Roman general after "winning" a battle, "Another victory like that and we have lost the war" ...
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What more can I say))I enjoy reading this. The Roman genius in this war is making Egyptians and brigands kill each other and pay the coin with the money enslaved barbarians generate.- 1
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Thanks to you two loyal commentAARs! I fear the long war could be wearying for everyone. But Rome will forge on.
To All: will now start to write up the next instalment.
But Rome will forge on.Too true. Though all those auxiliaries are happy to risk dying in the desert for a handful of Roman gold, such are promises ...
But even the vast Roman treasury has its limits ... how far are the bloodthirsty Consuls willing to push it all for glory? Quite a way, it seems
To All: will now start to write up the next instalment.
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The Roman state appears to be willing to pour endless gallons of blood into their vendetta with Egypt, but one wonders if this isn't setting the stage for a great demographic collapse ala France post 1918.
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Unfortunately the game mechanics are not taking that into account.
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At least he has a solid head on his shoulders with that metal lid.
That said, a bold choice from a Roman family to name a child after Hannibal's father. But most Roman generals names are out, who wants to be named after generals widely known as "the butcher", the "not very good at warfare" or the "has lost several cities worth of men at this point while achieving nothing"? Maybe a Carthagian name is the better choice.
As has been discussed, this war has killed every adult male in the Roman Empire at least twice by now. Possibly three times given the most recent round of bloodshed.
Taking the French post-1918 example the solution is perhaps for Rome to lose a war to the Germanic tribes and get occupied, after that the birth rate will jump up dramatically. Slightly extreme I know, but it certainly worked for the French.
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To a certain extent, but as previously conquered or colonised provinces become fully Roman, they start proving manpower on a monthly basis, so some of those are previously untapped. More on the manpower aspect below in answers to other follow up comments.
They are to a certain extent, in war weariness and the big manpower deficit, but Rome has been able to ameliorate that somewhat, by increasingly relying on auxiliary (mercenary) cohorts as time has gone by.
A military grade pun there! I dips me lid to you, Guvnor!
Oh, PF and then Censor has become the route for the butcher’s apprentice to take these days! And the Republic seems very happy to allow new men into the upper ranks of the priesthood and military - but not so much elect them to the Consulship, has anyone noticed? Patrician family prestige seems still to be a big thing for senate and consular status.
Many of them, but for a good while now, the burden has been assumed by auxiliary cohorts, though replacements for them do have to come from the manpower pool, I think (it’s hard to tell from what’s presented, but I do assume that). So of the many tens of thousands killed from combat and attrition, a large proportion now are the best warriors of the very Germanic and other border barbarian tribes that might otherwise have been invading!
So yes, the manpower pool will need a generation to repair and then return to a decent surplus again. But recently, the real drain has been on the treasury, where bribing generals and constant mercenary recruitment has run down a surplus of over 7,000 gold to under 2,000. And each time you hire a mercenary cohort, it inflates the price of the next one, so now the costs are becoming far greater than they were. And they cost about twice as much monthly maintenance as a regular Roman cohort (you may recall when I was disbanding merc cohorts to trim costs, years back).
So that is also becoming a factor as the war extends. For now, pigheaded determination to win conclusively (as a self-set challenge for each Consul) plus the desire to crush Egypt so badly such a fight won’t be needed again drives them on. Who wants to be the Consul that eats humble pie and settles for a less than 100% victory? Anyway, it’s still not as long as the recent Afghanistan War, though considerably more sanguinary.
To All. But if Rome runs out of money, it runs out of soldiers, so time is ticking away for their war effort. The next chapter describing it will be out later today!
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Chapter CVII: Triumph and Tragedy (1 January 604 AUC/149 BC to 31 December 605 AUC/148 BC)
Chapter CVII: Triumph and Tragedy
(1 January 604 AUC/149 BC to 31 December 605 AUC/148 BC)
(1 January 604 AUC/149 BC to 31 December 605 AUC/148 BC)
Mettius Cornelius Rufinus was due to end his term as Consul on 29 June 604 AUC, with the Egyptian War into its twelfth year and showing no signs yet of an early decision. How much longer could both sides sustain the distressing and unending effusion of life's blood? Alas, the question remained a rhetorical one.
The previous year had proven to be the bloodiest for Rome since 594 AUC. Both sides remained implacable: Rome demanded a total victory, Egypt would negotiate but not capitulate.
In the west, things were back to the status quo ante bellum, though the Romans still maintained a siege of Nassamones – the original flashpoint for the war way back in 592 AUC. In the east, Rome occupied Phoenicia, Judea, Damascus, Nabatea and Petra. They had lost Alexandria back to the Egyptians, but maintained sieges of Memphis and Thebes.
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Part I: The Egyptian War – 604 AUC
Part I: The Egyptian War – 604 AUC
January-June
The Egyptians quickly followed up their advance to Judea with an assault on its walls from 3-5 January, retaking the town after only five days of siege.
Countering this setback, Legio V arrived back in Alexandria from Memphis on 23 January: Caudex was returning to the scene of the tragic loss of Padmé and he wanted answers to the mystery of her death at the end of the Egyptian siege that retook the great city.
That same day, over in the west the Egyptian 2nd Army had arrived in Corniclanum (after chasing the Romans away from it late the year before), but then immediately turned around and started heading back east to Cyrenaica.
On 30 January, the sea reinforcement route resumed with four more fresh auxiliary cohorts recruited along the Danube being delivered to Caudex in Alexandria. Another four arrived offshore on 26 February.
As the end of the month approached, the bedraggled Legio IV and VII had just withdrawn to Phoenicia and were being pursued by the Egyptians. They would manage to avoid their doom however by escaping aboard Classis II before they would be caught and decimated (again). But Rome now maintained sieges of the three largest Egyptian provinces along the Nile.
In western Egypt, S.V. Maximus (Legio I) and D.J. Tertulus (Legio III) conferred in Leptis Magna. Corniclanum was free again and they could now muster over 37,000 troops between them, even as the separate siege of Nassamones continued.
“I know!” exclaimed Maximus, as if having a Eureka moment. “Let’s advance on Corniclanum! They will never expect it!”
“Haven’t we done that the last sixteen times and eventually failed, Secundus?” queried a dubious Tertulus.
“Exactly, my dear Decimus, which is why they will never expect us to try a seventeenth time!”
“Well, good luck Secundus, but I’ll wait back here for now – to minimise attrition, don’t you know. Let me know if you need me.”
And so off Legio I went. Bernardius could only shake his head sadly when Humphronius handed him the latest despatch from the front back in Roma some days later.
Meanwhile, the weakened Legio IV (P.V. Falto, 8,470 men) and VII (S.C. Primus, 5,142 men) debarked to join Caudex in Alexandria on 24 March. A reorganisation was quickly made, in order to reduce the ruinous attrition (10% with 75 cohorts in the one place) as quickly as possible. Caudex took 27,000 men in 44 cohorts to continue the siege of Alexandria. Falto took around 8,000 men in 17 cohorts in Legio IV south to Memphis. The 14 weakest cohorts (just 665 men, so not much to lose to sea attrition) were put back aboard ship and would be sent off to Roman territory to recuperate. The first batch of cohorts evacuated from Alexandria was sent back to Rhodes for their long rehabilitation.
At the end of March, the Egyptians in Phoenicia ran out of patience and assaulted the 3,000-man garrison, willing to take some medium losses to see the province cleared more quickly.
In the east, the Egyptians began the siege of Damascus on 2 May: it would prove difficult to take, as it happened.
21 May dawned hot and dusty in Corniclanum. Maximus assumed command, significantly outnumbered when the battle started, but fortunately gaining a tactical edge to keep Roman hopes alive. Then Tertulus arrived as planned the next day, swinging the numbers narrowly in Rome’s favour. But by 26 May, Zagreid had wrested the tactical advantage back: things began to look grim for the Roman defenders.
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July-December
7 July saw the three Roman legions (I, III and VI) back in Leptis Magna, plus a full strength four cohort reinforcement force sent over from the mainland. These were reorganised back into two of the legions each with around 16,500 men: I (Maximus) and III (Tertulus), with the now leaderless VI being disbanded.
In the east, the Egyptian 7th Army had arrived in Sinai and was now advancing on Caudex in Alexandria. Legio II was recalled to Alexandria while a smaller force was left behind to maintain the siege of Memphis. They would arrived three weeks before the enemy did, to help even up the numbers.
He consulted a (very small and somewhat green-looking) local oracle, who advised him “Fear leads to anger, anger to hate and hate to the Dark Side.” But Caudex cared nothing for that. Filled with cold vengeance in his heart, he waited for the enemy attack, which began on 26 August.
And as it happened, the battle was soon over, barely more than a skirmish [Rome 1, Egypt 0 die roll and -1 for a river crossing]. Heavily outnumbered, Manetho Omirid withdrew as soon as he could, casualties light on both sides for once (Rome 434/43,812; Egypt 1,911/33,000 killed).
The post-battle reorganisation once more saw many almost non-existent cohorts loaded onto ships for a rest cure (they would be sent to Crete this time). Legio II advanced on Ammon to see if it could be added to the bag, while the sieges of Memphis and Thebes were both progressing well and the Egyptians tried to reduce Damascus and Petra.
On 30 September S.V. Maximus – never known for being an original thinker – had 29,000 troops to hand in Legio I and set off for … Corniclanum! He had spotted an opportunity for some hitting-and-running as the main Egyptian army had marched east by then. Very courageous, Legate, was all Humphronius could think when he received the report of Maximus’ intentions.
Alas, another Naval Prefect – S.S. Caepio of Classis III – was lost to natural causes at only 47 on 20 October. There was no ready replacement for him.
Maximus closed in on the enemy in Corniclanum on 5 November – caught a completely unprepared enemy he now outnumbered by over 10-1! It was all over in a day, a complete victory with not a single Roman lost (Rome 0/32,864; Egypt 3,000/3,000 killed). A small but welcome triumph. With only four retreating Egyptian regiments in Cyrenaica, Maximus gave chase straight away. In the east, another four cohorts were disembarking in Alexandria.
More good news came six days later, with the fall of Thebes to Rome after a 567 day siege. And on 24 November, a reduced Legio III (Tertulus, 7,929 men) renewed the siege of Nassamones.
In the east, things were once more working to a climax as the year drew to a close. By 29 November, Legio II had halted its advance to Ammon as large Egyptian armies approached Alexandria from the east and west: though this raised attrition to decimation levels once more. On 21 December, the 7th Army in Sinai was on the doorstep and about to attack, as Maximus kept coming from the west, now chasing the Egyptians into Libya and hoping to aid his colleagues in the east.
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Part II: Rome and the North
604 AUC
Consul Rufinus finally closed in on the rebels then investing Massaesyli on 23 February – and only just in time [enemy siege progress 100%]. He had won a decisive victory by 3 March (Rome 410/9,652; Rebels 4,335/10,000 killed). The rest of the rebels dispersed, but Rusadir was still occupied by the rebels, so Rufinus set off north to relieve them once the battle was won.
On the Danube, on 15 March Legio IX (T.C. Maximus) arrived in Tyras to put down the Odomanti warriors who had risen there the year before. By the 19th the barbarians were fleeing (Rome 182/16,000; Odomanti 1,969/4,000 killed). They ran for Buridavensi, closely pursued by Maximus. The Odomanti were later wiped out in Buridavensi on 13 June (Rome 137/16,000; Odomanti 1,951/1,951 killed).
In research news, Rome began training specialist archers units trained for naval warfare [OK, that’s how they justify the advance, fair enough I guess].
With a little over a month to serve out his consular term, Rufinus fell ill while in the field in Africa with Legio XII. And it seemed the treatment looked worse than the illness!
In August, Humphronius had a bit of an ‘I told you so’ look on his face when word came of more plaudits came in for financial management in Rome. But still, Bernardius’ long experience told him that such dangerous competence should not become too widespread.
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605 AUC
On 5 January, Rome began stripping cohorts from the well-staffed border legions, with four cohorts being taken from Legio VII in Paleoveneti on 5 January, to take ship for Africa. The remaining 13,000 troops under M.O. Crassus were then sent back to the German border at Hermunduri.
Sad news came in February: Proconsul Rufinus had succumbed to his illness (or perhaps his treatment) on campaign in Africa. A distinguished and successful military and political career was over - too early.
Legio XII retook Rusadir from rebel occupation after 393 days of siege, even if Rufinus was not there to see it.
Diplomatic news arrived in early May – the latest rebellion in Seleucia had been put down by the current regime, which itself had come to power through rebellion.
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Part III: The Egyptian War – 605 AUC
Part III: The Egyptian War – 605 AUC
January-June
After their large loss in Alexandria, the Egyptian manpower reserve was assessed to be back down to 15,000 men by 4 January, while their replacement requirement was unknown, but likely to be appreciable. It would not be improved by an expensive and failed assault on the walls of Roman-held Damascus from 7-17 January.
The first small contingent to attack was led by a mediocre Egyptian general with only around 5,300 men, though he did establish a good tactical position. The next day, the main body arrived and the Romans now found themselves substantially outnumbered. Caudex fought back strongly on 2 February, but it was not enough, especially when Zagreid (who had taken over when his 17th Army arrived) took the edge again on 6 February. By then, Caudex had had enough and withdrew in good order before the casualty count blew out. Even if it meant giving Alexandria back to Egyptian occupation.
The Egyptians tried another assault on Damascus from 2-5 March, but it failed as well, leaving the garrison still with 1,400 men and at the cost of around another 440 attackers. By 7 March, troops were on the move throughout the sector, with Zagreid and Senuid chasing Caudex down to Memphis, where he and the other two legions could summon about 34,000 men, the dwindling Legio I coming from the west and the Egyptian 7th Army returning from Sinai after their previous defeat in Alexandria.
By early May, the 7th Army (37 regiments) was in Alexandria and moving on Ammon, but Maximus would evade them and arrive in Memphis on 5 June, a little over three weeks before Omirid could arrive.
Sadder news came on 31 may, when the determined siege of Damascus ended after 395 days of valiant resistance, which had detained an Egyptian army there which otherwise could have swung things in further in their favour in the Nile Campaign.
But in western Egypt, by 12 June other Roman detachments were by then besieging Cyrene, Barca and Cyrenaica, in addition to Corniclanum and Nassamones.
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July-December
Memphis fell to Rome on 23 July after a massively long siege that had begun more than two years before, in 603. The other western sieges continued to progress.
Meanwhile, a small Roman contingent had been landed in Sinai on 10 November to cause mischief behind Egyptian lines and fought a small battle against a leaderless Egyptian force. Initially outnumbered, the mediocre Ariovistus Otacilius was reinforced towards the end of the battle and eventually prevailed on the 28th (Rome 1,645/7,272; Egypt 802/3,000 killed).
Caudex arrived back in Memphis (still Roman-controlled) on 20 November a slaughtered 1,000 Egyptian troops that had been trying to besiege it without loss to his 18,190 men.
Metallid clashed with the similarly skilled Massiva Senuid’s 11th Army in Cyrenaica on 24 November and easily won the opening round [5 v 1 die roll], after which the Egyptian high-tailed in back east again (Rome 858/25,430; Egypt 3,384/20,000 killed), soundly beaten. He chased Senuid west to Marmarica, hoping to retain some momentum from the last victory.
While that battle was in progress, Legio I, under new Maximus management, headed back up to join Caudex in Memphis as the Egyptians attacked from Oasis Parva, but would not arrive before the battle started.
This time, when Omirid attacked on 12 December, Caudex had no river to defend and was heavily outnumbered. After a relatively even opening exchange, Omirid got the jump on the 17th and Caudex immediately withdrew before it became a bloodbath, while Maximus halted in Thebes and waited for his senior colleague to join him.
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Finis
Finis
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I will admit, the other references gave me a smile, but this one first made me stumble and then laugh. Superb craftsmanship!
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I have a blackadder moment here ...
Ah the new Breeding program is finally showing big rewards.
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I like the increased dialogue, plot and jokes! Another great episode in an incredibly bloody war!
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So, the next big chapter is well into production as Rome seeks for even greater levels of effusion of life’s blood. I finally finished off using the material from last play session I’ve been writing up ever since July and actually got to play some more!
Thanks everyone for reading and to you few, you precious few, in particular for commenting.
Thank you! I must admit to enjoying that one myself.
Yes indeed! The Consul aimed to spend another 60,000 lives moving his drinks cabinet six feet closer to Alexandria!
Yes and we need them: Egyptian generals themselves are almost never less than 9 in martial ability.
Thank you my friend. Next chapter may be a bit action packed again, but I’ll put the little bits of humour and dialogue in when I can.
Thanks everyone for reading and to you few, you precious few, in particular for commenting.
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Chapter CVIII: An Acme of Violence (1 January 606 AUC/147 BC to 7 September 607 AUC/146 BC)
Chapter CVIII: An Acme of Violence
(1 January 606 AUC/147 BC to 7 September 607 AUC/146 BC)
Introduction(1 January 606 AUC/147 BC to 7 September 607 AUC/146 BC)
As the year 605 AUC came to a close, Egypt had suffered the greatest loss of troops in a single year since the early days of the war in 592-3 AUC. Rome still had a foothold on the Nile (at Thebes) and that sector had seen the most action of late, especially in Alexandria and Memphis.
Publius Valerius Falto, of the Mercantile faction but also a competent general, would hold the reins as Consul until the end of June 606. He would see the war forward, but hoped to nurse his troops and marshal their strength as far as he could, given both Rome’s recruiting and ability to hire auxiliary troops were advantages over Egypt, whose manpower reserves were finally becoming depleted after over 13 years of war.
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January-June 606 AUC
In the Nile sector, Legio V (A.C. Caudex) was still retreating from Memphis, having been defeated there on 17 December 605. He would join up with Legio I in Thebes. Consul Falto was attempting to take Sinai with Legio II, which was about to receive two more drafts of reinforcements by sea.
In the Western sector, the young Roman legate Hamilcar Metallid had won a handsome victory over the Egyptians in Cyrenaica on 28 November 605. But the attrition was horrible and with little progress made in the siege, he headed back to Corniclanum before more troops were needlessly lost for such a modest gain. Meanwhile, the sieges both in Corniclanum and Nassamones were nearing completion.
The manoeuvring along the Nile became intricate in mid-February. On the 13th, a small detachment reached Syene to begin a siege there and the Egyptian 17th Army began advancing on the reinforced Falto in Sinai. Legio V was back in Thebes to continue its recovery.
Massiva Senuid’s 11th Army turned around after its retreat to Mamarica and on 5 March was on its way back to Cyrenaica. But by then, Metallid’s Legio IV had made it back to Corniclanum where he could begin to recover his savage attrition losses in a Roman-occupied stronghold.
Legio II received more reinforcements by sea and by 6 March had over 20,300 men to hand as he braced for the next Egyptian attack, which began the next day.
The Battle of Sinai pitted Rome’s Consul against Egypt’s Chief Eunuch. Both sides had large heavy infantry contingents while the Romans had a slight numerical advantage and a more balanced force, but Egypt had the superior commander. Falto opened with a clear advantage, maintaining an edge until 17 March, when the Egyptians suddenly turned the tables.
Maximus and Caudex arrived in Memphis on 19 March. The garrison was only 1,000 men at that point and the Romans had over 34,000 men available. Rather than stay for a longer siege and risk attrition, an assault was ordered. It took only three days and a few hundred casualties to regain the great city – and banish the threat of attrition.
Rome still held a significant advantage in the overall war situation due mainly to their long occupation of all of Egypt’s external territories in Spain and around Mediterranean outside of the homeland [+75% warscore; about three provinces worth in a peace settlement].
This is the point where the last very long play session had ended – about 1,500 screenshot’s worth, dating back to July in our time. In game terms, that was April 596! So, I’ve been writing up the chapters for that ever since. The war to date seems far longer in retrospect than it did at the time when just played through. I kept playing on, thinking to end it, and it just kept ebbing back and forth.
By this point, it was starting to shape up such that Rome could hope to win the long war of attrition. So I started up the latest session at this point a few days ago. After assessing the strengths of both sides, Falto once more ventured into the breach, hoping to be the Consul who would finally finish the groundwork for ultimate total victory – even if a successor would be the one to finalise it.
By this point, it was starting to shape up such that Rome could hope to win the long war of attrition. So I started up the latest session at this point a few days ago. After assessing the strengths of both sides, Falto once more ventured into the breach, hoping to be the Consul who would finally finish the groundwork for ultimate total victory – even if a successor would be the one to finalise it.
The siege of Nassamones was won by Rome on 2 April (a 493 day siege) and the detachment sent up to Corniclanum, while Tertulus took Legio III (7,674 men in 20 cohorts) up to Barca to besiege it, reaching it on 9 May. Legio IV held in Corniclanum.
The northern frontier had been very quiet for months now and this continued into June 606. A colonisation opportunity arose in Veneti (north-western Gaul) and Legio VII was sent across from the German border in Hermunduri to pacify it.
In Roma itself, the next generation of brilliant new commanders was being advanced along the cursus honorum. C.A. Florus was now available as a legate after finishing a term as Censor, while Pelopidas Omirid (another ‘foreign new man’) was promoted from Pontifex Maximus to replace Florus as Censor. With no more military prodigies available, the Pontifex candidate with the highest (albeit mediocre) charisma was selected for the post.
“Do look after things back in Rome while I’m away, chaps,” said Barbula as he set sail.
“Oh, yes Consul, we certainly will!” The two bureaucrats were always well pleased with such instructions.
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July-December 606 AUC
The new Pontifex saw his first national omen through successfully on 2 July – despite barely better than even chances of the chickens picking (pecking) correctly.
By the end of the month, Syene had been taken and the main Roman legions on the Nile were heading back towards Thebes, from where they could either defend behind the river if attacked, or relieve Syene if the Egyptians marched on it. By that time, Roman troops numbers were recovering, with a total of around 140,000 now under arms in total. Monthly net income was running at a little over 50 gold. With 1,823 left in the Aerarium.
By the end of August, Roman detachments had begun new sieges in Cyrenaica in the west, while Legio II had landed in Phoenicia with a first detachment of four cohorts with more reinforcements being sent in groups of four. And on 9 September, Rome risked sending their Syene detachment (4,300 men in 13 cohorts) up to hopefully start a siege in Oasis Parva.
A new religious advance came in October 606 – with the possible citizens’ ‘call to arms’ it might bring depicted in some typically uninhibited Roman frescoes from the time!
On 23 October, the Egyptian forces in Alexandria tried to escape east to Sinai instead, but Caudex would still catch them before they could escape. The new siege of Oasis Parva began on 4 November, while the Egyptians finally won their 126-day siege to retake Petra on 8 November.
In the end, the battle in Alexandria from 11-15 November was more of a skirmish, with few casualties taken on either side before the Egyptians were able to extract themselves (Rome 534/41,067; Egypt 1,433/11,896 killed). The enemy retreated to Marmarica, followed by both Roman legions a day behind them.
16 November saw the 2nd Army (21 units) in Cyrene and making for Barca, but Legio III (10,548 men in 20 cohorts) held their ground, with the siege well progressed [88%]. Over the next few days, feints from Legio IV in Corniclanum towards Barca would stop and start in tandem with the 2nd. The Egyptians finally halted for the time being on 22 November, while the siege in Barca progressed further [to 100%] and over 50 Egyptian regiments moved in parallel towards Cyrenaica.
Another important technical discovery was made in December 606: hitherto backward Roman mining and metallurgical methods now allowed proper mines to be built, with the effect of greatly boosting income in eligible provinces where they could be built. A major survey was made of all the provinces in the Republic: all those with good tax income that did not already have either a mine or (alternatively, and to equal effect) irrigation had work co0mmenced. It would be expensive and take the best part of two years, but the longer term impact would be favourable as the great cost of the Egyptian War continued to erode the Aerarium.
The year ended as by far the quietest in terms of casualties for the entire war, with Rome inflicting around 6,800 combat casualties on the enemy and suffering only around 3,700 themselves (not including attrition).
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January-May 607 AUC
Rome’s total fielded manpower stood at just around 165,000 men as the new year began – up around 37,000 in net terms (including attrition) from March 606. This emboldened Consul Barbula to execute the bold Roman campaign plan to win the war in 607 AUC: they would bring the Egyptians to battle repeatedly under the best conditions they could manage, also denying them their key recruiting grounds on the Nile to send their manpower into a heavy deficit.
Superior Roman recruiting and yet more concerted auxiliary hiring should offset any imbalance in losses. But one or two large-scale Roman victories could potentially cost the Egyptians more casualties than they could hope to replace, leading to their collapse and Rome mopping up the remainders. The Romans referred to this process as reaching the ‘acme of violence’ for the war so far. The plan was to make it the most savage and continuous year of the war yet in all its sanguinary excesses.
The first battle came in Barca on 8 January. Legio III had not quite been able to finish the siege before the 2nd Army arrived with more men, a better general and better luck [5+1 Egypt die roll v 3]. Tertulus disengaged towards Corniclanum as soon as he could on 15 January, but not before taking heavy casualties (Rome 4,848/11,516; Egypt 762/15,472 killed). Still, not much had been expected of the battle – it was just a delaying action.
In Corniclanum, Metallid had concentrated all the troops into Legio IV (around 32,000) on the 10th and waited for the enemy to attack. It cam on the 16th and for once Rome got off to the better start, after which the advantage swung to and fro up to 26 January, even though the Romans seemed to be taking the heavier casualties.
Back in Corniclanum, two more swings of initiative followed as the ranks thinned and casualties fell at a slower rate. The decisive change came on 5 February with Legio IV sweeping down on the now demoralised Egyptians, winning an expensive victory against superior numbers by the 8th. Still, Rome held the ground and had caused the enemy heavy casualties – though at great cost.
While the first battle in Corniclanum had been raging, Caudex caught the Egyptians in Marmarica in another inconclusive skirmish from 7-11 February (Rome 1,736/35,295; Egypt 1,190/10,463 killed). Again, poor luck [2 v 5 die roll] and Egyptian slipperiness had prevented Rome taking advantage of their greater numbers to inflict real casualties. And they were still taking attrition [5%/month] while in enemy territory.
The year of bloodshed continued, this time in Phoenicia where Florus commanded his first major battle. The latest reinforcements had given him a healthy advantage in numbers (over 6,000), with manpower shortages starting to noticeably affect Egyptian numbers too. This was just as well, as yet again the Egyptians got a crucial advantage at the start and held it with a death grip. By 28 February, the enemy outnumbered the Roman defenders by almost 4,000 men and more punishment remained in store.
“Fortuna has forsaken me,” was all Florus could mutter to himself as he pondered the latest battlefield damage.
As Metallid and Tertulus passed the Roman lines while the Egyptians ‘legged it’, they heard one old soldiers in the ranks offer some immortal words as he disparaged the Egyptians for not liking the feel of ‘cold Roman steel’.
Over in the west, the weakest cohorts were sent back to Leptis Magna for recovery (1,017 men in ten cohorts) after their tough victory, while the rest stayed to recover in place defend Corniclanum against the inevitable next Egyptian attack. In the centre, the feint to Ammon worked, deflecting the 17th Army back up to Marmarica on 13 March. Legio V halted there, with Legio I now heading back to Alexandria.
Far away in north-western Gaul, Legio VII reached Pictones that same day. M.O. Crassus took 6,000 men on to Veneti, where barbarian resistance was expected to be light, leaving 7,000 men in Pictones to prevent attrition. Along the frontier from Treveri on the German border to Tyras on Mare Euxinus, another eight cohorts of mercenary principes were recruited and began training, to pour into the Egyptian bloodbath.
As Legio IV was combined into Legio III in Corniclanum under the command of Metallid, Tertulus was soon back, on 24 March embarking another 7,700 men who had been rehabilitating in Rhodes to throw back into the desperate fight: every man was needed to replace the terrible losses at the front. They were soon at sea and headed for Alexandria, where Rome now hoped to take the third of the ‘big three’ Nile provinces.
In the centre, the latest Egyptian switch on 2 April saw a large force headed towards Ammon again from Libya (including armies that had retreated from the earlier battle in Marmarica. One more, Caudex changed his own plans, stopping Legio I and taking Maximus with him towards Ammon for another showdown – even as attrition for his troops was ramped up to 10%.
On April, an enemy assault ended the latest short occupation of Phoenicia after just 27 days. The 5th Army was soon heading back along the coast to Judea. On 16 April, Tertulus landed with 6,643 men (after attrition at sea) and began a new siege of Alexandria. He would need more than that if he hoped to hold it once the Egyptian 5th Army reached him.
Up in Gaul, Crassus began his provocation of the local tribesmen in Veneti – only to receive reports from Rome’s tributary ally the Parisii that a force of 26,000 Osismii warriors had overrun Atrebates and was heading for Parisii itself, where an army of 15,000 Parisii would be caught by them before they could withdraw. This would bear watching as Crassus had the only Roman army anywhere nearby.
And that day, in west the 37 regiments of the previously defeated 7th Army of Manetho Omirid reached Cyrenaica and – of course – turned straight around towards Corniclanum for the third large battle there for the year. Around 4,200 reinforcements from partly-recovered cohorts in Leptis Magna were called up to help the defence, as Metallid had just 18,150 men in Legio III by that point: other enemy troops still retreating from Corniclanum had strained supply and he was taking 5% attrition while he waited for the next round of sanguinary torture.
On 18 April, the latest reinforcement of four new auxiliary cohorts began unloading as a defence was desperately formed to hold the Romans’ eastern flank on the Nile – where they would have the river to their front. That day, as Caudex arrived in Ammon the Egyptian 11th (10 units) and 17th (20 units) Armies were closing in, due on 8 and 11 May respectively. When Legio I arrived on 4 May, he would have a total of around 26,500 men to meet whatever strength the Egyptians could hurl against them.
At this critical point in the war, Rome went ‘all in’, re-embarking Legio II (11,497 men in 26 cohorts) from Cyprus to take their transit attrition and head back to Egypt to aid Falto in Alexandria. On 3 May, total Roman field strength on all fronts had fallen back down to just 124,000, despite an increase in cohorts to 241. So, despite recruiting and mercenary hiring, Roman strength had fallen from its high point of 162,700 in November of the year before, to fewer than they had fielded back on 23 March the year before.
The battle of Ammon was relatively brief. The Egyptian 11th Army was considerably outnumbered for the first few days, had hardly any infantry and took heavy casualties even though they kept a tactical advantage. Egypt had the numerical advantage after the 17th arrived, but Caudex at this point gained a slight edge in the field. As it turned out, the total numbers fielded by both sides was almost identical but the Egyptians, once more demonstrating their lack of enthusiasm for having it “up ‘em”, withdrew on 20 May after having taken the heavier casualties. Caudex had once again demonstrated his acumen and courage.
Legio II arrived in Alexandria on 20 May (the day Caudex won in nearby Ammon). The troops already there were absorbed into it, under the command of Florus (19,212 men in total). On the 28th, the last recuperating Roman troops available (6,405 men) were put on ships in Crete: they would sail to the beleaguered Western sector, probably to Leptis Magna. Consul Barbula would leave nothing in reserve as the trial of arms approached its bloody climax.
“Very bold, Consul,” remarked a worried-looking Bernardius as he met the Consul in Paleoveneti, where Barbula had docked again ready to pick up more auxiliaries from the German recruiting grounds. “In fact, one might say …”
Barbula held up a hand. “No, I know what you were about to say Bernardius. Do not use the ‘c’ word with me. Just stay silent this time.”
“Yes, Consul.” With nothing left to be added, Bernardius departed, leaving Humphronius to accompany the Consul as he headed back to Africa and the fateful climax of the Great Egyptian War.
Barbula was still keen to see it through to victory and felt that, despite the heavy losses, Egypt must soon reach the end of its tether. And one big, decisive Roman victory – after so many poor starts or early Egyptian retreats – could surely do it.
In Ammon, the Egyptians retreated back towards Libya, while Caudex took the bulk of the remaining troops into Legio V, giving Maximus the ‘rehab cohorts’ in Legio I and both headed back for the safety of Memphis, where they could escape the attrition and start to recover again.
Barbula had left Bernardius with another order to recruit a further 8,000 principes along the border to keep up the flagging numbers at the front. By then, price inflation for mercenary hiring had increased to enormous heights (cavalry or horse archers would cost almost 100 gold to hire when available). The Aerarium fell to its lowest level in decades.
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June-September 607 AUC
Corniclanum fell on 20 June, the tiny remaining garrison unable to keep up the pretence any longer. Two days later, Omirid’s 7th Army, now with 40 regiments, advanced on Leptis Magna. Including severely understrength cohorts that were trying to retreat but would not get away in time, Metallid had about 18,600 men in 80 cohorts to face him.
June saw the Osismii appear to defeat the Parisii in their capital, but by 2 July the barbarians were heading back north to Atrebates and the Parisii west towards Aulerci. For now, a new invasion of Roman Gaul appeared to have been averted. The Lexovii would rise in Veneti on 2 July and be defeated by the 15th, the remainder retreating east to Aremorica (Rome 351/6,000; Lexovii 1,035/3,000 killed). It was the only Roman battle recorded against any barbarians since September 604 AUC.
Also on 2 July, a large rebellion broke out in occupied Carthage. With all the African forces needed to fight the Egyptians, the nearest legion was the leaderless Legio XII all the way over in Hispania. They were ordered to take the long route via Tingis while two militia and one archer cohorts were recruited in the only western Hispanian provinces where mercenaries could still be recruited, to follow them about a month later. It seemed the fates really were lining up against the Republic.
The ships carrying the last draft of reserve troops from Crete arrived off Leptis Magna on 11 July and would dock five days later: about ten days before the Egyptians were due to attack.
On 13 July, the anomalous one-province enclave of Corduene surrendered to and was annexed by the Seleucids after a short war.
Another moment of truth beckoned on the Nile when the 5th Army (21 units) was spotted in Sinai and would attack Legio II (20,008 men) across the great river on 28 August. Legio V had halted in Ammon some days before while the ‘rehab’ force of fewer than 1,400 men now in Legio I still headed back to Memphis. All available reinforcements had been committed: Florus would have to fight and win with what he had to hand by the end of August.
The same applied in Leptis Magna, where recent reinforcements and replacements had augmented Metallid’s army for its crucial showdown. That battle began on 26 July but would last only five day. The Egyptians had a small advantage in numbers but worse morale and Metallid eked out a small tactical advantage to begin the battle.
Knowing things were getting a little desperate and wanting Corniclanum back before it had been heavily garrisoned, Metallid bravely pursued the enemy as they fled: perhaps they could administer a heavy blow to keep them fleeing in ignominy. But then the 2nd Army (23 units) appeared in Corniclanum on 6 August and started making for Nassamones, which was occupied by Rome but had no field troops to defend it. Metallid turned south determined to beat them back.
A little more good news came on 24 August with the fall of Oasis Parva to Rome after 289 days of siege. The protection of that detachment by Caudex had led to this victory and the occupation of a significant proportion of the Egyptian heartland.
The next test was the impending battle for Alexandria, which began as predicted on 28 August. Once more, the Romans had managed to almost even up the numbers by sending in the last of their theatre reserves. The generals were evenly matched and Florus had an enormous advantage in heavy infantry and the Nile to defend behind. But, yet again, Fortuna turned her back on the Romans.
But despite the river to shield them, the Egyptians began with the advantage. Then disaster struck on 2 September, when the Egyptians maintained the intensity of their attack but the Romans, whose morale had been holding up well, were completely outflanked and began to lose men by the droves while inflicting virtually no casualties themselves. Having seen this sad story too many times before and not willing to see yet another horrible slaughter, the siege works were abandoned and Florus preserved what was left of his legion.
“This insulting offer must be rejected, Humphronius!” Barbula fumed.
“Assuredly, Consul. We can get better terms than that if we make a counter-offer, I am certain,” volunteered Humphronius, by now grown further into his role as Principal Private Secretary.
“But I want to grind the wretches into the ground!” shouted the old campaigner. “We will fight on! Caudex can retrieve the situation on the Nile and Metallid will triumph again in the west!”
“Yes, Consul,” said Humphronius softly, though his posture indicated the opposite sentiment.
The Romans had arrived in Nassamones first on 30 August, even as the losing fight in Alexandria continued – just before the Egyptians were due.
As 1 September dawned, Barbula got two messages from Humphronius.
“Consul, eight thousand rebels have risen in Gadira. Legio XII is in Oretani and will need a new commander before they engage them. Then they have the long trek to tackle the rebels in Carthage – who may have taken it by the time they get there.”
Barbula’s face fell. It was just one thing after another. “And?” he asked, hoping for a ‘bad news, good news’ moment.
“The battle has started in Nassamones, Consul.”
“How is it going?”
Humphronius, impassive, said nothing and simply handed the dispatch to his Consul.
“With the money running out, the defeat in Alexandria and the overly expensive victories in the west when we do win, plus these revolts in Carthage and now Gadira … our time is up here, isn’t it, Humphronius?”
The young man simply nodded sadly.
“And then there is this extant Senate mission against Pontus due less than two years hence, which we have delayed attempting for many years now. We will end this after scoring the final battle victory of the war. Summon our envoy – see if the Egyptians will accept these terms.”
“Yes, Consul.”
Barbula demanded Tingis (to secure North Africa), Caria (to expand the Roman presence in Asia Minor and isolate neighbouring Egyptian Lycia further) and Nassamones (to give more leverage against Corniclanum ‘next time’). Corniclanum itself could no longer be claimed, having fallen back into Egyptian hands.
All the other external Egyptian holdings were isolated and had been straightforward enough to take early in the war, and now the Egyptian navy had been destroyed. They could be defeated in detail when this was next tried. And the Egyptians could worry about those local rebellions in Gadira and Carthage. Perhaps if the rebels gained independence, the Romans could gobble them up!
In the West of the Republic, Rome remained powerful and pervasive. The remaining Egyptian and barbarian enclaves should not present too many future problems. Legio XII would be reinforced and kept ready for action against barbarians or rebels. The situation in northern Gaul would be monitored carefully while recent auxiliary cohorts drafted for the was against Egypt would form a new legion on the northern frontier. Colonists were sent to settle Veneti as the Lexovii headed into Parisii lands and another battle between the Parisii and Osismii beckoned in Parisii itself.
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Finis
Finis
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The slaughter thus ended, but I can't help but wonder if it would have been better to secure the entire exclave of Egypt in Asia Minor, plus the island of Cyprus as the three provinces to be claimed.
I thought of it, but in the end thought tempting them to leave troops in all those isolated places could make them easy pickings next time. Tingis would be super easy to secure just with ships next time and Nassamones would let me focus two ‘supply maxed’ armies against Corniclanum next time. Both Asia Minor provinces and Cyprus would have been nice indeed. And Carthage.
In the end, wiping out Egypt’s manpower reserve was the main aim, wiping out their whole army would have been the ‘stretch’ objective. But it was really starting to come apart at the seams. I gotta say though, Egypt and its AI gave me a great run for my money!
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Well at least finally the war is over, and 3 provinces is not bad regarding 100% would give only 1 more. Furthermore Egyptian manpower is now depleted and we just gifted them 2 revolts! Really great timing regarding peace.
Now onto Pontus for the mission?
Now onto Pontus for the mission?
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Yes, will probably wait a bit - units need to get back into position and MP rebuilt first. It would take 3-4 years of few incidental casualties just to erase the current deficit.
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Gratz on the "victory".
I was wondering, wasn't it required to be a console before becoming a censor in OTL?
I was wondering, wasn't it required to be a console before becoming a censor in OTL?
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Thanks. Re Censor: that’s my understanding - or at least that it was usual. Not sure if there was a Pontifex Maximus technical exemption that was seldom/never actually used.
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