Haha, well spotted 
Well he's had to wait a long time but he got it in the end!
Well he's had to wait a long time but he got it in the end!- 2
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Chapter 11
Dictator Perpetuo
Dictator Perpetuo
October, 273 BC. The dust begins to settle in the aftermath of the climactic civil war.
Mamercus Ulpius Nasica has successfully crushed all remaining opposition and stands triumphant as Dictator of all Etruria.
Nasica and his legions arrive back in the capital at Tarquinia a few days after his victory has been confirmed. The return of the Dictator is met with an ominously subdued response from the city’s inhabitants – the streets are largely deserted as the General’s procession makes it’s way to the Senate House.
The notable absence of any cheering crowds is symbolic of the Dictator’s overall political situation. Although the state has finally been unified under Nasica’s singular authority, his hold on power remains tenuous. The General’s disturbing rise to power - christened with a torrent of blood-stained and highly public executions of his potential rivals - has cast a dark shadow of tyranny over the realm. Huge swathes of the population are shocked and aggrieved at the downfall of the democratic workings of the state and a dangerous spirit of resentment and rebellion hangs in the air.
Nasica's tyranny has incited the populace against a dangerous backdrop of anger and fear.
The newly anointed Dictator is loved very little and feared a great deal indeed throughout the towns and cities of Etruria. It is this fear alone that holds the loyalty of the citizens in check – fear of the power and ruthlessness of the Dictator, and most importantly fear of the mighty army at his back. The Dictator is all too aware that he is entirely reliant on the support of the rank and file to maintain power. This being the case, an even more worrying factor for Nasica is the state’s critically low pool of manpower following the end of the war. In time this would improve, but for the moment it left Nasica in a vulnerable position.
The state's pool of manpower is critically low following the Civil War.
The Dictator resolves to consolidate his position as quickly as possible, before resentment turns into open rebellion against his rule.
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The following morning, Nasica summons a grand assembly at the Senate House to be attended by all the remaining Senators and senior members of the army.
All eyes and ears are fixed on the Dictator as he makes his opening speech. He opens in warm tones, thanking all those who had remained loyal to him through the dark times of civil war. Etruria, he declared, had suffered long enough from factional in-fighting and political corruption within the Senate. At long last, thanks to his victory, Etruria had been saved and would come to flourish underneath the direction of one singular voice, one supreme authority.
It was then, looking to the future, that Nasica made his second, far more pertinent and momentous declaration. He proceeded to announce his intention to completely dismantle the Republic’s entire constitution, rewriting it from the ground up. In effect he was tearing up the very charter of the Republic, replacing it with one that would fit more in line with his own self-serving political ambitions.
The Dictator’s objectives here were threefold. Firstly, as Nasica openly declared to the ranks of browbeaten dignitaries present, it was essential that the mechanisms of state were reformed to nullify the potential for future in-fighting between corrupt Senators; a factor that had impeded the Republic’s growth so often in recent years.
What Nasica did not publicly announce were his second and third objectives, which were far more sinister and self-serving. His second goal was fixated on the Senate and his own constitutional powers as Dictator. In theory, the office of Dictator was one awarded by the Senate as a strictly temporary measure to help resolve a particular crisis. Clearly Nasica had no intention of relinquishing power, and secretly he feared that if the Senate was left unchecked then it might one day seek to reverse his extraordinary powers. He therefore sought to quietly nullify the Senate’s powers as soon as possible.
This led to his final and ultimate goal, again withheld from the public eye to avoid causing further uproar. Nasica had every intention of enshrining his office within the constitution for life – to become Dictator Perpetuo; the sole ruler of the state for as long as he lived. To succeed would mean the permanent shattering of Etruscan democracy – and yet the conniving General intended to go further still. With the fires of his ambition stoked to new heights following his victory in the civil war, he began to harbour dreams of founding a dynasty of his own, envisioning that his son Cordus would succeed him as Dictator upon his death. Essentially this would transform the Republic into an inherited monarchy in all but name.
Clearly, Nasica’s ambitions were highly controversial and given the instability of his position and that of the state itself, he would need to tread carefully in order not to incite further opposition. Thus, his announcement to the Senate House was far less inflammatory than his ambitions might otherwise have suggested. The Dictator declared that he would henceforth create a new supreme Council of eight senior members, which would come to form the central hub of the state’s new government. The new Council would incorporate the existing roles of Pontifex Maximus, Army Quaestor and so on, which would then be joined by four new offices created by Nasica to act as the Dictator’s chief representatives in all aspects of the state.
The four new offices that would lead the Dictator’s Council would be as follows:
The Cancellarius, who was to be the state’s chief representative overseas and senior foreign minister.
The Rationalis, who would be the government’s chief economic administrator and domestic magistrate.
A Magister Officiorum would act as the state’s head of internal security and public order.
Above all, the most important of the 4 new offices would be that of the Vicarius, who would become the right hand of the Dictator and the most senior of the Council members.
The formation of the Council was initially received in the Senate House with genuine approval. In delegating power to the Council, it was assumed that perhaps the Dictator was not intending on ruling as autocratically as many feared. But the formation of the Council was Nasica’s masterstroke. It would soon become clear that the Council’s powers superceded that of the Senate itself, and that all key decision-making within the State would now pass through it’s hands. The crucial tenant in the arrangement was that the delegates of the Council were to be hand-picked by the Dictator himself. In one stroke, Nasica had removed any remnants of power from the hands of the Senate and placed it in hands of men he would choose himself.
The Dictator soon proceeded to fill the Council offices with loyal and trusted subordinates. Keen to demonstrate an element of reconciliation following the war, Nasica also handed certain offices to associates of his former enemies. Thus, the position of Cancellarius was awarded to Tiberius Fulvius Valens – son of Sextus, the former Pax Etruria Consul of 289 BC. Titus Horatius Gorgonius, son of the former two-time Consul, was made the new Pontifex Maximus.
The Dictator begins to fill his new Council with loyal subordinates.
Nasica left his most important appointment until last, announcing that the office of Vicarius would go to none other than his own son, Ulpius Cordus. The act of placing his own son in the second most powerful office in the state signalled the groundwork being laid for Cordus to one day succeed his father as Dictator. Cordus’s appointment as Vicarius is accompanied with the honour of a great Triumph through the streets of the capital, which the Dictator hoped would further improve his reputation and popularity. The triumph drew meagre support from the disgruntled general populace but did much to improve Cordus’s prominence within the army, whose troops alongside him during the great parade.
With his dominion over the Senate secured by the formation of the Council, Nasica turned his attention to the wider mechanisms of state. Over the next few months, he worked tirelessly to remodel the state along the lines of new cultural and military philosophies, issuing edicts that encouraged citizens to adopt these new ideas. He created a core of full-time professional soldiers for the army, while enshrining the idea of civic duty in its service, which further boosted his base of power in the military. He encouraged tolerance of local traditions to help reduce tensions in the border regions. Finally, he created a new system of tariffs on overseas trade to help get the economy back on track in the aftermath of the disruptive civil war.
By early 272 BC, life was beginning to return to normal for Etruscan citizens. The damage done during the civil war was being repaired, trade was recommencing and although the people still lived in fear of their tyrannical overlord, the state was benefitting from an increasingly prolonged period of peace and calm.
It was at this moment that a motion was put forward from within the Council to finally declare Mamercus Ulpius Nasica to be Dictator Perpetuo, supposedly in honour of him saving Etruria from those that would have destroyed it from within. There were, without doubt, a great number of those in the Senate who strongly opposed the motion, however they had since been outfought and outwitted and the unrelenting Nasica. The Dictator’s Council, not the Senate, now held the right to approve or reject the motion and, packed full with Nasica’s hand-picked syncophants, it was of little surprise that the motion passed with lavish enthusiasm. It was further declared that a successor needed to be identified – naturally, there were none considered a better successor than Nasica’s son, Ulpius Cordus, who was henceforth announced to be the elder Nasica’s successor to the Dictatorship upon his death. Omens were taken to judge the occasion, which were inevitably revealed to be positive.
The Dictator's Council - 272 BC. Note Ulpius Cordus as the Vicarius and designated successor, supported wholeheartedly by the loyal Council members.
To further secure his position following these controversial declarations, the Dictator then passed another new law, stating that service in the army would subsequently guarantee full citizenship rights. In time this would further swell the ranks of the army and ensure that the Nasican dynasty maintained a strong backbone of support from the military.
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As Etruria was benefitting from a period of calm and consolidation following these tumultuous events, a similar sense of harmony had befallen the wider Mediterranean. Peace had finally been declared on the African mainland the previous year, while the Etruscan Civil War had still been playing out in Italy. Carthage and the southern tribes of the Garamantes had been fighting the same long and terrible war that had begun even before the onset of the Second Punic War between Carthage and Etruria, back when Valens was still alive as Consul of the Republic. After 6 years of relentless conflict, Carthage had been brought to the negotiating table by an uprising of a local tribe called the Gindanes, who had occupied Thapsus and Sabratha and formed their own independent tribal Kingdom. In order to deal with this new threat, Carthage sued for peace, ceding the border region of Augemmi that had been occupied by the Garamantes early in the war.
Carthage suffers setbacks on it's mainland, being forced to cede territory to both the Gindanes and the Garamantes.
Around the same time, the Republican government of Massilia was finally able to storm Emporion, executing the rebel leader Aristophanes and, for the time being at least, restoring order to the beleaguered Greek state.
In the east, the wave of rebellions that had broken out across the Diadochi Kingdoms in 279 BC had since been put down and a rare period of calm was holding sway across the otherwise unstable Greek nations in that part of the world.
Back in Italy, the Dictator Nasica was beginning to feel more secure in his position, having successfully transformed the constitution and consolidated his hold over the government with the establishment of his son, Ulpius Cordus, as heir to the Dictatorship. By the spring 272 BC he finally felt secure enough to begin looking abroad towards new campaigns and objectives.
Nasica’s campaigns in the north just prior to the outbreak of civil war had demonstrated the instability of these outlying Etruscan provinces, being terminally plagued as they were by tides of barbarian hordes pouring south from Gaul and Germania. He therefore declared that his first act of foreign policy was to begin pushing Etruscan influence further north beyond the Cisalpine mountains, in order to build up a protective buffer zone away from the more established Etruscan heartlands. To this end, the Dictator begins by arranging for a new colony to be constructed in the province of Gallia Cisalpina. To ensure the success of the new colony, he leaves Tarquinia for the first time since October the previous year, marching the legions north where he encounters and destroys a band of marauding barbarians of the Lusones tribe. The Dictator then remains with the legions in the region until the new colony is completed.
Gallia Cisalpina becomes the latest province in Nasica's new Etruria.
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As summer slowly came around in 272 BC, it seemed as though Nasica’s founding of the Dictatorship had been a success, with no tangible opposition presenting itself, a new colony recently completed and the economy once again beginning to thrive.
Of course, this state of calm indicated nothing less than the population’s total fear and subjection to the all-powerful Dictator. Resentment bubbled under the surface within a great many homes throughout the towns and cities of Etruria. There were yet those who remained loyal to the old regime, those who dreamed of restoring the Republic once again. It was only a matter of time before resentment turned into rebellion and, on 9th August 272 BC, conflict finally broke out.
The rebellion sprang forth from the city of Rome, perhaps unsurprisingly given it’s traditional opposition to Nasica and his former Mars Imperito compatriots. The Roman citizens had long held their own Republican system of government close to their hearts, and while they had been willing to submit to Etruscan democracy, they balked at the thought of following an Etruscan Dictator. Mustering the city’s militia once again, they prepared to make a stand against the might of Nasica.
Ironically, the Romans managed to muster a greater number of men than several of their previous wars, a total of 7,000 men under arms. But even so, they were hopelessly outnumbered by the Dictator and his legions. It was a foolish enterprise from the start, since any hope of being joined by other towns and cities across Etruria were dashed when Nasica immediately launched another of his trademark lightning marches south. Thoughts of rebellion elsewhere were held in check by the sight of the 22,000 strong legions marching by. Nasica promptly smashes the meagre Roman resistance upon his arrival outside the city on 2nd December.
The misguided Roman rebellion is destroyed by the Dictator.
The year 272 BC therefore closed with Nasica holding a tighter grip on Etruria than ever before. By now he had consolidated his position, rewritten the constitution in his favour and smashed any signs of outward defiance against his autocratic rule. It seemed inevitable to all the leading Senators and citizens of the realm that Nasica’s tyranny would endure for many years to come.
The entire nation was therefore incredulous when, only 6 months later on the morning of 12th July 271 BC, it awoke to the news that the great Dictator Mamercus Ulpius Nasica was dead. He had died naturally in his sleep at the age of 62.
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SUMMARY – JULY 271 BC
Mamercus Ulpius Nasica had utterly transformed the face of Etruscan politics during the course of his bloody and destructive rise to the Dictatorship.
Beginning his career as a Mars Imperito supporter under the wing of the great Mercator Audax, he had harnessed his patron’s significant influence to secure greater prominence within the Army and the Senate. His career was defined by unrelenting personal ambition as well as a cold-blooded ruthlessness; he was in turns the Mark Anthony as well as the Macbeth of the Etruscan world. It was following Mercator’s suicide in 281 BC that these dangerous characteristics were unleashed upon the unsuspecting Senate House.
Nasica quickly took a leading role within Mars Imperito following Mercator’s death. While his one-time ally Martialis faced off against Valens, Nasica tussled with Senator Gracchus for control of the legions. By the time Nasica had secured the army’s support, Valens was dead and Gracchus had fled south to the capital with the remnants of the Pax Etruria faction. Their last stand during the Civil War of 274-273 BC not only saw the destruction of his political enemies – friend and foe alike were put to death on his authority in a brutal crackdown to secure his rule.
He had given birth to a new Etruria, but died only months into its infancy. His new constitution demanded that the office of Dictator be handed unto his son, Ulpius Cordus. Cordus was still young and inexperienced - it remained to be seen whether he could possibly keep hold of the great mantle of power his father had created.
Nasica’s death closed the book on a tumultuous period of Etruscan history. The Republican era of 309 – 273 BC, defined by barbarian invasions, a series of expansionist wars, Senatorial in-fighting and the deaths of several generations of leading politicians – was over.
A new age was about to begin.
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I suspect we might see a new dynasty take power soon. His son seemed to rely on his fathers power too much
Yes, I can certainly understand how they feel that to be rather anti-climatic after such a build-up of power. Still, looks like the dictatorship won't last much longer.
Smashing update! Sad to see the Etruscan Confederacy shuddered into terror, but we shall see where this leads... Personally, I'd take a good, unstable Republic any day of the week, but this Nasican Tyranny apears to have quite a lot of teething to do...
Roman resurgence confirmed.
Does this imply we get an actual Mark Anthony in this timeline?
Roman resurgence confirmed.
Yes, although he’s still only 20 or 21 years old at this stage. Just a kid really! I’d expected him to have at least 4-5 years to gain experience before he took over. Oh well, at least his dad was kind enough to murder all his son’s potential rivals before he handed over the crown! He was thoughtful like that
The game mechanics may actually help things here. You can only set up a Dictatorship if you have a really high tyranny value. Which given the way my Senate was playing out, wasn’t hard to come by! But then it adds like 10 additional points of tyranny when you select it as an option. So your chosen Dictator gets lumbered with a massive tyranny burden, lowering loyalty, raising revolt risk etc. Thing is, when each Dictator dies, the tyranny value gets slashed in half (or something like that). So now that Nasica is dead, in some ways his son will inherit a more stable Dictatorship. The downside is that he doesn’t have all the loyal army units that his father had, amongst other things. But hopefully he won't need to rely on them quite so much!
Thanks mate! Hopefully it continues as an interesting story. The Republic was fun to write about but it felt like a good time for a change of pace
Does this imply we get an actual Mark Anthony in this timeline?
Roman resurgence confirmed.
Ha, well I think the actual Mark Anthony wasn’t born for a few hundred years yet so we’ve some way to go! The current timeline is broadly equal to the Roman period surrounding the Pyrrhic War and the period just before the first Roman war with Carthage. However in the coming chapters I’ll be writing about some of the nations and characters in other places around the world - there will be some real life historical characters that will be making an appearance so keep your eyes peeled!
Here’s a question for you all - So far I’ve chosen to refer to Nasica’s son as Cordus [roughly translating as "the second"] because his character name is exactly the same as his father, which would otherwise have made them difficult to distinguish between. Now that the elder Nasica is dead - do you think I should refer to the son as Nasica or keep calling him Cordus?
He would probably be continued to be called Cordus by history, so why not continue calling him Cordus? Helps distinguish him from his father.
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Call him Nasica I think it sounds betterYes, although he’s still only 20 or 21 years old at this stage. Just a kid really! I’d expected him to have at least 4-5 years to gain experience before he took over. Oh well, at least his dad was kind enough to murder all his son’s potential rivals before he handed over the crown! He was thoughtful like that
The game mechanics may actually help things here. You can only set up a Dictatorship if you have a really high tyranny value. Which given the way my Senate was playing out, wasn’t hard to come by! But then it adds like 10 additional points of tyranny when you select it as an option. So your chosen Dictator gets lumbered with a massive tyranny burden, lowering loyalty, raising revolt risk etc. Thing is, when each Dictator dies, the tyranny value gets slashed in half (or something like that). So now that Nasica is dead, in some ways his son will inherit a more stable Dictatorship. The downside is that he doesn’t have all the loyal army units that his father had, amongst other things. But hopefully he won't need to rely on them quite so much!
Thanks mate! Hopefully it continues as an interesting story. The Republic was fun to write about but it felt like a good time for a change of pace
Ha, well I think the actual Mark Anthony wasn’t born for a few hundred years yet so we’ve some way to go! The current timeline is broadly equal to the Roman period surrounding the Pyrrhic War and the period just before the first Roman war with Carthage. However in the coming chapters I’ll be writing about some of the nations and characters in other places around the world - there will be some real life historical characters that will be making an appearance so keep your eyes peeled!
Here’s a question for you all - So far I’ve chosen to refer to Nasica’s son as Cordus [roughly translating as "the second"] because his character name is exactly the same as his father, which would otherwise have made them difficult to distinguish between. Now that the elder Nasica is dead - do you think I should refer to the son as Nasica or keep calling him Cordus?
Excited for the overviews of other regions!
Cordus sounds easier and more identifiable. Or you could compromise and call him something like 'Nasica Secundus', which sounds way more dynastic, although very latin.
Of course, I am taking liberties with what might be properly Etruscan, but I assume this Etruscan state might have suffered some latinization over time with its incorporation of a weakened (but vibrant) Rome.
Cordus sounds easier and more identifiable. Or you could compromise and call him something like 'Nasica Secundus', which sounds way more dynastic, although very latin.
Of course, I am taking liberties with what might be properly Etruscan, but I assume this Etruscan state might have suffered some latinization over time with its incorporation of a weakened (but vibrant) Rome.
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Chapter 12
The Harrying of the North
The Harrying of the North
July, 271 BC. The state funeral of the first Etruscan Dictator, Mamercus Ulpius Nasica, makes it’s slow procession through the capital.
It is the morning after Nasica’s death had been announced to the general public. Walking solemnly at the head of the funeral march is Nasica’s son, Ulpius Cordus. The young man is himself swathed in the robes of the Dictator and surrounded by armed guards on every side. Only hours earlier, the Dictator’s Council formally ratified Cordus’s ascension to that great and terrible office vacated by his infamous father. At the tender age of 22, he now finds himself governing the leading military power in all Italy.
Ulpius Cordus becomes the new Dictator of Etruria at the age of 22.
The remaining seven Council members, by Cordus’s first command, proceed in bearing the body of his illustrious father behind the newly inaugurated Dictator and his guardsmen. They are in turn followed by all the leading men of the realm – friends and foe alike; all are eager to gauge the bearing of the young Cordus at this, his first public appearance as leader of all Etruria. At this time, the merest dawn of his reign, the new Dictator must show caution and strength in equal measure. He now knows he can count on the loyalty of the Council for the time being – men who were all true to his father throughout his last days and, having cast their lot in with the Nasicans, can be counted upon to support him in the days ahead. But there are undoubtedly also those present who would seek to depose or even kill him given the right opportunity.
Cordus’s ascension to the supreme office has been so far unopposed by the nobles and the aristocracy, largely thanks to his merciless father who had eradicated a large swathe of them in his terrible purges, cowing the remainder into a fearful submission. Potential dissidents such as the former Pax Etruria supporter Quintus Octavius Ignatius remain present, but for the time being men like these seem content to remain on the sidelines, like vultures waiting and observing, watching to see how Cordus fares with the rigours of supreme command.
A surprising number of citizens have also turned out to witness the occasion, lining the streets on both sides and maintaining a respectful silence as the solemn procession goes by. The elder Nasica had earned the disgust of many of the old Republic’s citizens for usurping the government in a wave of violence and repression. Yet there were also those who supported him, those who understood the instability of the old Republic and even loved Nasica for the glory he had won in the name of Etruria. Both of these groups now looked forward with optimism towards Cordus’s rule - hopeful that his reign would be marked by peace, ruled with benevolence and administered towards prosperity. The public knew little about their new overlord and were cautiously optimistic that he would prove to be a less tyrannical overlord than his father. Indeed, while Cordus held many of the same qualities as his father, namely his pride, his assertive nature and his self-confidence – qualities that he had already displayed in his limited military commands thus far – he was undoubtedly a far less cruel and far more moderate man than his father. It remained to be seen whether this temperance would win the hearts of the people or give them sway to overthrow him.
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Following the burial of his great father, the young Cordus barely had a moment to mourn his passing before he was forced to begin dispensing orders and administering the government.
Cordus’s first task was to declare a new heir to the Dictatorship – an important public display of security and continuity in the regime. With no sons of his own, the young Dictator proceeded to announce that his younger brother Septimus was henceforth to be considered the heir to the supreme office. Septimus Ulpius Nasica was his father’s second and last son, a natural and legitimate candidate given his paternal ties. He was yet a boy of 14 years old with a quiet and unassuming nature, but was afflicted by the terrible scourge of epilepsy and was consequently not expected to grow into a man of great ability. He seemed an unlikely candidate to rule, but for the time being would make an ideal heir apparent until the day Cordus could bear a son of his own.
Cordus then turned his attention to the selection of a new Vicarius – the role that he had himself occupied for a few short months before his father’s death. This was the most important of all the Council offices, acting as the right hand of the Dictator himself and arbitrating the rest of the Council. When Nasica had awarded this office to Cordus, it was taken as a symbol that Cordus would one day step up to the Dictatorship. With his own designated successor still a boy and as such unfit for public office, Cordus would be forced to look elsewhere for suitable candidates. After much deliberation he proceeded to select his close friend and ally, Titus Vitellius Vitalis. Titus came from a proud house that had long held ties with the Nasicans. The Vitellii’s great father, noble Tertius, had been a two-time Consul in the old Republic and a close ally of the older Nasica during his early career in Mars Imperito. Prior to his death, Nasica himself had recently appointed Titus’s elder brother, Decimus, as Naval Prefect following the murder of his illustrious forebear, Martialis. Cordus was the same age as Titus and the two had grown up together. With his trusted friend now beside him as Vicarius, the Dictator felt more secure in his office and could begin to turn his attention to matters elsewhere.
Titus, a close ally of the Dictator and one of the emerging generation of Etruscan nobles, is made the new Vicarius. He immediately supports Cordus in his nomination of Septimus as interim heir to the Dictatorship.
Meanwhile, conflict had once again erupted across the Hellenic world. Mainland Greece itself was being wracked by civil wars and internal strife. The trouble began when Alexander - a popular member of the royal family of Macedon – launched a civil war for the royal throne against his older brother, the ruling King Philip IV. Before the year is out, Alexander will have ousted his brother and claimed the throne for himself as Alexander V of Macedon.
The charismatic and popular Alexander, soon to become the new King of Macedonia.
Simultaneously, in the Kingdom of Epirus on the far side of the narrow Adriatic sea, a previously unheard-of young General - one Pyrrhus of house Aeacidae – had launched an ambitious war for the throne. Fighting a campaign against the odds, Pyrrhus would soon come to show significant promise in defeating the incumbent King and seizing the realm for himself.
Map showing the various Greek states around the Aegean during the Macedonian and Epirote civil wars.
Further beyond, the three mighty Diadochi Kingdoms of the east – Egypt, Asia and Seleucia – had also rekindled their age-old quarrels. The ascension of a new King of Seleucia, the 22-year old Antiochos II Thios, had sparked a brief war with his neighbour Thymotes I of Asia. Antiochos had come from a proud lineage – his grandfather, Seleucus I Nicator, had ridden alongside Alexander the Great in his epic campaign to the furthest reaches of the known world. But although a capable administrator, Antiochus sorely lacks the charisma and martial prowess of his illustrious forebears. His ascension as King has met with muted reaction from the various satrapies across his vast realm. With Asia and Egypt both weakened from the civil wars that had plagued them in the last decade, Antiochus begins agitating against his neighbours in an effort to show strength and solidify his rule. His initial fleeting war with Thymotes I of Asia proves inconclusive, however. Thymotes himself is a descendent of the companions of Alexander, being the grandson of the great Antigonus. But like Antiochus, he is but a pale shadow of his eminent ancestor. For the moment, the two descendants of the Diadochi are precariously balanced, but further conflict is surely on the horizon.
The Diadochi Kingdoms and their principal belligerents, Thymotes I of Asia and Antiochus II Thios of Seleucia.
Thankfully for Cordus, the first 9 months of his rule avoids such concerns and Etruria is able to enjoy a much-needed period of peace and calm. It began to look as though Cordus would benefit from a smooth transition from his father’s rule to that of his own.
Then, early the following year, the gates of hell were suddenly thrown wide open. The Dictator was about to face the first major crisis of his reign.
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APRIL 270 BC – THE SCOURGE OF THE ACHAEI
The province of Bononia, poised at the furthest northern reaches of the realm, had been forced to suffer innumerable hardships over the generations. Founded by Valens back in 308 BC, it had since existed precariously on the border regions, being ruthlessly and consistently targeted by raiding bands of barbarians crossing the Cisalpine mountains in search of plunder and slaves. The barbarians themselves came from far and wide – from the outer reaches of Gaul, Germania and beyond. A series of great Etruscan Generals had defined their careers fighting off these savage invaders; including Octavius, Mercator Audax and the formidable Nasica himself. Time after time the barbarians had been driven back from the brink by the victorious Etruscan Legions.
In April 270 BC, all this was to change. On the evening of the 2nd, the local authorities at Bononia began to receive panicked reports that a new horde of barbarians from the Achaei tribe was approaching from the north. This was no mere raiding party – the Achaei were estimated to number in excess of 30,000 men, making it one of the largest barbarian invasions in the history of Etruria. They outnumbered the Etruscan legions by 3 to 2.
The colossal Achaei horde marching on Bononia.
Couriers were dispatched with all haste to the Dictator Cordus, who was presently camped with the army in Liguria to the west. Immediately, Cordus gave orders to muster the troops for a forced march on Bononia. But while Cordus was a promising commander who had proven himself in smaller engagements, he had little prior experience of commanding the fully massed 22,000-strong Legio Etruria. Preparations to depart were consequently delayed while the troops were brought to order. It was a delay that would prove to be fatal.
By the end of the month, the great horde had poured over the Cisalpines in a vast and terrible wave. They immediately began to press a savage and relentless assault. On 5th May, after 8 days of ferocious attacks, they finally broke through the province’s inner defences. What followed was a massacre, the likes of which hadn’t been felt by Etruria since the darkest days of the Great Crisis. Young and old alike were slaughtered in the streets. Hundreds more were carried off as slaves. Towns and villages were burned to the ground. Sacred temples were looted.
Bononia is pillaged before Cordus can arrive, inflicting huge damage to the province.
Thus lay the scene of misery and desolation that stretched before the young Dictator and the Legions when they finally arrived a few days later. It was an utter catastrophe for the realm – Bononia had been completely ransacked. Settlements and infrastructure that had taken a generation to establish had been totally destroyed. The development of the province had been set back by decades, if not more. Cordus felt the anguish more than any. A Dictator may enjoy the ultimate authority, but with such power came ultimate responsibility. It was he alone who was responsible for the defence of the border provinces – a defence that had been maintained unblemished since the days of the great Mercator Audax. This was the first major challenge of his reign, and in this task he had failed utterly. Voices within the Legions began to whisper of discontent. The nobles back in the Capital began to agitate and grow bold upon hearing the terrible news. Perhaps Nasica’s young progeny was unfit to govern after all.
But what dismay Cordus felt was matched hand in hand with fury. With his scouts reporting the Achaei now marching against him only a few miles away, he gathered the Legions into battle formation and addressed them with a conviction beyond his tender years. Once again, he exclaimed, the bold men of Etruria face the wrath of barbarians from beyond the furthest reaches of civilisation…
…We Etruscans had not sought this conflict, but yet again it has been forced upon us. The Achaei have ravaged our most tranquil lands, murdering our dear brothers and sisters for lust of blood and gold. I tell you - no more! We shall no longer stand idly by while thieves and butchers scoop the wealth of our lands. We battle the Achaei here today, and how we shall gain ferocious vengeance for the terrible sack of Bononia. But I tell you today is just the beginning of the great and terrible war to come. I pledge to you, dear friends, that I – Cordus, son of Nasica – shall lead you into the very heartlands whence these beasts did emerge. It shall begin in Gaul. A day shall soon come when we march across the Alps and root out every house, every cavern, every nook and crack until the birthplace of these savages has been cleansed once and for all. I give word that we shall conquer these Gauls – their domains shall become the shield that safeguards our Etruscan motherland forever more. Germania will surely then follow, as night follows day. Today is but the first in our retaliation! Come then, to war, and the glory of Etruria!
The Dictator’s call to arms inflamed the wrath of the troops, and all amongst them set to purpose as the barbarian horde began to appear over the horizon. It was to be a bloody, drawn out contest. The Achaei were wearied from the sack and weighed down with plunder, yet still they fought with great determination. Cordus proved to be a quick learner and an adept tactician; marshalling the Legions well, bringing them in close order and winning a hard fought, if inconclusive, victory on the first day of battle. On the second day, battle was joined once again, and this time the horde pressed it’s attack with unwavering intent. But the stalwart ranks of the Etruscan heavy infantry held firm – by the day’s end, almost 10,000 Achaei lay dead on the field. This proved to be the breaking point, for the battered horde now turned to retreat over the mountains, but Cordus ordered his great cavalry wing in pursuit and cut them down to a man. The legions had emerged victorious once again.
The first day of the battle - Cordus earns a close, hard-fought victory...
...before crushing the Achaei on the second day of fighting.
It had been a long, hard struggle. Despite his eventual success, the sack of Bononia would live long in the memory and the Dictator’s credibility had been seriously damaged by the affair. In the aftermath of the crisis, Cordus chose to remain with the legions rather than return to the capital, where he now felt vulnerable without the might of the troops to ensure his authority. He gave orders to begin the reconstruction of Bononia, then returned to his quarters to take stock of the situation. His words on the eve of battle were given merely to raise morale. Cordus, like his father before him, had become convinced that it was essential to create a buffer zone away from the Etruscan heartlands if the realm was ever to exist without fear of barbarian invasion. The difference was that where Nasica had envisioned a few additional outposts on the border regions, Cordus was targeting the conquest of Gaul in its entirety. It was a bold vision, one that would eradicate much of the barbarian’s less civilised heartlands, leaving only Germania as a breeding ground for future hordes. However, such a campaign had never been attempted before, and it would surely take many years to accomplish – if it was even to be considered possible. But Cordus badly needed more victories if he was to reassert his position. An expedition into Gaul would be a huge gamble, but one that if successful would enable him to carve his name into the histories, outshining any of his illustrious predecessors.
Calling his legates together, he began to lay out plans for the campaign. The political map of Gaul was made up of a fragmented patchwork of six main tribal states – the Aulerci, the Sequani, the Nervii, the Lemovices, the Helvetii and the Arverni. These were surrounded by regions of disunited barbarian communities, similar to those that had once been colonised by Etruscans in Bononia and Liguria. The Dictator’s strategy was therefore two-fold. Firstly, he aimed to take advantage of the fragmented nature of the more established Gallic nations in order to conquer them one-by-one. At the same time, he would press forward with colonisation efforts in the less developed regions around them, founding Etruscan towns to encourage the spread of the more civilised Etruscan culture and religion throughout the barbarian lands. Cordus hoped that Gaul might therefore become a second Etruria, a land rich for cultivation to provide soldiers and resources for the realm in generations to come. The lands of the Helvetii, to the north of the recently colonised region of Gallia Cisalpina, were identified as the first target in the campaign to come. As a preliminary measure, the Dictator ordered new settlements to begin construction in the Allobroges region on the far side of the Cisalpines. This would provide a useful stepping stone along the path of future campaigns in the north.
The Dictator sets his sights on the Helvetii as the first target in an epic campaign into Gaul.
Strategic overview of Gaul - a patchwork of independent tribal nations.
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269 - 265 BC - The Calm Before the Storm
Beginning the following year 269 BC, preparations began to be made for the Dictator’s epic Gallic campaign. Supplies began to be assembled at staging posts in the north. The new settlements at Allobroges were augmented with barracks and fortifications. New legionaires were drafted to replace those lost during the battles against the Achaei. It would be several years before these preparations could be completed – such was the scale of the undertaking that Cordus was attempting. But the firmness of his intent was clear. He would no longer rule through his father’s infamy. He would claim glories of his own or fall in the attempt.
His reputation was already somewhat restored by the events of November and December that year. While supervising the reconstruction of settlements in Bononia, a second gigantic horde of barbarians came over the mountains eager for plunder. The barbarians, savages from the Ingvaeones tribe of northern Germania, once more numbered in excess of 30,000 men. This time, however, Cordus was more than ready for them. In a great battle on 8th December, the barbarians were shattered and put to flight. Over half their great number lay dead on the field. It was a crushing victory and one that did much to restore some element of confidence in Cordus’s abilities. The Dictator celebrated by travelling west to inaugurate the newly completed settlements in the Allobroges region, which became the newest province of the inexorably expanding Etruria.
Cordus defeats a second great horde of the Ingvaeones...
...before inaugurating the new strategically crucial colony of Allobroges.
Peace once again held sway over the realm as the new year, 268 BC, came around. Spring turned to summer as great activity continued in the north, with the building of infrastructure and the supplying of arms and equipment. The Dictator Cordus personally steered these endeavours with great energy, overseeing every preparation to the finest detail. However, by now it had been a year and a half since the Dictator last set foot in the capital at Tarquinia. This proved to be a mistake as in his absence trouble once again flared up in the south.
On 4th June 268 BC, a major revolt broke out in the province of Umbria – formerly a part of the Kingdom of Picentis. It was clear from the outset that the sack of Bononia was the cause of the discontent. Bononia was situated directly the north of Umbria and the former Picenti province had been badly shaked by the plunder of it’s neighbour, while also bearing the brunt of the supplies needed to fuel it’s reconstruction. The revolt was widespread – over 10,000 rebels rose in opposition to Cordus’s rule. The Dictator responded swiftly and mercilessly. Marching the legions south, he crushed the uprising in a matter of days, executing hundreds and imprisoning thousands more. In defeating this rebellion the Dictator consolidated his standing with the army, with whom he now possessed complete and total loyalty. To the rank-and-file, Cordus had become the embodiment of his great father, a strong and confident leader who they would gladly follow into battle.
Cordus destroys the Umbrian rebels and wins the adulation of the common soldiery.
Nevertheless, while the fires of rebellion had been stamped out before they had spread, it was a worrying sign, being the first outward show of malcontent since Cordus took office. Of equal concern was a report received from the Magister Officorum later in the year, relaying whispered rumours of Carthaginian agents operating within the realm. The rumours could not yet be verified and even if proven true, it was unclear to what end the Carthaginians may be working towards. A state of peace between Carthage and Etruria had by now held sway for 8 years while both sides dealt with their respective domestic problems. But Carthage had long been a sworn enemy of the Etruscans and would doubtless take any chance they could get to sow dissent within the ranks of their adversaries.
In part due to these concerns, Cordus elected to maintain a cautious stance for the next few years while preparations for his Gallic campaign gained momentum. The realm benefitted greatly from a state of peace during this time, with manpower reserves increasing and the economy performing well. By 265 BC, the sixth year of Cordus’s Dictatorship, preparations were finally complete. After a prolonged period of calm, the Dictator was confident that his rule was by now fully entrenched and he could finally begin the conquest of Gaul without interference.
He could not have been more mistaken. Within a year, all Italy would be embroiled in war and Cordus would be fighting for his life.
- 1
All will be revealed!
Apologies for the delay, the next chapter is pretty full-on, there's a lot of screenshots and I'll probably have to upload it in two parts. But nearly there....
Apologies for the delay, the next chapter is pretty full-on, there's a lot of screenshots and I'll probably have to upload it in two parts. But nearly there....
Chapter 13
Part 1: Octavius
Part 1: Octavius
August, 265 BC.
The rumbling echo of twenty thousand marching soldiers reverberates across the north-facing slopes of the Cisalpine mountains. The rhythmic crunching of boots on stone, the beating of drums, the rattling of swords and shields – such is the ensemble that announces this great and historic event. An Etruscan army is marching into Gaul for the very first time.
At the head of this mighty column of legionnaires rides the 26-year old Etruscan Dictator, Mamercus Ulpius Nasica ‘Cordus’. Cordus’s arduous march across the mountains is the culmination of years of meticulous planning and preparation. Now, finally, his grand and daring venture is finally underway. The Legio Etruria is descending on the Helvetii.
Cordus and the Legio Etruria descend the Alps on the march to Helvetii.
The campaign would begin flawlessly. The Helvetii are weak and isolated – abandoned to their fate by their Gallic neighbours, they are no match for the battle hardened Etruscan legions. Within a few short months, the Helvetii would be smashed and their territories conquered. Keen to encourage Gallic integration, Cordus treats the captured Helvetic nobles with benevolence – inducting leading Helvetii such as Crixus Iacid as Etruscan citizens. Crixus is soon honoured further with the position of Governor of Gallia Cisalpina, with the Dictator hoping that his native influence might encourage further loyalty amongst the indigenous Gallic population in the province.
The Helvetii are swiftly conquered.
Cordus treats the Gallic nobility with lenience, including Crixus Iacid.
With the lands of the Helvetii secured, the Dictator begins to draw up plans for successive conquests of neighbouring Gallic lands. But even as the roars of praise and salutation still ring in Cordus’s ears, events elsewhere are rapidly unfolding that will turn his fortunes upside down. Within days the legions would be marching south as fast as their legs would carry them.
Of all the men to blame for the tumultuous events of the years to come, two in particular would long be remembered in Etruscan memory. The first of these was a Samnite named Titus Junius Pilatus.
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The Rise of the Samnite Republic
Hailed as a visionary in his native Samnium, the charismatic Junius Pilatus had risen to prominence as a statesman in the old Samnite government. An energetic moderniser throughout his career, he had lobbied ceaselessly for reform, believing that his people needed to evolve beyond their archaic tribal system of government if they were to flourish in the modern world.
By early 265 BC the Samnites had occupied the same twin regions of Samnium and Apulia, located on the eastern coast of lower Italy, for several generations. Attempts to expand their domain during the Third Samnite War back in 309-308 BC had ultimately been thwarted by the invading horde of Semnones barbarians that had gone on to sack Rome. Thereafter the Samnites had played second fiddle to the emerging power of the Etruscans, who had seized the initiative and gone on to victory in a series of expansive wars – the aftermath of which profited the Etruscans a great deal and the Samnites very little, despite the two peoples being firm allies throughout.
Nevertheless, the Samnites held great potential – good lands, a large and powerful army and a history of talented leaders such as the legendary General, Faustus Julius Brutus. Pilatus himself was a devout believer that with a more centralised system of republican government - similar to that of Etruria before the rise of the infamous Nasica - the Samnites could themselves expand and ascend the world stage, as their Etruscan cousins had once done.
By the summer of 265 BC, while Cordus was marching across the Alps to engage the Helvetii, the 75-year old Julius Pilatus finally succeeded in passing the last of his great reforms to transform the Samnites forever. No longer would they be governed by the old tribal hierarchies – henceforth they would become the Samnite Republic. Pilatus himself was inaugurated as it’s first Consul, beginning a new chapter in the history of the Samnite people.
As Consul, Pilatus was quick to consolidate his ties to Etruria and immediately sent messages of friendship and support to Dictator Cordus. The alliance between the Etruscans and the Samnites would live on. But while Cordus proceeded to cross the mountains and complete the conquest of the Helvetii, Pilatus would begin a chain of events that would redefine the political map of the Mediterranean and ultimately throw the Etruscans into grave peril.
But this was not the first news of setback that reached Cordus in the days following the conquest of Helvetii. This, instead, came regarding the second of the men responsible for the terrible events to come. Unlike Julius Pilatus, the second man was an Etruscan. His name was Quintus Octavius Ignatius.
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Octavius was the last of a forgotten generation of prominent Etruscans who had shaped the rise of the old Republic. His career had peaked when he was 28 years old, having been given command of the Auxilia Etruria during the Third Samnite War. During this conflict he briefly laid siege to Perugia before joining up with the Samnites under Brutus to defeat the Roman army and end the war. He acquitted himself admirably in the years afterwards, winning several victories over invading barbarian tribes including the Quadi and the Allobroges prior to the onset of the Great Crisis. But in 303 BC he had been politically outmanoeuvred by the new Consul, Mercator, and unceremoniously ousted from command. He had existed in the limelight ever since, nursing a bitter grudge against Mercator and his Mars Imperito associates.
Octavius was also a strict republican, believing in the sanctity of Etruscan democracy - he had strongly opposed the rise of Nasica and the Dictatorship. Paradoxically he was later spared by Nasica and allowed to live out the end of his days in peace, albeit one in relative poverty and obscurity. As the years had progressed and Cordus himself took over the Dictatorship, Octavius – by now an old man in his seventies – had come to lose hope that the Republic could ever be restored. He had largely been forgotten by the Dictator and his Council, who felt that he was a spent force bereft of any financial or political support.
It was therefore with some astonishment that less than 48 hours after completing the conquest of the Helvetii, the Dictator Cordus received the inexplicable news. Octavius had raised his flag in rebellion, having somehow managed to fund and equip a new army that was mustering in the city of Rome. He had declared Cordus to be an usurper against the legitimate Republic of Etruria, with Octavius declaring himself to be a temporary Dictator until Cordus could be defeated and the Republic could be restored. Worse still, he was immediately joined in what was clearly a coordinated uprising by the islands of Corsica and Sardinia, as well as the newly colonised region of Allobroges.
Questions of how such a politically disenfranchised figure such as Octavius could possibly muster such wide support would have to wait. Cordus summoned the legions and prepared for an immediate march south.
So began the Second Etruscan Civil War.
Rebellion. Rome, Corsica, Karalis and Allobroges declare for Octavius.
The elderly Octavius becomes Dictator of the rebels with a view to eventually re-igniting the Republic.
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Strategic Situation – October 265 BC
Octavius could not have chosen a better time to launch his rebellion. Cordus and the Legio Etruria had advanced to previously unsurpassed frontiers and were now located in relatively hostile territory on the far side of the Alps. It would take them a considerable amount of time to march back south to deal with Octavius’s forces, while forcing them to leave the northern borders exposed to barbarian attack. Given Cordus’s position, Octavius had selected the ideal provinces in which to muster his forces, with the enduringly troublesome city of Rome located at the opposite end of Etruria, far to the south. Corsica and Sardinia were also relatively isolated, providing Octavius with a firm platform with which to launch his campaign. His 5,000 strong forces mustering in Rome were totally outnumbered by the might of the Legio Etruria, but nonetheless he had a golden opportunity to storm the richer southern provinces before Cordus could arrive.
Cordus was naturally furious at Octavius’s treachery, particularly since the rebel’s life had been spared by himself as well as his father before him. However, the Dictator and his Council strongly suspected that Octavius was not acting alone. The uprising was clearly the result of long term planning and preparation, and there was simply no way in which a forgotten and penniless relic such as Octavius could achieve such an outcome single-handed. Someone, somewhere, as yet unknown, was working behind the scenes to support and perhaps even control the uprising. Due to these suspicions, Cordus resolved to proceed with caution. His plan was firstly to move against the province of Allobroges, in order to consolidate his hold over the north while observing developments elsewhere. Following this he would aim to move south and engage Octavius directly, in the hope of either stamping out the rebellion once and for all, or forcing Octavius’s suspected benefactors to reveal themselves.
As the legions prepared to march south on Allobroges, a more encouraging portent arrived in the form of a delegation from Syracuse. It’s King, Hiero II, sent word entreating Cordus into a new alliance. The Kingdom of Syracuse had been part of the Alexandrian League during the First Punic War, and had fought alongside the Italian states in winning their eventual victory over Carthage. The celebrated Etruscan Consul, Martialis, had secured the western portion of Sicily for Syracuse as part of the peace negotiations of 284 BC. Relations between the two states had thereafter remained cordial, and an alliance was seen in many quarters as a natural development. With Cordus keen to garner any and all support he could get in these troubling times, the terms were quickly agreed upon and the alliance cemented.
By December of that year, Cordus had marched the legions into Allobroges and proceeded to lay its fortifications under siege. However, a series of worrying events in the south meant that the situation was about to escalate severely – Cordus would soon be forced to re-evaluate his entire strategy with his nation on the brink of extreme peril. The Dictator was already aware of reports indicating that Octavius had marched his forces into the central province of Sabini and was proceeding with siege works there. This he had expected and was prepared for. But what tipped his fortunes entirely out of control was an urgent dispatch received on 24th December.
The newly established Samnite Republic had declared war against the Greek city-states of Magna Graecia.
Cordus read the dispatch with a rising sense of horror. In the Samnite capital of Bovianum, Consul Julius Pilatus was heralding the start of a glorious campaign against the distrusted Greeks who had long been the cause of instability and conflict in Italy. Pilatus had come to covetously eye the province of Campania to the south of Rome, which had been occupied by Magna Graecia since 288 BC, believing it to be the perfect first stepping stone towards an expanded and more powerful Samnium. But Cordus instantly realised that Pilatus had acted with a dangerous lack of foresight. The cities of Magna Graecia were indeed vulnerable, but possessed powerful friends in the Greek states overseas, who would surely intervene rather than allow their compatriots to be ousted from Italy. Over the next few weeks, Cordus’s fears would become realised as one by one the Greek states of Thracia, Crete, Massilia, Epirus, Achaia and Macedon would all declare war against the Samnite Republic. By late January 264 BC, while the siege of Allobroges was still in progress, Julius Pilatus sent a desperate plea to Cordus, poignantly delivered by his own son Mettius, begging him to come to the aid of the Samnites and join with them against the overwhelming Greek coalition.
The Samnites face overwhelming opposition...
...soon the Samnite Consul's own son, Mettius, is sent to beg the Etruscans to join them.
This was arguably the most critical decision of Cordus’s reign so far. To stand by the Samnites would mean going to war against a frighteningly powerful array of enemies, even while Etruria was itself in the midst of a fierce civil war. To a man, the senior members of the Dictator’s Council all encouraged Cordus to abandon the Samnites to their fate. After all, they had recklessly brought this fate upon themselves and asked nothing less than for Etruria to suffer the consequences alongside them. The Council also pointed out that Octavius was still at large and must be considered the sole objective in these dangerous times.
After great deliberation, Cordus astonished them all on 3rd February 264 BC by announcing that he intended to stand by the Samnites and answer the call to arms. Throughout Etruria’s recent history, he declared, the Italian states had remained strong by fighting alongside each other against common enemies. The Samnites had stood by the Etruscans in a series of wars against Rome and Picentis, not to mention the Punic Wars against mighty Carthage. The Dictator would not abandon his fellow Italians in their hour of need. He would march to war, whatever the cost.
Despite the odds stacked against them, Cordus believed that Eturia and it’s allies could emerge victorious and in a stronger position than ever before. He immediately dispatched messengers to the Lucani, entreating them to honour their alliance and join their Etruscan and Samnite brothers in the conflict. The new Etruscan allies in Syracuse could not be expected to join the conflict against their countrymen. Nevertheless, with the triple alliance of Etruria, Samnium and Lucania standing together, Italy would become a united front that even the formidable Greek coalition would struggle to crack. Fortune seemed to be following the Dictator after this bold declaration, when he was finally able to storm the remaining rebel outposts in Allobroges on 3rd March. This victory would cement his admiration and respect amongst the rank and file, who unanimously declared their total confidence in the Dictator to lead them to the final conquest of Octavius and the Greeks.
Cordus is hailed as a Conquerer by his troops following the siege of Allobroges.
The series of events that took place over the next few days would bring them all back down to earth, and Cordus would soon be questioning the wisdom of his decisions. Firstly, the Dictator met the returning Lucani delegation only to discover that they came empty handed – in an historic and cowardly betrayal, the Lucani had rejected the Etruscan overtures and declared themselves neutral in the approaching conflict. This was undeniably a huge blow to Cordus’s plans – without the Lucani to aid them, the Samnites would be forced fight alone in the south of Italy until such time as Cordus could return to support them.
This major blow was further compounded by news arriving from elsewhere. In the west, the army of Massilia – at one time an ally of Etruria – was marching to invade the Etruscan province of Liguria. At the same time, the province of Gallia Cisalpina was reporting a barbarian warband approaching from the east. A major crisis was beginning to unfold – Cordus now faced three different enemies attacking from all sides; Octavius in the south, the Massilians in the west and the barbarians in the east. Etruria was being overrun. Worse still was the news that the traitorous Lucani had declared an alliance with Octavius and his republican rebels. For the time being the Lucani would remain neutral in the war but nonetheless it amounted to a grave betrayal, as well as providing great encouragement to the rebels.
This was by far the most dangerous conflict that the young Etruscan Dictator had found himself in so far, and it was largely a crisis of his own making. He needed victories - and fast – if he was to survive the coming storm.
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Chapter 13
Part 2: Balhanno
Part 2: Balhanno
March, 264 BC.
Dictator Cordus is stranded in the north, surrounded by enemies on all sides.
But Cordus was increasingly showing a knack for dealing with tense situations in a calm and rational manner. Realising he could not be everywhere at once, and being unwilling to break up the Legio Etruria which was ultimately the foundation of his power, he immediately orders a new detachment of troops to be recruited at Volaterrae in the south – at great cost in both coin and manpower reserves, but the Dictator had his back to the wall and was resolved to use every shred of resource at his command to face down the crisis. The new detachment of men would soon be designated the Auxilia Etruria in honour of the Etruscan army of old, and placed under the command of the capable Decimus Vitellius Vitalis – older brother of Titus, the Dictator’s close friend and Vicarius. Meanwhile, the gallant example set by the Dictator inspires patriotic fervour from many of the realm’s leading noblemen. The regional Governor of northern Raetia, Sextus Fulvius Valens the Younger – son of the former Pax Etruria Consul of the same name but now a loyal member of Cordus’s government – proceeds to raise a further 6,000 men at Helvetii, entirely at his own expense. His new force, designated the Auxilia Fulvii in honour of it’s patron, is placed under the command of one the Dictator’s senior Legates; the 40-year old Appius Atius Tacitus, son of a former Roman Senator.
Decimus of the Vitellii, a family with close ties to the Nasicans, is appointed General of the new 6,000 strong Auxilia Etruria which begins to muster at Volaterrae, while Octavius continues to besiege Sabini.
Meanwhile, Sextus Fulvius the Younger raises another 6,000 men in the north...
...which are designated the Auxilia Fulvii and placed under the command of Atius Tacitus.
Almost overnight, Cordus had increased his available forces to a total of 34,000 men, divided into the 22,000 strong Legio Etruria commanded by the Dictator himself, the 6,000 strong Auxilia Fulvii under Atius Tacitus and a further 6,000 men of the Auxilia Etruria under Decimus. Cordus then moves without delay, marching his own forces against the barbarians in Gallia Cisalpina and destroying them on 18th April, with the Auxilia Fulvii following up behind him.
News from the south gave further cause for relief. Octavius continued to besiege Sabini but had so far been unable to make any breakthrough. The Greek allies of Magna Graecia had been unwilling or unable to land any kind of reinforcements and by the end of April, the 32,000 strong Samnite army had destroyed the Magna Graecian forces, following up with lightning assaults on Campania and Heraclea, which were quickly overrun. By 13th May, the Samnite army was marching against Tarentum - the last remaining Greek territory on Italy. Cordus was eager to keep up the momentum and followed up his victory against the barbarians by marching against the Massilian army that had advanced into Liguria. On 28th May, Cordus finally caught up with the Massilians and routed them, with the Greeks losing over half of their forces for a mere handful of Etruscan casualties. The remainder fled back to Vocontii.
The Samnites overrun Magna Graecia...
...while Cordus smashes the Massilian army and sends them running back to Vocontii.
By early June, with the Samnite army approaching Tarentum and having received nothing but empty words of encouragement from their allies, Magna Graecia finally sued for peace. It was a wretched settlement for the Greeks, who were forced to cede Campania and Heraclea to the expanding Samnite Republic, leaving them with only a single city – Tarentum - on the outermost tip of Italy. The Samnite victory signified a glorious redemption for Julius Pilatus and his newfound Republic. For the first time in recent history, the Samnites had tangible gains to show for their efforts in conflict, having come away with two valuable new provinces, doubling their holdings in Italy and almost evicting the Greeks from the peninsula once and for all. The remaining Greek belligerents such as Macedon and Epirus would nominally maintain the state of war, as much through shame at their lack of action as anything else. But the odds had shifted in favour of the Italians and every day that passed diluted the fighting will of the Greeks ever further.
Magna Graecia finally capitulates to the Samnites in June 264 BC.
Cordus then made the decision to ignore the remnants of the Massilian army – by now little more than a threadbare rabble – and elected to march directly on Massilia itself and lay it under siege, intending to knock Massilia out of the war for good. Simultaneously, he orders Atius Tacitus and the Auxilia Fulvii to cross over to Corsica and begin subduing the rebel presence there. Meanwhile, Decimus and the Auxilia Etruria had finished mustering at Volaterrae. Cordus sent orders for the force to proceed at once to Sabini and engage Octavius, but they were already too late. On 31st July, Octavius’s troops finally broke through and forced the city’s surrender. This was undoubtedly a setback, but one that Octavius would not have long to celebrate. Decimus and the Auxilia arrived on 10th August, forcing Octavius and his weary troops into open battle. It would prove to be the last stand for the elderly Octavius. Having fought his last pitched battle over 40 years prior, Octavius was outclassed by the younger and more talented Decimus, who drives away the rebels while inflicting heavy casualties. Octavius, stubborn to the last, refuses to flee and attempts to rally his men, only to be surrounded and hacked to death by Decimus’s infantry. It was a brave and bloody end for one who harked back to the furthest reaches of Etruscan living memory. Decimus quickly retook Sabini before pursuing the remainder of the rebels back towards Rome.
Octavius's rebellion finally makes headway by forcing the surrender of Sabini...
...only to be forced into battle by the arriving Decimus and the Auxilia Etruria shortly afterwards...
...Decimus wins the battle, during which Octavius is killed...
...before quickly retaking the city in the name of Cordus.
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August 264 BC – The Revelation of Balhanno
With Octavius dead, Decimus hot on the heels of the remaining handful of rebel forces and Atius besieging Corsica, it seemed that the attempt to re-establish the Republic had ended in failure. For Cordus, who was by now invested in the siege of Massilia, it was an opportunity to breathe a sigh of relief and to finally start to get some answers.
The major question on everyone’s lips came after a surprising announcement from the rebel leadership, in the aftermath of Octavius’s death. The rebels immediately declared their intention of continuing the struggle under the control of a new temporary Dictator, a man native to Karalis on Sardinia. That the rebels continued to hold out in the face of certain defeat was surprising enough. But an even greater shock came when the identity of their new leader was revealed; his name was Balhanno, and he was a Carthaginian.
Confusion reigns as Balhanno assumes leadership of the remaining insurgents...
Balhanno - a Carthaginian native of Karalis.
Balhanno would go down in Etruscan history as something of a bogeyman; a mysterious figure immersed in subversion and intrigue. Little was known about him. Born in Karalis prior to its conquest by the Etruscans, he had become a prominent member of the local community in part thanks to his great charisma and formidable intellect. Clearly he had ingratiated himself within the ranks of Etruscan dissenters and somehow had risen to become its leader in spite of his Carthaginian descent.
This was a truly a scandalous turn of events. Since the First Punic War back in 287 BC, an entire generation of Etruscans had grown up in the firm belief that the Carthaginians were their mortal enemies. The fact that citizens of Etruria could follow Carthaginian leadership against the constitutionally enshrined Dictatorship – the rightful government of Etruria – was beyond comprehension. Determined to get to the bottom of the scandal, Cordus immediately sent word to Decimus, ordering him to thoroughly interrogate every man taken prisoner from his earlier battles with Octavius’s forces. It proved to be a shrewd move. Decimus soon reported back at great length, revealing that some of the prisoners were themselves revealed to be Carthaginian. After these foreigners had been subjected to prolonged and brutal torture, the truth was finally pieced together.
Balhanno, it transpired, was operating at the behest of the Carthaginian Senate. For years, he had been the principle agent behind a malevolent and deep-rooted plot to disrupt and topple the Etruscan leadership. The primary motivations were said to be greed, as well as fear of the increasingly powerful Etruscans. Carthage had lost valuable territory in the aftermath of the First and Second Punic Wars, not just to the Etruscans but also to a variety of enemies on the African mainland – particularly the tribe of the Gindanes who had occupied Thapsus and Sabratha back in 280 BC. Carthage had long since realised that the Etruscans would not hesitate to take advantage of Carthaginian distractions in Africa to opportunistically grab Carthaginian territory elsewhere – in this fashion the Etruscans had already annexed Corsica and Sardinia while Carthage had been at war with Numidia and the Garamantes. The Carthaginian Senate feared that a campaign to retake Thapsus and Sabratha would result in further Etruscan gains on Sardinia, where Carthage by now held only a toe-hold in the city of Olbia. It’s Senate therefore resolved to create a distraction of their own, one that would occupy the Etruscans while the Carthaginians consolidated their hold on the mainland. The key to the entire operation was the former Etruscan General, Octavius. Octavius was a proven field commander who was known to hold republican sympathies – all he lacked were funds and support, both of which Carthage was only too keen to provide. For Octavius, an alliance with the Carthaginians was an unsavoury option but a necessary last throw of the dice; with Cordus having entrenched his influence over the state, there would simply not be another opportunity. The Dictator’s well-publicised expedition to Gaul provided Octavius and Balhanno with the perfect opportunity to strike while he was vulnerable and isolated on the far side of the Alps. If the plan succeeded, Etruria would once again be ruled as a Republic; the system of government that had given rise to so much squabbling and in-fighting in recent generations, leaving them vulnerable and exposed to an eventual counterstrike. At worst, Octavius’s Civil War would provide Carthage with enough of a distraction to allow it to retake Thapsus and Sabratha, and perhaps even strike out towards further reconquests on Corsica and Sardinia. Either way, Carthage would emerge stronger and Etruria would be weakened.
But the plan had then gone badly awry. Octavius’s uprising drew only a fraction of the anticipated support from the Etruscan populace, who by now had come to favour the comparative peace and stability of Cordus’s Dictatorship. Carthage had since engaged the Gindanes while simultaneously moving troops to Olbia, in case an opportunity to invade Etruria presented itself. But Cordus’s staunch resistance in the north and the confusion surrounding the Samnite invasion of Magna Graecia had sowed doubts in the minds of the Carthaginian leadership. The Senate of Carthage had then elected a new Suffet – Hasdrubal – who decided to abandon the operation entirely, leaving Octavius to his bitter fate. Hasdrubal nonetheless sustained the assault on the Gindanes with gusto, hoping to regain over the African mainland before the Etruscans could mop up the remnants of Balhanno’s rebels.
The implications for Cordus were heavy and severe. The Republic of Carthage had struck out at the very heart of his government, causing widespread turmoil across the realm. Such an outrage could not be forgiven, nor forgotten. Enraged, Cordus swore that once he had finally put an end to the destructive Civil War, he would enact heavy retribution against the Carthaginians. For now, he resolved to wipe out the rebel remnants as quickly as possible. Aside from the Republic of Massilia, the Magna Graecian allies had still shown no sign of tangible support for their brethren, perhaps because the likes of Alexander V of Macedon and Pyrrhus of Epirus had only recently claimed their respective thrones through their own civil wars. But Cordus and his Samnite allies had to remain steadfast – the enemies arrayed against them remained powerful and, were they to invade, it would take a considerable effort to resist them. He therefore issued orders to his Generals to redouble their efforts and complete the offensive forthwith.
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Progress is made quickly and decisively on all fronts. In September and October, the remnants of Octavius’s former army are chased down by Decimus before finally being destroyed entirely. Decimus follows up by marching his tired forces back to Rome, the last remaining rebel outpost on the mainland, and laying it to siege. Soon after, on 2nd November, Massilia falls to Cordus – the Dictator continuing to impress with his organisation and leadership of the army.
Decimus wipes out the last of the rebel field army...
...while Cordus himself concludes the siege of Massilia.
Cordus follows up his conquest of Massilia by marching north to Vocontii. In the first week of December he is met in battle by a barbarian horde approaching from the west, which had just destroyed the undefended new Massilian colony at Ruteni. The Dictator defeats the barbarians forces outside the walls of Vocontii before laying siege the city itself. Meanwhile, good news arrives from Corsica, where Atius Tacitus has completed the reconquest of Corsica. The rebels now hold only the cities of Karalis and Rome – the latter of which is already under siege by the Auxilia Etruria led by Decimus.
Meanwhile, Sextus the Younger – the governor of Raetia and patron of the Auxilia Fulvii – continues his excellent work in the provinces by successfully converting the majority of the recently conquered Helvetii to Etruscan cultural values in an admirably short space of time. Similarly, Cordus’s decision to appoint the former Helvetii nobleman, Crixus, as Governor of Gallia Cisalpina soon proves to be an astute one, as the Gaul succeeds in convincing the local barbarians to abandon their savage ways and adopt more refined Etruscan culture.
Sextus the Younger succeeds in a rapid conversion of the province of Helvetii.
Similarly, Crixus of the Helvetii proves his worth as Governor of Gallia Cisalpina, placating the barbarians there...
...and encouraging them to adopt Etruscan cultural values.
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263 BC
As the new year comes around, the Dictator orders Atius Tacitus to land his troops in Sardinia and complete the destruction of the rebels. Meanwhile, with Vocontii beleaguered from encirclement by Cordus and the Legio Etruria, the Samnites manage to broker a peace agreement whereby Massilia formally withdraws from the war effort, securing the Etruscan’s western front and leaving only the eastern Greek nations remaining in a state of war with the Italian allies.
The jaws begin to close around the last surviving rebels.
The Greeks, too, lose another ally as Massilia is knocked out of the war, albeit on soft terms.
The need for a swift end to the conflict was highlighted menacingly soon after when, on 20th February, Carthage destroyed the last of the Gindanes and completed it’s reconquest of Thapsus and Sabratha. Thankfully for the Etruscans, just a few weeks later they would follow suit – with Rome surrendering to Decimus on 6th March, followed by the last rebel province of Karalis which capitulates to Atius Tacitus on 17th May. Balhanno remained at large, having believed to have fled back to Carthage.
The Carthaginians complete their reconquest from the Gindanes...
...almost simultaneously, the Etruscans end their civil war by retaking Rome...
...followed by Karalis.
Octavius’s Civil War is finally over. Dictator Cordus is victorious, and has solidified his control over Etruria.
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Summary – May 263 BC
The Second – or Octavius’s – Civil War had been fought over a year and a half, itself overshadowing a wider conflict between the Italian and Greek civilisations.
The Civil War was ultimately the last stand of the old guard of republican sympathisers epitomised by Octavius. It was highly revealing that Octavius had clearly failed to garner the support he had hoped for within the populace for re-establishing the Republic – only a minority of fringe provinces had answered his call. Cordus had grown to become respected and admired by the people since his coronation 8 years prior. While his father Nasica had sown terror and bloodshed in establishing the Dictatorship, the younger Cordus ruled with comparative benevolence and under his rule Etruria had enjoyed prolonged periods of peace and prosperity. A new generation had risen from all walks of life, men who were loyal to the Dictatorship and could be relied upon to defend it; these included Atius Tacitus (who had descended from the Roman aristocracy) or Sextus Fulvius the Younger - whose father had even been a political enemy of Nasica. Cordus’s conciliatory approach favoured merit over past family ties and had enabled him to foster within his court a culture of purpose and loyalty towards the state.
The conflict with the Greek world had also demonstrated an evolution in the political relations across the Mediterranean. 30 years ago it would have been unthinkable for an Italian state to go to war against a Greek one – not only were the Greeks considered to be overwhelmingly powerful, the two civilisations had also been close friends and allies. Now the tables had turned. Relations with the Greeks had been badly damaged by the Samnite conquest of Magna Graecia, with the new Etruscan alliance to Syracuse being the one exception. Nevertheless, while on paper the Greek coalition that had declared war on the Italians were fearful indeed, in practise they had been either unwilling or dispatch arms in defence of their comrades. It seemed as though the endless squabbling and civil wars within the Greek Kingdoms had weakened their resolve. The Italians, on the other hand, were on the ascendency. The Samnites had become powerful in the south while the Etruscans had taken their first step towards expanding in Gaul. The Lucani remained a concern – not only had they broken ranks with their Italian neighbours, they had even stooped to ally with the traitor Octavius. Thankfully their alliance had come to naught, but nevertheless Cordus would maintain a watchful eye on them in the years to come.
As for Carthage – the success of their despicable plot was highly subjective. They had failed to dismantle the Etruscan Dictatorship and worse still, their schemes had been discovered by Cordus who had vowed to seek bitter revenge. Nevertheless, the civil war had caused terrible suffering amongst the Etruscans. The damage done to Etruscan manpower alone was huge – reserves had flatlined during the conflict and the Etruscans were in no shape for another prolonged war. Furthermore, Carthage had succeeded in using Octavius’s Civil War as a distraction with which to reconquer the Gindanes without interference. With their hold now consolidated over the mainland, they had gained a strong position and were ready to look towards new theatres of expansion.
Cordus was all too aware of the dangers posed by a resurgent Carthage. Soon after the rebellion was defeated, he would send a delegation to the King of mighty Seleucia – Antiochus II Thios. In return for a sizable gift of coin, Antiochus proved willing to arbitrate between the Greeks and the Italians, negotiating an end to the conflict and allowing the Etruscans to breathe a sigh of relief – peace flourished once again.
It would last less than 2 years. Carthage was about to make its next move...
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That ended up better than I thought it would. How's your manpower and money after all of that?
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Money is ok - I get attacked by so many barbarian hordes that I take huge amounts of slaves when I defeat them - all of which keeps the economy booming (I feel kind of weird saying that but there it is!). It's why I can afford to build and maintain such a relatively big navy.
Manpower is another story though - the campaign in Gaul and Massilia really hurt me, not just from losses in battle but also through attrition. My main army, the Legio Etruria, is too big to be supplied properly in a lot of the far northern regions and it tends to sap manpower reserves during prolongued campaigns. I'll be looking to do something about that in the next chapter...
Manpower is another story though - the campaign in Gaul and Massilia really hurt me, not just from losses in battle but also through attrition. My main army, the Legio Etruria, is too big to be supplied properly in a lot of the far northern regions and it tends to sap manpower reserves during prolongued campaigns. I'll be looking to do something about that in the next chapter...