I am so nervous writing my Japan chapters after this masterclass in fictional Japanese domestic politics.
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Ah, good old Inejiro Asanuma, it's nice to see him in here as well. I'm hoping Eda gets to decide the course of the party, once I started researching Japanese politics for my own AAR I found a soft spot for the Socialist Party of Japan; gotta say I hope they eventually get to fare better than they did IOTL. Though it honestly seems hard considering this is a Japan with a different structure and even more conservative (I assume) than the one we got to see arise from WW2. I guess the future of the party will be quite hard to predict, with Nishio there and some ideological differences taking place... it could split up as it did IOTL.
Here am I, hoping that the China War and student unrest (among other things) make them rise to power in this Japan. One can believe right?
Here am I, hoping that the China War and student unrest (among other things) make them rise to power in this Japan.
One can believe right?
Oh well, Korean Independence Movement is basically strangled to death and leaderless. Makes sense considering they lack any semblance of support in the region, what about the Japanese leftists? Do they support the idea of Korea getting her independence back?
Would you say the presence of Koreans in the Japanese Home Islands is bigger as well? Wondering how's the situation for the Koreans living at Japan, regarding their rights, economic conditions, quality of life, etc. I'm also wondering, will we get to see a bit more about how Korea has been managed by the Japanese in these decades? Economically speaking? I suspect the conditions for Koreans are awful despite having some degree of industrialization and development within the country, though at the same time I imagine Japan would be more interested in limiting the industrial output of Korea and just focus mostly on resource extraction and maybe food production.
One more question haha, what about the undersea tunnel planned in the Korean Strait? With Korea firmly under Japanese control and Japan having a decent economy, I would assume the proposal has met more support and less challenges, right?
Would you say the presence of Koreans in the Japanese Home Islands is bigger as well? Wondering how's the situation for the Koreans living at Japan, regarding their rights, economic conditions, quality of life, etc. I'm also wondering, will we get to see a bit more about how Korea has been managed by the Japanese in these decades? Economically speaking? I suspect the conditions for Koreans are awful despite having some degree of industrialization and development within the country, though at the same time I imagine Japan would be more interested in limiting the industrial output of Korea and just focus mostly on resource extraction and maybe food production.
One more question haha, what about the undersea tunnel planned in the Korean Strait? With Korea firmly under Japanese control and Japan having a decent economy, I would assume the proposal has met more support and less challenges, right?
Ah yes, this makes a lot of sense, couldn't expect something else. I bet Guangzhou is still ringing the bells and calling for the Taiwanese to realize they have to return to China at some point, just for the Taiwanese to say "いいえ、日本人です。"
haha.Thanks for your detailed replies,
Looking forward for the next updates!
Just the way I feel when writing combat or characters after reading your AAR.
But I totally agree, @Health has done an amazing job writing this AAR and researching for it.
1968 - Warszawianka 1968 roku (Part 1)
Although the outbreak of the unrest that gripped Continental Europe during 1968 seemed to be triggered by a series of events in Warsaw, in reality it had been the culmination of trends accumulating in the region for decades. Germany had established itself as the de facto ruler of Eastern Europe following the Weltkrieg only to find the local populations that it claimed dominion over far from accepting of its right to rule. Despite the fact that much of the territory that the Germans had occupied had seen little outright fighting during the Weltkrieg, the winds of nationalism had turned into a tempest in these regions amid the Russian Revolution and the collapse of the 'Prison of the Peoples'. The people there that had been overjoyed to break free now found themselves transferred into a different sort of confinement. While the cooperation of some local elites, like the Poles and Ukrainians, would see some transition from a maximum security joint into a medium or even minimum one, others had not been so lucky. Following the Syndicalist War, Germany would come to be seen as the unchallenged ruler of Continental Europe, which only strengthened the envy of its neighbours and the stoked tensions internally among its non-German subjects that still longed for independence. In the post-Syndicalist War era things first came ahead following the massacre in Kiev in 1956 amid the protests gripped the Eastern flank of Mitteleuropa. Despite the loss of face, the German juggernaut had managed to carry on. The tenth anniversary of the massacre and the German loss in the 1966 World Cup had marked another release of that pressure, as groups of 'natives' took to the street to celebrate the loss of their German overlords. Even though the heavy handed response was repeated it had become increasingly obvious that the Kaiserreich at peace lacked the force required to maintain constant order both in the East and the West. Thus it goes without saying that the Slavic Spring, which had begun in February and had already lead to the resignation of the von Schuschnigg cabinet after the Emperor had intervened to defend the Slavs, only served to worsen the situation for the Germans as radio waves gave little care for national borders. The multilingual messages echoing national liberty as well as equality and fraternity between people spread like wildfire throughout Mitteleuropa, first as broadcasts through Ukraine and Poland and later, thanks to the actions of a few, in written form. Whilst nothing as visually impressive as the 'Slavic Mutiny' would ensue immediately, the declaration served to reinforce the anti-German sentiments of the general public in German controlled Europe.
While the 'Slavic Mutiny' is more discussed for its importance in regards to the fighting in Romania, the
women's marches back home were no less important for the war effort and continued effect of the Spring.
The loss of the Commonwealth troops in Indochina had become a national tragedy and convinced many Poles that their boys
were not being asked to bleed and die for God, Honour and Fatherland, but a foreign elite that cared little if they lived or died.
The decision to detain the expelled students publicly with overwhelming police has been
seen by many historians as one of the triggers for the spread of the protests.
No one could have imagined that the banning of a play in Warsaw would go onto
have such consequences for German dominion over Europe.
At one point I considered naming this sequence - "A Comedy of Errors", but that would've been a bit too on the nose. But Warszawianka seems like a good middle ground, plus no way would the Poles miss a chance to make a third song with the same name.
Just the way I feel when writing combat or characters after reading your AAR.
But I totally agree, @Health has done an amazing job writing this AAR and researching for it.
Thanks for the praise, I'll try not to let it get to my head. Also, I have no doubts that you'll produce something great Aussie.
Ah, good old Inejiro Asanuma, it's nice to see him in here as well. I'm hoping Eda gets to decide the course of the party, once I started researching Japanese politics for my own AAR I found a soft spot for the Socialist Party of Japan; gotta say I hope they eventually get to fare better than they did IOTL. Though it honestly seems hard considering this is a Japan with a different structure and even more conservative (I assume) than the one we got to see arise from WW2. I guess the future of the party will be quite hard to predict, with Nishio there and some ideological differences taking place... it could split up as it did IOTL.
Here am I, hoping that the China War and student unrest (among other things) make them rise to power in this Japan.
Some must die so others can live. Sorry Calwell, I guess... No, but seriously, the SPJ is indeed rather fascinating.
Structurally the Empire is of course a lot more conservative, however then again despite popular sentiments I would not necessarily call the pre-WW1 UK that structurally liberal, especially compared to post-war Japan, and Labour would eventually go onto win not just elections, but even a position in government. Now that is not to say that the Taishuto is Labour nor Japan the UK and it did take the aftermath of a rather radical event, WW1, for them to be deemed fit for government. The Germans and the SPD are perhaps even a better example, given how much the Meiji era Japanese government took inspiration from the German Empire, although again WW1 was necessary for them to prove their chops. There is of course quite a bit of stigma tied to the "socialists in government" and that having them there would be quite the test of what this Showa Democracy actually means.
One thing that I'll say however is that the the Taishuto as a whole is far from as much to the left as either of those two or even the post-war SPJ of OTL. They are to the left of the Seiyukai of course, but as hinted likely copiously at this point to the Seiyukai itself has adopted a very Bismarckian stance towards welfare. Caused by a very similar realization that just beating the socialists into the ground won't make them go away. That does however not mean that they're actually that left-wing. At this point what really sets Taishuto apart from the Seiyukai is that their stance is against the war with dissenters for it, whilst the Seiyukai is for it with dissenters against it, and that they want to expand the welfare state and let the people have a bigger say, unions independent, strengthen local democracy, maybe give women the vote.
I would like to make one thing clear in regards to the student protests, if we look at our actual history, the radical demonstrations can really be seen as one of the reasons that the SPJ began tanking at elections. This was arguably a bigger thing than Nishio and his DSP breaking away after Anpo in '60. In '67 they still posted fairly great numbers, but after the '69 election rolls around, boom. You see a sharp downward trajectory from the high 20s to low 20s and it just kept going down. You technically see something similar with the Socialists in France after 1968, it's just that in France they actually recovered from Gaullist domination. In Japan the reason only why they finally ended up in government because the LDP broke into infighting and they were needed to actually form a majority, even then they eventually ended up partnering with the LDP.
The young anti-imperialist ones, the non-partisan left and the communists perhaps. However this is where the question of how left-wing the Taishuto actually is comes in again. In these points, I usually like to refer back to real history and see how left-wing parties that held power reacted to these types of things. I would more say that the party is promoting cooperation rather than separatism, since that would probably have the least negative consequences for their support. Not to mention the fact that the Koreans on the peninsula don't have a vote in the Diet. Those that do, ie those on the Home Islands, are largely more interested in getting rights for themselves than their comrades back home. All of this likely means that the Taishuto is more interested in giving Koreans, and perhaps the others, more rights, letting them be educated in Korean etc perhaps even an Austromarxist solution to their rights, rather than independence This is at least what I would imagine to be the more popular position. The right-wing of the party probably is largely fine as is, whilst some on the left might secretly favour getting rid of Korea and indeed all colonies. Saying something like that out loud howver has its consequences, while the country is still on an imperial high and most of the country is still convinced that control of Korea is vital since it is a dagger pointed at the Japanese heart.
Almost certainly, the rapid economic growth has almost certainly left the Empire short on workers even as Japanese farmers moved to the city for a better life. My blunt conservative guesstimation done with a chart and a ruler is that there are about 1-1.5 million Koreans on the Home Islands (so the Japan that we know it as + Karafuto and Taiwan) out of about just under 120 million people in total. A similar guesstimation I have is that that there are maybe slightly under 40 million people in Korea by 1970 or so. It might be a bit less, due to probably various programs to encourage Koreans to settle outside of Korea so as more land can be used for farming etc. As to equality and whatnot, I think I've mentioned this before (in post #517 apparently), but I'll gladly go over it again. Technically the Koreans are equal and should be treated as any other Imperial Subject and provided they have a 'naichi koseki' have all the rights of a regular Japanese person. Given that the law and reality often don't match up this means that they are subject to unofficial discrimination, despite half hearted efforts for equality along the same lines as there likely is for the burakumin. That's not to say that they cannot succeed, just that it's much much more difficult for them to do so.
Economically, Korea is, and this is the kindest way I could put it, an 'agricultural idyll'. By which I mean it is an economic backwater dotted by a few urban centres with some minor amounts of industry and is criss-crossed by railways as well as some paved roads to facilitate the faster movement of troops, supplies as well as all the food and resources that you mentioned. Post #517 deals with that slightly as well, due to the whole Korea is legally subject to separate laws and not directly controlled by the Japanese bureaucracy. It has its own local bureaucratic organisations under the Governor-General, which are however staffed in great numbers by the Japanese sent over on rotation from the national bureaucracy. This means that mainland bureaucratic organisations don't have much say in the region directly, but since government sets policy they kind of do. Thus far it has been to maintain Korea as an agricultural colony and to discourage industrial investment into the region as much as possible, some things are of course necessary, but in general the point has been to keep economic development low in Korea so as to have a better handle on the situation.
The Tsushima Tunnel, huh... I mean it is a possibility, however not soon is my ultimate answer since there are a few problems. First, there is still a 'railway gauge issue' since given that Korea has a different gauge from Japan and always has had it, the tunnel solves little for most transit stuff. As far as Japanese rails are concerned this means that it could only work as an expansion of the Shinkansen network. Second, if that is true there is question of necessity. The Shinkansen system is there to facilitate the movement of people not goods. I doubt there would be a need to move that many people between Japan and Korea. Goods wise the current solution with train ferries sort of still works and is cheaper. Third is construction wise, the Tsushima tunnel would be deeper at its lowest than the Seikan tunnel and it would likely need to be longer underwater than both the Seikan and the Chunnel. Fourth and it sort of ties into the second point of necessity, there is currently a man in office that is a bit less proactive in building massive architectural monstrosities just for the sake of building them. There is of course a possibility, if someone sees the need or a 'construction state' man from Kyushu gets in with interests in Korea, but even then I don't think there would be a tunnel before the late 90s. The Seikan took what 17 years for its opening and it was only half the distance.
Ah yes, this makes a lot of sense, couldn't expect something else. I bet Guangzhou is still ringing the bells and calling for the Taiwanese to realize they have to return to China at some point, just for the Taiwanese to say "いいえ、日本人です。"
Thanks for your detailed replies,
Looking forward for the next updates!
That, but more along the lines of 「いいえ、台湾人です。」Japanified or not I would imagine that they would see themselves as Taiwanese first, Japanese second. Japan has this tendency for fairly strong regional identities even today and even during the Imperial period. The Okinawans are one of these for an understandable reason, but they're far from the only one. See the Kanto-Kansai divide, Hokkaido etc.
And of course, thanks again.
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1968 - Warszawianka 1968 roku (Part 2)
Although she had been defeated three times before by the armies of the Kaiser, following their defeat in the Syndicalist for for the first time the French found themselves completely at the mercy of their German conquerors. For their part, the German conservative government headed by Chancellor Brüning and the High Command seemed intensely focused on "not repeating the mistakes of 1871 or 1919". Given this and the fact much of Western France was still occupied by the British, first the royalists and later the Syndicalists, whose allegiances remained unknown, it was decided that France was to be placed under long term occupation. Thus whilst an ostensibly civilian government was restored, headed by a relative of the Kaiser, the Kingdom of France would in reality be ruled by military decree for much of the 1940s. This military rule would only start to give way to something resembling a true civilian government after the demobilization efforts of Chancellor Schumacher. The occupation and the subsequent seemingly permanent partition, following the creation of the Breton Commune, left a scar on the collective consciousness of the French public. The scar had been one that the Germans could and would exploit, as military rule and thorough desyndicalisation efforts during the occupation had resulted in a compliant French population and an elite that the Germans deemed loyal. This would however not last long, as the flight of the Pied-Noir from Africa would prove to be the first step in undermining the careful balancing act that the Germans had achieved in France. Despite being beneficial at first, as the Pied-Noir were in fact something of a ticking time bomb. Given their rather vehement anti-Syndcalist views they were often deemed more loyal than local Frenchmen and thus rose quickly in society. Focusing on the Syndicalist aspect had however caused many with rather strong anti-German views to fall through the cracks. While some were subsequently caught, being unable to cover their views up, many were not.
The decision to involve the Pied-Noir in the Kingdom of France created a number of problems for the Germans
given that they lacked the fear that had been drilled into the Continental French by the Boche occupation.
Although there was a general dislike between youth groups, the football riots of 1966 had
proven that when faced with a uniting foe these groups could and would work together.
Both the message from Warsaw and news of the reform spread across France like a wildfire,
causing things to begin boiling over in the mutinous annexes.
The 'Manifesto of 22 March' would prove as pivotal a moment for the personal liberty
movements as the 'Slavic Spring' had for the national sovereignty types.
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1968 - Warszawianka 1968 roku (Part 3)
In 1968, the German Empire seemed to stick out like a sore thumb in contrast to the world around it and even its own sphere. While there were a number of states that were largely left unaffected by the events of 1968, none were as pre-eminent as the, declining yet still powerful, Kaiserreich. That is however not to say that the German youth was detached from the changes ongoing in the rest of the world. On the contrary, below the surface the same passionate demands for personal liberty had become as common place among German youth as they had among the Japanese ones. Both of them traced their ideology back to the same French post-Syndicalists preaching anti-authoritarianism and sexual liberation that had also allured their French working class compatriots. Of course the Germans would end up appearing outright passive in comparison to their counterparts in both of these countries, but these views seemed to barely effect them. The more pacifist approach by the Germans stemmed to no little degree from a general ideological rejection of Prussian militarism as many saw violent action as playing into the hands of the government. Ultimately this stance would have massive implications on German protest culture. Opposite the post-Syndicalists were the national sovereignty thinkers, at least it is the shorthand by which the ideals Slavic Spring began to be summed up, who spoke little to the youth of the Empire. Those at peace with the status quo or actively trying to assure continued German dominance did not see anything that Germany would gain in exchange for equality with those that they already ruled over. The post-Syndicalists however saw it as little more than barbaric bourgeoisie nationalism as many still clinged to a more idealistic view of European unity, just on their terms and not as equal states. There is of course little surprise in that regard, as the Slavic Spring had also met a similarly cold reception in the non-Slavic majority regions of Austria-Hungary. Establishment figures both on the left and the right considered the snap election a mere formality to prove to the Kaiser that the public supported Cabinet and that a Spring that began in February was nonsensical phrase. Granted the Federal Diet had been gerrymandered to favour the Germans and the Hungarians, but to many, including the von Schuschnigg cabinet, that was besides the point.
One observer would later sum up the German stance as -
confrontation, if necessary but not necessarily confrontation.
The Kaiserbund approach has been called a transitionary period between
colonialism in the long 19th century and the that replaced it 'neocolonialism.
Russian existence as a stratocracy hiding behind the veneer of a constitutional monarchy had become
a source of unending political dissent, especially as the conflict in the East continued at a stalemate.
Although often cited as the man that forged the Grand Coalition, former Chancellor Frahm
refused all offers to enter cabinet himself instead choosing to rule from the shadows.
Members of a police battalion conducting drills prior to deployment in France.
The more I write the less sure I am that I'll ever reach the end, so don't worry this'll be here for a while yet. Even with two posts per week we've barely made it to May of 1968 and we still have 1969 to go.
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Whoever is organising these police surges needs to be fired. No barracks, running out of kit....no wonder these uppity protesters are getting so much done!
Let's see how far these protests go...
Let's see how far these protests go...
1968 - Warszawianka 1968 roku (Part 4)
Following continued conflict throughout April the administration of the Sorbonne announced that the university would be closed beginning on May Day. Although the 1st was no longer an official holiday, the decision had been taken as a part of the desyndicalisation process, it was still a day when tensions surged as it represented quite a bit of nostalgia for many. This decision has later been seen as a mistake, as students of all creeds from all across the various annexes of the Sorbonne ignored the decision and instead gathered on the main campus to protest against the decision as well as threats by university authorities to expel a number of students. The students however were not alone as a number of university teachers had also had quite about enough of the constant police presence on university grounds and had joined the improvised May Day protests. More than 20 000 people marched on the Sorbonne that day, but their procession was blocked by riot police forces that had been called by university officials to secure the campus. Fights broke out and the police subsequently fired tear gas into the crowd in an attempt to disperse it. Hundreds were arrested that day as the police rotated between charging and tear gassing the crowd. The crowd fought back as best they could, creating barricades and lobbing whatever was at hand towards the police. Their resistance would eventually falter, but this would not be the end of it. While the violence convinced the university authorities to come to the negotiating table, this would not last long as negotiations quickly broke down after rumours sprang that the university had agreed to reopen on the 10th of May. This was of course a ruse and once the day came around and this rumour proved false, the crowd was consumed by an almost revolutionary fervour as they once more clashed with the police officers that still refused to give ground. The demonstrators would not be so easily deterred this time and, as many had procured gas masks, proceeded to recklessly assault the barricaded riot police positions. Their assaults were soon bolstered by nigh constant trickle of reinforcements from high school students and young workers that did not want to be left out of the action. These assaults would continued until the arrival of the first German police battalions forced them to retreat.
The Siege of the Sorbonne would produce some of the most photogenic moments from the first half of the May Revolution.
Many Frenchmen that had found themselves on the wrong side of police batons after the end of the
Syndicalist War,were quite receptive to the calls by demonstrators to rise up against the police.
While the unions may have triggered the general strike, their inability to bring them to an
end illustrated that the issue had become more larger than them and their desires.
The phrase - "L'État, c'est moi." was the only thing sketched into the Prime Minister's diary
on the 23rd of May, after most of his cabinet left Paris following the declaration of the Commune.
Unplanned political projects pulled out of the hat at the 11th hour usually have a tendency for well... Mass incompetence. Especially if you refuse any and all help from the people that have the know how for these types of things because you are cross at them. Can't fire a politician after all, not before an election at the least, shuffle him out of cabinet if he is there perhaps, but that too has its consequences.
But yes... There was a point that I made the comedy of errors comment when this thing started. Germany has been put on the spot now. Let us see what happens.
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Oh no, the reds are back
What's going to happen now??
More generally, though, I can see where the German SPD are coming from. They're the party of the German left, and just don't want to do down the road of military repression across Europe again, for what it would mean for the possible return of political repression in Germany. A good move, and in the long run probably for the better. What's missing though, is that they reach out to the nationalist leaders currently opposing German domination and pull them in for a negotiation on how Mitteleuropa can be made a more equal federation of nations. As soon as this new French commune has a leader, they need to invite him to Berlin and find a new footing for the relationship, before it collapses into militant antagonism and British or American "advisors" with steel helmets and nuclear tipped medium range missiles start appearing just across the German border.
What's going to happen now??
More generally, though, I can see where the German SPD are coming from. They're the party of the German left, and just don't want to do down the road of military repression across Europe again, for what it would mean for the possible return of political repression in Germany. A good move, and in the long run probably for the better. What's missing though, is that they reach out to the nationalist leaders currently opposing German domination and pull them in for a negotiation on how Mitteleuropa can be made a more equal federation of nations. As soon as this new French commune has a leader, they need to invite him to Berlin and find a new footing for the relationship, before it collapses into militant antagonism and British or American "advisors" with steel helmets and nuclear tipped medium range missiles start appearing just across the German border.
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Wow! The Commune itself is back, and not the less tarnished Republic. Interesting times lie ahead for the franco-german relations, that is for sure.
Well it's not "the" commune. It's a bunch of students and workers, who want to start over again on the great project of liberté, égalité, fraternité, and want that to happen under the framework of "a" commune.
And this time the Germans were so nice to not send soldiers and tanks and cannons, and to get their king out before blood could start to flow on earnest. It's a great moment and has the potential to be the beginning of a new, better chapter for European relations. If the Germans and French can resist the urge to put their steel helmets back on, fix bayonets, and use the pretext of armed conflict to close ranks within their societies, sideline the doubters, punish the dissenters.
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1968 - Warszawianka 1968 roku (Part 5)
The proclamation of the Paris Commune took the French political right by shock. Many had seen the leftists as comrades in the fight against the Germans, while being somewhat aware that in reality they were little more than rivals, and thus took the act as a betrayal most foul. Infighting, that had been brewing under the surface for some time now, began to boil to the surface as Pied-Noir attempted to storm the Élysée and break apart the congress of the nascent Commune. Even though the attempt proved unsuccessful and quickly degenerated into the two mobs lobbing objects at each other, the event served two important purposes. Firstly and rather obviously, it shattered whatever unity lingered between the French right and left that had been facilitated by the presence of the hated King Francois III. In truth, the Boche Prince and his rule had been one of the few things that had kept together the very ideologically wide movement that made up the May Revolution. Secondly, and perhaps most importantly, the event ended the ambiguous nature that the government forces had taken in the lead up to the flight of King Francois. Maurice Papon, Prefect of Police of Paris, and his decision has been subject to a fiery debate although sadly it has primarily focused on the 'what if' aspect. There was certainly no shortage of sympathy towards the protests among Parisian police forces, for both ideological reasons as well as the fact that it was primarily made up of the working class. Many 68ers suggest that, if these police officers had decided to turn their back to their superiors and the government they had sworn to protect and decided to side with the revolutionaries, then the May Revolution would have succeeded. Others, primarily from older generations, however claim that the Commune was doomed to failure either way, as it would not be long until the German Army would arrive to turn back the clock, even if the revolutionaries took Paris. It is suggested that Papon mulling over the decision and deciding how best to save his own skin was the primary reason behind the ambiguous position taken by police forces in Paris. Sadly we may never know which decision he would have reached, as the unfolding events would soon rip the choice from him.
Having somehow managed to not only survive, but thrive in the transition from Commune to Kingdom, Papon was once
described as the epitome of a French civil servant - highly cultivated, brilliant and if necessary without any scruples.
Reports about the restoration of the Commune and of the failed right-wing attempt to retake the palace spread like wildfire through the city. This is despite the fact that the spread of news had more or less been slowed to a crawl. While there was still electricity in Paris, the protests meant that the telephone exchanges had stopped working as most of the exchange workers had joined the strikes. Additionally, the city had become the target of a massive communications jamming effort by the local garrison, even prior to the proclamation of the Commune. It is still unclear who ordered the jamming, but French history sees it as a personal act of bravery by the local garrison commander. Historians subsequently credit him for not only halting the spread of the revolution out of Paris, but also delaying the German response to the events as a total blackout ensued. Some historians do however suggest that this was not a decision from the commander and had been done at the request of the retreating German police units to delay news about the flight of Francois III. The latter seems very likely considering that a similar blackout had occurred when the King had fled in '66 and that the Germans would have likely tried to figure out what was going on in the event of a black out in force rather than wait it out. Regardless, news of their victory served to whip the Communards, as they now proclaimed themselves, into a frenzy leading to a number of incidents of revolutionary justice aimed at those deemed enemies of the new regime. Unfortunately for them, this included a number of attacks on patrolling police officers as well as police stations. Although it would have taken just one martyr, the protestors were more than willing to provide the police numerous such individuals. Seeing their own beaten black and blue shook the police forces awake. Thus, the late hours of the 23rd of May would see the police return to the streets of Paris reinvigorated.
French police storming the streets of Paris after attacks on their fellow police officers.
The police forces were joined by growing bands of right-wing French protestors, most notably the Pied-Noir, that had no desire to see a return of any Commune. Despite initial animosity the two forces quickly bonded and proceeded to take the fight to the Communard held palace. Perhaps most importantly, the forces would take time clearing out Communard held streets and tearing down the barricades, that many of the right-wing protestors had participated in setting up, on their way to the Élysée. Backed by riot police forces and the rest of the right, the Pied-Noir would mount another assault on the palace and manage to retake it following heavy fighting in the early hours of the 24th. There however would be no rest for the right-wing coalition the as the beaten Communards wasted no time in licking their wounds. The time spent on clearing out the streets had alerted many Communards with their militias soon converging on the Élysée in an attempt to retake their lost positions. The subsequent siege would see some of the heaviest casualties in the city up until that point, even though small arms fire remained sporadic at best. The fortified right-wing and police defenders deployed tear gas and water cannons almost as liberally as the attacking Communards used pavement stones and fire bottles. Slowly but surely the fortified defenders managed to push the attacking Communards back and by nightfall it seemed that the Communards had largely withdrawn from the vicinity of the palace to tend to their wounded, assault less well defended positions as well as rebuild the torn down barricades. Whilst most in the city thought that the morning of the 25th would see renewed fighting, these expectations turned out to be false as an unexpected force had arrived to the streets of Paris under the cover of darkness. Paris awoke to boulevards now awash with armoured vehicles, which although like most French equipment was German in origin, belonged to the Royal French Army and on first impression were also staffed by Frenchmen.
The presence of soldiers in the capitol was not necessarily extraordinary, what however was extraordinary
was the fact that they were from Dunkerque and not Straßburg and also who they had with them.
The Germans had built a number of radio jamming towers in France during the
occupation to block broadcasts from Britain and later the Breton Commune.
The PM had however been left in the dark by his partners as to the identity of the man in question. Thus Pleven that had put the events into motion found himself as surprised as the rest of France, when on the morning of the 25th of May radio broadcasts from Paris resumed with the speech of a single man at the Arc de Triomphe. All those present at the meeting would attest that the speaker, a slightly older gentleman speaking French with a noticeable accent, had first clambered onto the roof of a tank before starting what would go down as one of the most important speeches in recent French history. The man began by decrying the extreme poverty that had overcome France as well as the lawless banditry that it had inspired, not to mention the political violence that had turned Frenchmen against one another. The speech had been carefully drafted by the gentleman in question along with his handlers, that many would suggest were the same friends that the Prime Minister had so as to make what came next more acceptable for the public, both in France and in Germany. The speaker proclaimed an end to the Commune, which most people outside Paris had no idea had even returned, calling it a stillborn mockery of one of the darkest periods in French history, but also went onto declare an end to the Kingdom of France. The man claimed that ever since the Great French Revolution there could never again be a King of France but only a King of the French - something which he suggested the German Prince had very obviously not understood. He then proceeded to attack Francois III for abandoning his people at this time of great need and suggested that news of his abdication would not be far behind. In fact at the very same time in Germany, King Francois III was appearing before a press conference announcing that he and his house would abdicate rule of France and allow his French subjects to proceed as they saw fit. The old man called for a new France to rise from the ashes of the old, a France that would make its own choices about its future, a France that could stand shoulder to shoulder with the German Empire. The speech then concluded as it began to be drowned out by cheers of "Viva la France Libre."
After the appearance of the army, the red flags that had gone up over the city
were torn down and the tricolours were raised in their place.
A number of officers that had escorted the mystery man to the Arc de Triomphe would later
claim that the man in question was none other than Henri d'Orléans, Count of Paris.
This concludes our little foray into Europe for the moment. Time to return to Japan and see how that is
Oh no, the reds are back
What's going to happen now??
Back, but as you can see for a limited time only.
In regards to the Republic being less tarnished, while the Commune was indeed a federation of communes, it was also the Fourth French Republic. Commune is after all little more than just a term for municipality in French and is thus not as inherently tainted as say 'Soviet' would be. Now if the Germans were overtly aggressive enough in their desyndicalisation to the point of fiddling with the French language and renaming commune to whatever the non-commune term is in French for a municipality then, provided that the public actually picked it up, it could have acquired a similar tone. However, I would imagine that most older French would still use commune as, if not a politically neutral term then a term to spite the Germans.
Indeed, the SPD has been 'normalised', but it still doesn't inherently want to run a jackboot campaign across Europe. Asia and Africa? Perhaps, provided that the region is valuable enough, but Europe is way way too close to home. As to reaching out to nationalist leaders, I would imagine that the average German would still be more likely to accept a fait accompli than someone 'openly undermining the Empire and German safety'. Especially after Indochina, South China, Suez and to a lesser extent Sierra Leone, I would imagine the reasoning would be something along the line of - "It already happened. What are we going to do? Invade and lose again?" All of those places are of course not in Europe and thus more open to being bartered away, but even though Germany is withdrawing from its colonial holdings it is doing so in a way that portrays to the public that Germany is still an Empire. Now covert meetings, that is a totally different tale... I'm very open to wild theories as to who was in that smoke-filled room with Prime Minister Pleven and allegedly organized a certain French claimant from Flanders to Paris.
In the short term only the Brits would be an issue, given that America is currently
Well it's not as great a moment now, probably, but the greatest moments rarely make for the best solutions to things. Now the decent moments, they are something. Let's see what Europe does with the chance that it has been given. Probably not in any actual further chapters, at least not as a primary focus maybe just in the background, unless I get a massive surge of creativity in regards to something I want to cover.
Another French Commune rises and falls, but France has apparently slipped its German leash once more -- and no matter how "friendly" the new regime may proclaim itself to be, the terms of France and Germany's new relationship are no longer so clear-cut and one-sided as before.
More to the point, I have to wonder what the aftershocks of France's "May Days" are going to mean for the rest of Europe. Germany's response will undoubtedly leave it looking weak in the eyes of others elsewhere, and whatever turmoil hits Paris often finds echoes in other capitals across the Continent as well...
More to the point, I have to wonder what the aftershocks of France's "May Days" are going to mean for the rest of Europe. Germany's response will undoubtedly leave it looking weak in the eyes of others elsewhere, and whatever turmoil hits Paris often finds echoes in other capitals across the Continent as well...
Woah, this was amazing, had been away for some days but coming back to this was amazing.
Seeing the Commune briefly return was so unexpected, though I liked the outcome of the revolution, I feel it wasn't likely at all for the Commune-nostalgia to succeed, but I wonder what would've happened if the army had been deeply divided or resisted orders. Maybe an invasion from Germany?
Anyways, nice to see how's the story going so far.
Seeing the Commune briefly return was so unexpected, though I liked the outcome of the revolution, I feel it wasn't likely at all for the Commune-nostalgia to succeed, but I wonder what would've happened if the army had been deeply divided or resisted orders. Maybe an invasion from Germany?
Anyways, nice to see how's the story going so far.
Germany didn't seem like they would have been up to a full blown invasion of France any more. Covert subversion, economic blockade, maybe? And the French would have invited British and / or American "helpers"Woah, this was amazing, had been away for some days but coming back to this was amazing.
Seeing the Commune briefly return was so unexpected, though I liked the outcome of the revolution, I feel it wasn't likely at all for the Commune-nostalgia to succeed, but I wonder what would've happened if the army had been deeply divided or resisted orders. Maybe an invasion from Germany?
Anyways, nice to see how's the story going so far.
1968 - Big Trouble at Big Nihon (Part 1)
Whilst the trends in Tokyo Imperial University and the student demonstrations within it cannot be underestimated, for their huge role in shaping the mentality of the future bureaucratic elite of Japan and through it the future of the Empire, a lot of overdue attention is put on Tokyo, during the events of 1968-69, to the point of ignoring the trends in higher education as a whole. It should go without saying that the 1960s saw an unprecedented growth in the number of university students around the world and as was to be expected by and large most of these students did not end up attending the prestigious halls of the old universities. The Sorbonne in France serves both as a counterexample and confirmation of this reality, as students that had been accepted into the Sorbonne frequently discovered that they had just managed to enter one of its various annexes dotted around Paris. The trend of growth centred on the 'newer' institutions was also true of the Japanese Empire, where the old Imperial Universities largely maintained their rather strict entry requirements and as such most students instead ended up at the various colleges, polytechnics and of course private institutions that had popped up to respond to the growing numbers of university students. The most prestigious out of the latter of course being the (in)famous Waseda, Keio and Nihon. The first two maintained a degree of elitism, for a time, similar to the Imperial Universities, but monetary incentives eventually forced them to open up more as well. Along this rise in private institutions also comes the rise of the so-called factory universities, which were called so for their perceived application of the ideas and practices arising from industrial mass production to education rather than any direct association with industry. This was largely spurred by those aforementioned monetary incentives, as a bigger institution could make more money just from the fact that it had more students. Thus, in these institutions it would not be uncommon for a single professor to address classrooms consisting of anywhere between 500 to 2000 students with no help beyond a blackboard and a microphone. Educator numbers were just unprepared for the surge in the number of students leading to the aforementioned measures as well as an increasing reliance on associate professors and lecturers to lead their own classes and even courses. Both of these had been unprecedented up until that point, but it was all due to the rapid growth of the middle-class across the developed world.
Although the doors to higher education had swung open to the masses,
what they would find would differ greatly to what they had expected.
This photograph taken at the Nihon University 1966 graduation ceremony
greatly illustrates the gargantuan nature of the institution.
The report and the allegations were like chum is to a shark for the
keen and sharp-nosed investigators of the National Tax Agency.
The Tokyo Teachers' Training College had been among the first to be partially relocated to Tsukuba,
where it would gain university status and become the basis for Tsukuba Imperial University.
-----------------------------------------
The May Revolution will certainly have an interesting repercussions to German dominance over Europe. Just that for the time being the most obvious beneficiaries are dealing with their own problems. Austria-Hungary most obviously, but the Russians as well. The only ones somewhat left out of this are the Brits with the rest of the Oslo Pact, but they're probably making sure that the Red Guard plague doesn't take root internally.
Woah, this was amazing, had been away for some days but coming back to this was amazing.
Seeing the Commune briefly return was so unexpected, though I liked the outcome of the revolution, I feel it wasn't likely at all for the Commune-nostalgia to succeed, but I wonder what would've happened if the army had been deeply divided or resisted orders. Maybe an invasion from Germany?
Anyways, nice to see how's the story going so far.
Yeah, an invasion would've probably been unlikely. The French are less well armed than the Germans for obvious reasons, but they're still relatively well equipped since they are or at least were on the frontier with the Atlantic Treaty Organisation after all, before it collapsed that is, and still are in regards to the Oslo Pact. Even though the Germans have superiority in arms, it would be a rather difficult slog and something that the current government and probably even the public would be unwilling to accept. So either the radical conservatives pipe down or the coalition collapses and either Zentrum has to go grovelling to the DKP, NLP and FVP to try and patch some kind of repression coalition together or snap elections are called. Whichever way it goes, it spells bad luck for Zentrum and good for the SPD.
Onto the French Army, if it would've been more deeply divided then France would probably looking at a civil war. Same likely for insubordination by soldiers, the fact that they didn't have to shoot other French probably helped to keep insubordination at bay. The Germans, as mentioned before, don't have the necessary power to quickly subject their boot on the French, so an embargo is most likely. Likely because the German leadership is still probably unwilling to talk to the Communards,, at least as long as they have a shot for getting one of their ones, or at least someone that hates the Communards more than them, back into control. So, when it develops into a civil war the Germans will conveniently forget about the embargo for "their side" in that mess. The Brits will probably try and prop something Syndicalist up there, maybe the Americans as well - at least I would want out of America for the time being, if I was an American officer, so it turns into a proxy war. If the Germans win then great, but France has still slipped from their control.
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Gotta say it has been amazing to read about the student unrest in this timeline, I haven't read too much about that subject tbh but it's surprising nonetheless to see that something so characteristic of OTL has managed to also occur within this AAR. I assume there are differences and all of that, but, it's still impressive. As I've said before, you really seem to be doing a great job at the researching front for this , I'm enjoying it a lot. I will continue to watch how the world develops.
, I'm enjoying it a lot. I will continue to watch how the world develops. - 1