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Enewald: For the time being, Italian unification is of no concern to Russia. In the long run, once Italy becomes a more assertive player, potential conflicts of interest might erupt.
4th Dimension: Kotor and Podgorica. Kotor is Austrian, Podgorica is where Montenegro is. Compare the two game maps.
4th Dimension: Kotor and Podgorica. Kotor is Austrian, Podgorica is where Montenegro is. Compare the two game maps.
Oh. That's better. After a theoretical Wiena congress, Montenegro should now get sea access (Ulcinj). The only thing missing is a suitable Peć province in Kosovo.
Nah, I am stuck with the Vicky 1 map as I am playing Vicky 1
But I was not sure you had Vicky 2, so thought it'd cheer you up that Montenegro got more attention in Vicky 2 than it had in Vicky 1
A Half-victory is better than no victory at all! By half! But to be honest, the Danubian principalities?
Italy - maybe Russia should get friendly with them, like France with Ottomans. Give France kittens.
Swiss not having mercenaries? Boooooo!
Italy - maybe Russia should get friendly with them, like France with Ottomans. Give France kittens.
Swiss not having mercenaries? Boooooo!
Nobody expects the BeAARglomp
Chapter 12: The Romanian Question
Whilst Italy was busy unifying, a similar desire for unification could be felt many miles away in Eastern Europe. The denizens of the Danubian Principalities were calling for greater integration, even outright union between Moldavia and Wallachia. The situation was made somewhat complicated by the confusing status of the Danubian Principalities which were de jure part of the Ottoman Empire, but under the legally recognized oversight and protection of the Russian Empire. Despite the presence of a Russian military governor, the day to day business of the two principalities was left to local authorities in most matters. Being on a crossroads between several Great Powers, the principalities were also at the middle of conflicting interests and political intrigues.
The Russian Empire obtained an important strategic position through controlling the two principalities, from where it could strike against either of its two great rivals that were the Austrians and the Ottomans. The situation was particularly unnerving for Austria as in case of a major war between the two powers, the Russians could use the Danubian principalities to lure the Austrians into fighting on Romanian soil instead of on Russian soil. Additionally, the presence of Russians in Wallachia meant that the Austrians could no longer concentrate as many forces in Galicia. To the Russians Wallachia was a trump card without much sentimental value attached: it could be traded at any moment. To the Austrians, Transylvania was not a trump card, what with Hungarian sensitivities over the issue and whatnot.
Much to gain, little to lose: Russia enjoyed a dominating strategic position over her rivals
Through Wallachia, Russia had a direct land corridor to Serbia. Indeed, Russia was the only power to formally recognize the independence of Serbia and Montenegro from the Ottoman Empire. The ability to quickly supply arms and, if needed, reinforce the Serbs with troops stationed in Wallachia. Bulgaria was also within reach, something the Russians could always exploit to their advantage as they already had during the Crimean War.
Overall, Russian interests in the area were mainly geopolitical and strategic. As far as politics were concerned, Russians did not mind the status quo. On the other hand, a political union between the two principalities did not go against Russian interests, either. After all, it was under the previous Russian administration of General Kiselev that the two principalities finally received harmonised legislation and became much closer integrated than they ever were. With the Treaty of Paris, the process of harmonisation continued as the Russians sought to streamline and facilitate their rule over the principalities. This process, whilst met with suspicion from some Romanians who saw it as an attempt to outright annex the principalities as regular governorates of the Empire, ironically contributed de facto the process of unification.
Austrian interests in the area were to counter continued Russian expansion in the Balkans and limit the growth of Russian influence. Continued Russian presence in the area was an irritant to Vienna. As such, a strong Romanian state under Russian rule was not in Austria's best interests. On the other hand, Austria could not itself take over the principalities as that would even further destabilize the fragile demographic balance within the Austrian Empire.
Turkish interests in the principalities were similar to Austria's, but went somewhat further: kick the Russians right out and annex the Romanians as regular provinces of the Ottoman Empire. A unification of the two principalities under Russia was considered an affront by the Ottomans.
And so the conflicting interests of the three parties went head to head over the fate of two small principalities that had the luck of being placed right in between them three.
The interests of the Great Powers in the region having been stated, the process on the ground was just as complicated. Ad-hoc divans, convened specifically to solve one important issue and dissolved afterwards, were to be elected in both principalities in 1857. It was clear that unionist feeling was on the rise and that unionist candidates would gain the upper hand in both principalities. Local agents of Austria and Turkey sought to disrupt the process, but to no avail. Unionist divans in both principalities convened and decided on a resolution which called for a formal unification of both principalities into a single state called Romania, under a single prince, with a single legislature.
It was the issue of the prince that sparked international tensions. Indeed, the resolution called for a scion of a leading European dynasty to take the throne. The Russians saw this as an invitation for a member of the Romanov House to take up the throne. Whether this was the exact intention of the authors of the resolution was unclear as the divans were dissolved, having finished their job. But the news of a Romanov prince of Romania sparked ire in both Turkey and Austria, as well as France and Britain.
Faced with so much international opposition over so few to gain, Alexander II backtracked. Indeed, Russia was already in control of Romania. The Tsar was far too busy with upcoming internal reforms of his vast Empire to seek a repeat of the Crimean War against all of Europe. The resolution, the question of the Romanian throne and the whole question of unification faded from international debates just as quickly as it arose.
Alexander Cuza, the first Domnitor of te United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia
Until the proverbial ill-odoured mass hit the yet uninvented ventilation device in 1859, when the Danubian principalities were to elect new hospodars. A rocky election in Moldavia saw Alexandru Ioan Cuza ascend to the throne of the principality. Whilst not a candidate in the Wallachian election, Alexander Cuza was proposed by an angry crowd outside the walls of the Wallachian legislature. The deputies, in their ardent desire to not suffer at the hands of the citizenry, politely obliged and elected Alexander Cuza as hospodar of Wallachia.
The disputed election was not recognised by the Ottomans and the Austrians. Britain and Germany, who both plotted to eventually put their own puppet monarchs on the Romanian thrones, were left dissatisfied and refused to recognise the elections. Russia recognised the elections after assurances of the new Domnitor of Wallachia and Moldavia that a union of the two principalities would not hinder Russia's rights under the Treaty of Paris. France also recognised the elections, which allowed to diffuse the tensions somewhat.
The popular unification of Wallachia and Moldavia was a fait accompli.
If they switch to Latin script I shall be very disappointed.
France, eh? What's France planning there?
France, eh? What's France planning there?