The 1947 Election
Oskar Meissner had lead Germany for almost a decade and a half. He had saved her from the Nazis during the Civil War, reinstated the Kaiser, preformed an economic miracle in the late 1930s before beginning a phase of semi-peaceful expansion that saw Austria, the Sudetenland and half of Poland come under German control. Then with the dawn of the 1940s things changed as his attempts for a ‘peaceful co-existence’’ with the mighty Comintern collapsed with the Soviet invasion of Germany in the Autumn of 1940. At the low point of the war he made a famous speech in Essen, facing the French positions across the Rhine and vowed to enact ‘’a terrible vengeance’’ upon the enemies of the Reich, within one month Metropolitan France was entirely German. After this victory the war shifted irreversibly in Germany’s favour and after the most brutal conflict in history, over the vastness of Russia, the Soviet Union surrendered in the Summer of 1942. yet only months before Japan had escalated the war by attack the US and Soviet Union and the British Empire, by virtue of the German alliance with Britain the Reich was pulled into the Great Asian War. It would take two bloody years of conflict before the Japanese finally surrendered and by this time an ultimate peace seemed to have been secured with Britain, Germany and the US united under the Bombay pact. However it was form here on when Meissner’s star, which had shone so brightly for so very long, finally began to fade. He appeared stingy and too German-centric for the huge ethnic minorities of the Reich proper, he understood little of Asian politics and was largely responsible for the Korean Crisis and Chiang’s dictatorship in China, he seemed antagonistic towards the Americans as he blatantly encroached on their sphere of influence through his courtship and subsequent offer of alliance with several South American states and finally his political dominance over his own party was ended following the dismal Nuremburg Bill which lead to Heuss leading a break-away party form the GGDC into the 1947 election. Meissner’s only hope of retaining power would be to play on national pride and conservatism once more and promote his anti-Communist stance, a naïve and ultimately doomed policy in an ever more liberal Germany.
Konrad Adenauer was the head of the United Liberals (Germany’s second party) and also of the Liberal Alliance (a political bloc that rivalled the GGDC) and before Heuss began his campaign in earnest many saw him as the most likely successor to Meissner. Adenauer stood as a firm supporter of minorities as he eyed their millions of votes yet his undying support for them seemed to alienate him form many would be supporters in the German core lands. He also looked to push back the Kaiser’s advance into political power by restricting the frighteningly large Imperial Party and lessening the Kaiser’s powers in both the Reichstag and military. But Wilhelm III was an extremely popular monarch and even the German liberals loved him, although maintaining his power in the Reichstag he rarely used it disruptively as made sure to listen to his people before proceeding down any political path. Nether the less Adenauer seemed like a powerful candidate for the 1947 election, even more so after the Minority Rights Party opted to join the United Liberals in late August.
Heuss was a late arrival in the election race, he had long led a large group of rebellious GDDC MPs but had previously hoped only to reform the party rather than oppose it. But as Meissner drifted further and further to the right he decided that there was little choice but to rise up in an open rebellion from the Party and the Free German Democratic Party (FGP) was born. Heuss quickly began a mass recruitment campaign of not only voters but new Party members who could stand for elections. Heuss’s nationalism and support for the Kaiser combined with his liberals ideals and promise of progress allowed the young upstart party of German politics to secure vote from both the traditional GGDC and United Liberal supporters. Heuss was an emphatic speaker and unlike his two main rivals he seemed to have a vision of how Germany would progress, he promised to end the constant rivalry with the Americans (by any means possible) and to build a new society within Germany. He felt that the Reich was still yet to fully adapt to the reality that there existed millions of subjects, many of whom were non-German and had done little to adapt itself for these peoples of the Reich proper. However he remained quite happy to continue the exploitation of the people’s of the German colonial Empire both overseas and in the far east of Europe. Fifteen years of Meissner was just too long, the German people wanted change, the German people would have it.
In October 1947 the world was stunned as Theodor Heuss rode into power with a stunning 40% of the popular vote, annihilating Meissner had is former colleagues in the GDDC who were left with just 23%. Heuss’ position as a moderate liberal also stole a large portion of Adenauer’s support and left the United Liberals with 21% of the vote, still a 5% increase on 1943 but disappointing considering the pre-election expectations. Meanwhile the GDDC’s strongly conservative stance saw the Conservative party drop from 10 to 3% of the vote and the Imperial Party fell from 9 to 7%. Elsewhere the Christian Centre Party were seen as an uninspiring choice with such a hotly contested elections and saw a minor fall in their already small vote as they became the smallest meaningful Party in the Reichstag. The United Welfare Party (the remnants of Germany’s once mighty Socialist movement) fell dramatically from 10 to 6% but their supporters did not go to another party with similar views rather than just move on as the socialist cause seemed to get less appealing by the day.
In the wake of the election Heuss was named Chancellor and agreed to a loose coalition between Adenauer’s United Liberals and his own Free German Party, the two both had very similar views on the majority of issues and between them they held a whopping 61% of the vote. Yet on issues where they disagreed (mainly to do with the wider Empire and foreign policy) he would likely garner the support of the Imperial Party and Conservatives, if not the CCP and some GDDC rebels as well. Despite lacking an absolute majority in many ways this was an even more secure government than the GDDC ever was.
Whilst Heuss instantly began his domestic program of reform and the creation of ant-corruption measures much more significant acts took place behind the scenes. At the start of November he delivered an ultimatum to President Truman demanding the end of the embargo against the Berlin Pact lest he wish to suffer ‘’terrible consequences’’ following the inevitable refusal Heuss organised a secret meeting between: himself, the Chief of Staff (Manstein), the Head of the Army (von Blomberg), the Head of the Luftwaffe (Ernst Udet), and the Head of the Kriegsmarine (Raeder) and the Kaiser Wilhelm III. Here he informed the present parties that war was now clearly unavoidable, Germany could keep the Berlin Pact going for another year or two but with the NAPTO embargo their economies would ultimately fail, the US military build-up also meant that the gap between the Reichswehr and US military was all but closed, if Germany didn’t go to war soon then victory would be impossible. He gave the military chiefs one year to prepare for the war to end all wars, a war between the two mighty world alliances, the first war that would involve a nuclear power, a war so terrible that it would completely overshadow the previous two Great Wars of the century, The Third World War.