has a very well-presented UI and I'm hoping that carries over to Project Caesar. I love the map and how it forces you to think strategically about chokepoints and army pathing (unlike CK3 or Vic3) and of course, it's just a beautiful map and game that died way too early.

The four numbers are the key attributes of the rulers - Martial (self-explanatory), Finesse (ability to focus, key stat for ruling), Charisma (for persuading others and diplomacy) and Zeal (ability to inspire others and call on the favour of the gods). Having an attribute at 4-6 reflects average competence with outliers reflecting significant or underwhelming ability.

Bureaucracy and factionalism are never good signs for an empire. And now there's a regency, not good!

No, it's never a good sign but at least the heir, Arbaces II, is a boy. The society is still strongly patriarchal and the situation would be much harder to recover from if a child queen sat on the throne.

 

[Killcrazy13]

The Reign of Arbaces II (51 AD – 115 AD)

Arbaces II was crowned Shahanshah as a three-year-old. He was born late in his mother’s reign, the only child of Orypetis and officially a blessed child delivered by the Yazatas according to the Magi. Being too young to rule, a regent council was enacted composed of senior Achaemenids and the heads of the Great Houses. Almost immediately we see them exercise their new authority, passing through legislation to cancel taxation of the nobility, increases in officeholders’ stipends and acquisitions of large private estates across the empire. The accompanying map shows where these estates and the powerbases of the houses were located:

Light Blue – Achaemenids, Europa and northern Anatolia
Blue – Bagratids, Western Anatolia and Macedonia
Red – Agesopolids, Cappadocia and central Anatolia
Yellow – Vivanids, Lydia, Cilicia. Not shown but the family also controlled much of Persis and the ancient homelands around Persepolis.
Green – Beth Narayan, Armenia and Isauria


By the time, Arbaces was ready to rule on his own, the empire was pretty much capable of running on its own, albeit with ever-increasing amounts of corruption. The state apparatus of the original Achaemenid Empire of Cyrus had never been dismantled by Alexander or his successors, and in many places, the line of Amastris resumed control like a hand putting back on an old glove. We could write an entire book written on the bureaucracy of the empire but suffice to say that what Darius had built would persist for a millenia as a self-sustaining engine of organization and centralisation. Even the latter-day Muslim conquerors found it easier to co-opt these officials instead of instating their own system. What did impact the efficacy of the system was the favour trading of the Great Houses and the acceptance of a certain amount of ‘extra taxes’ to grease the wheels of power to get things done. On the surface though, the state connected record revenues and imperial largesse was showered on the people. It’s estimated that the annual tax income of the Achaemenid Empire was nearly 1.5 times larger than the combined taxes of Tamilakam and Rome. That wealth afforded them the ability to upkeep the world’s largest navy, with fleets in Egypt, Sicily, Thrace and India, continued adornment of the capital and lavish spending on the new religious order.

Amidst this prosperity, there were seething undercurrents of discontent. Slave uprisings would be constant danger in the provinces, with one even erupting in Europa. The 20,000 slaves had taken several smaller towns in the hinterland and were set to march on Byzantion when Arbaces summoned the Immortals to quell the uprising. 20,000 corpses were crucified along the Royal Road leading out of Byzantion, a stark reminder to others on the punishment for revolt. The Thracian slaves had taken up arms to protest their poor conditions and they had been encouraged by Philip of Smerdis, later canonised as St Philip, one of the earliest Christian preachers who roamed the empire in search of converts and new believers.

Christianity would continue to generate communities wherever the downtrodden could be found and the Zoroastrian priesthood was of two minds on these new Judaic believers. Some believed them to be misguided worshippers of Ahura Mazda citing that their god was the God of Order and Justice and that their Christos was merely a Yazata, a being worthy of worship, but not equal or greater than the supreme being. Other Mowbeds countenanced them as blasphemers and heretics, servants of Ahriman out to spread Druj or Chaos in the kingdom of justice and wisdom. Arbaces himself would favour persecution of this new faith, looking expunge their cells wherever they could be found. These witch hunts would also begin to include the other pagan faiths found through the empire. Though sporadic, the persecution would see the destruction of the temples of many Anatolian and Mesopotamian deities and even a few Hellenic ones. The most notable of which is the destruction of the Temple of Artemis in Ephesus. Belief in the Hellenic pantheon was still widespread during Arbaces’ time, possibly contributing his half-hearted attack on the Greek temples. However, the lack of a strong or coordinated response by the various Hellenic cults and mysteries would encourage greater zeal in his successors and the increasingly confident Magi. Despite the persecution, we have our earliest appearances of Christian Churches in the historical record from this time, being established in Antigoneia (Antioch) and Alexandria.

Arbaces had been surrounded by fervent Zoroastrians from young and he had been thoroughly indoctrinated on the need for zeal and control to ensure the continuation of ‘the good work’. As such, as an adult, he was intensely reactionary, always seeking to return the people to the way of the ancient Achaemenids. One positive of this desire for the ‘good old days’ was his investment into restoring Persepolis. Previous rulers had brought the old capital to life but his efforts would turn it into a city once again ready to be the heart of an empire. It’s assumed that Arbaces intended to move the capital back to Persia before his untimely death.

The end of Arbaces II’s reign would also see the empire at its largest territorial extent. During his reign, Tibet, and large portions of India would fall into the Achaemenid sphere. All of Gandhara, Kuru and half of the Ganges paid tribute to the Shahanshah as the Tamil empire had one of its partial shatterings after a failed succession. There would also be significant acquisitions in Arabia and Kush and Arbaces himself would campaign in the steppes, vastly expanding the reign of his vassal, the Spartokid Kingdom of the Bosporus, at the expense of Thyssagetia, a Scythian horde. The Achaemenid Empire was the largest realm seen up to that time and would not be surpassed for over a thousand years, dwarfing the achievements of Cyrus, Darius and Alexander.

Arbaces had lived a long life but it would still be cut short tragically, when he was killed by a lion on a hunt. He was 67 years old and he had already crowned his grandson, Datis as the heir apparent, following the precedent set by Orodes II. .

We’ve rarely paid attention to the consorts of the Shahanshahs throughout this history but the Sahr Banbisn of Arbaces II is notable for her own lineage, a princess of the Roman Imperium of the ruling house of Ulpia. The marriage between Lucia Ulpia Duodecima and Arbaces was strategic in nature but it gave rise to one of the great mythical poems written by Nizami Marshowi in the 12th century. I’ve shared an abridged version of the tale but historically, the marriage alliance between Arbaces and the niece of the Roman Imperator created half of century of peace between the two great empires, allowing Rome to focus on the Germanic tribes while Achaemenid Persia extended its influence in India and Kush. The poem by Marshowi revolves around the love between Arbaces the Princess Lucia. Despite challenges and obstacles, their love endures, and Lucia eventually becomes the queen of Persia before both king and queen come to a tragic end.

​

Here's is a modern abridged version by Chilton (1923) of the great story. He skips over many of the details including Arbaces' trials to prove himself to Lucia and of their many near misses to meet but it highlight the romantic tone that the medieval poet strived for when telling their ancestors' history.

The Ballad of Arbaces & Lucia

Image: Arbaces comes across Lucia bathing in the river. Remnaldi, 1765

In Byzantion's rose-kissed heart, where nightingales convene,
A tale unfolds beneath the moon, a love that burned unseen.

Arbaces Shah, with eyes that smoldered like the forge,
Yearned for a love, a distant surge, beyond the palace door.

From Rome, an envoy graced the court, a portrait he did bring,
Of fair Lucia, a vision caught, a Roman songbird's wing.

Her lips like blossoms, eyes like stars, her raven tresses flowed,
A noblewoman, strong of heart, a beauty empires owed.

Arbaces, smitten, sent his call, with gold and jewels untold,
But Lucia, proud, stood strong and tall, a heart of purest gold.

"Love's flame," she spoke, with voice serene, "is not for crowns to claim,
A heart desires a love unseen, not bought by power's game."

Undeterred, the Shah, with love's command, a tower tall did raise,
A monument of love's sweet hand, a canvas for her praise.

Black and white, with swirling vine, her image graced the stone,
Bisthanes, the sculptor, touched by shine, etched beauty all his own.

With every stroke, his passion grew, a silent love's embrace,
He carved her smile, a dream come true, beneath the moon's soft grace.

Arbaces, filled with jealous spite, saw Bisthanes’ love take flight,
He spun a web of poisoned lies, and shattered trust in night.

Bisthanes, deceived, with spirit torn, drank poisoned wine and fell,
Beneath the tower, where love was sworn, his final breath did swell.

Lucia woke, her heart a tomb, the dream of love now dead,
Grief's heavy cloak consumed the room, a fortress in her head.

A castle built of deepest night, where shadows held their sway,
Within its walls, she lost her light, a prisoner of yesterday.

Arbaces, guilt a searing brand, sought pardon, but in vain,
For Lucia's heart, in shifting sea, held only endless pain.

The final hunt, a final sigh, a bitter end to see,
Two souls entwined beneath the sky, a love's sweet tragedy.

A Persian rose, a Roman bloom, forever locked in tomb,
A whisper lost in Byzantion's gloom, a love that met its doom.