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Doge Robert

Lazy WritAAR
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Sep 5, 2007
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Headline.jpg
Hello everyone and welcome to this, my first attempt at an AAR.
The story is based on the Kaiserreich Mod, although from time to time, you may very well see things, which deviate from the events of the mod in lesser or greater ways.
The reason for this is simple: I am trying to tell a story and I’ve decided that although the story will naturally depend on both the game and the mod, it is the story itself that is important. Thus, I’ve devised a set of rules, which I will give you the courtesy of knowing before the story even begins.


First and foremost, this is a story, not a gameplay AAR.
Thus, if for the betterment of the story, I need to deviate from what has actually happened in the game, I will do so with no second thought.

Secondly, I will do whatever I need to do, in order to advance the story in a way, which for me seems the best and hopefully, most enjoyable.
Therefore, if I need to cheat, moderate or edit, to advance the story in an enjoyable, credibly and believable way, I will do so, again without any regrets.

This, however, does not mean that I intend to cheat so that I may create a world-spanning empire, nor will I automatically win every battle or indeed every war.
This is in no way the point. As has often been pointed out, defeats both minor and major may indeed be very enjoyable and fun to read. And enjoyment is my goal.
I wish to enjoy myself, while writing this tale and I hope you will be entertained by what I have to tell.

Among the first major deviations, I have decided not to start the story in 1936, as is most commonly the case, at least when using the Kaiserreich Mod, which has this as the fixed starting date, but rather in 1938, when the Republic of Russia ceases to be and instead becomes the Empire of Russia about which this story will be written.
This is not to say that I will completely ignore anything which happened before this date, nor will I cheat you of knowing the major events from January ’36 to October ’38.
Instead, I have compiled what I considered the most important events of this period into an extended “introduction”, which I will present to you in the first couple of updates.
And after that, the story will begin in truth and I hope you will enjoy it as much or perhaps even more, than I do.

But before I begin, I will add a quick introduction to the Kaiserreich mod, for those of you, who may not know of it and what it entails. It is a complete conversion mod for HOI-Doomsday, which asks the simple question: What if Germany had won the Great War?

In Kaiserreich, there is no National Socialism, although National populism (much the same thing), has taken its root in many countries across the world.
Since Germany won the Great War, there is no foundation for its rise in Germany itself and thus, it is not considered the threat to democracy as was the case in OTL.
Likewise, Germany supported the White armies in the Russian revolution and thus, Communism as we know it, does not exist either.
Still, in some countries, outside of Russia, Bolshevism does indeed flourish, although in a different way than we know it and with a different impact on the world. However, that is not to say that there are no countries with aggressive ideologies. Far from it.

In France, Britain and the southern part of Italy, namely the part not occupied by German forces during the war, Radical Socialism and Syndicalism,
the Stalinism of the Kaiserreich timeline, has flourished.
In France, leader of the Internationals, the “evil” axis in this story, Syndicalism has taken its grip and they are slowly preparing the inevitable socialist uprising across the world,
as well as, of course, preparing their troops for the day they shall retake what is rightfully theirs, from the vaunted Kaiser of the German Empire.

In Canada, the rightful heir to the throne of the United Kingdom wait for the day that the royalist troops may enter London victoriously once more.

Thus, the lines are drawn for the future of Europe and indeed the world. The Entente, lead by Canada in one corner, Mitteleuropa, lead by Germany in the second
and the Third International lead by the Commune of France in the third.
And outside all of this lies the broken empire of Russia, ignored by the world and its major powers, awaiting the future, which may either bring complete destruction or maybe,
just maybe, a bright new hope.
And thus, without further ado, let me present to you: Imperial RussiaThe Golden Age.
 
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Introduction Part 1: 1919 - 1930

1919 April
Congress of Omsk:

The white generals, aided by the Republic of Finland in their battle against the Bolsheviks, united behind Alexander Kerensky.
Initially, the new coalition was successful and conquered large areas of land, but in the end they were no match for the red forces of the Bolshevik Soviets and the inevitable retreat began.

AlexanderKerensky.jpg

Alexander Kerensky
Leader of the White Coalition
and Hero of the Republic of Russia

1920 January

In Germany, the Russian Civil War was watched with both interest and consternation.
Although the Great War had only recently begun to move backwards in the minds of most people, the leaders and politicians of the world knew, as they still do,
that keeping a grudge, even against your former enemies, was not always possible in the world of politics.
So even though, only a few years prior, the German armies were fighting a battle to the death with the Russian Empire, plans were now made to fight the Bolsheviks,
alongside the Russian Republic. Old enemies the Russians may be, but the Kaiser did not want a resurgent Soviet Russia on his eastern borders.

1920 March

In Helsinki, where the government of Alexander Kerensky in cooperation with the Finnish government was coordinating the war, Kerensky was approached by his foreign minister Boris Chernov, who brought to him a proposal from the German government and Kaiser Wilhelm II.
The Germans proposed, very simply, that if the Russian Republic was willing to recognize the terms of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, German troops would intervene in the civil war
on behalf of the republic. According to unknown sources, Alexander Kerensky is said to have responded by shouting:
“Give the Germans whatever they want! Just get them into the war!” Accordingly, on June 1st 1920, German troops marched across the border into Russia once more.

Treatyofbrest-Litovsk.jpg

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, as it was signed
by the leaders of the Russian Republic in March, 1920.

1921 September

In little more than a year, the veteran German troops, high in morale and with modern equipment, had pushed back the Bolshevik forces,
comprised of fervent, if undersupplied civilian rebels and traitorous Russian troops, turned Soviet forces.
In May St. Petersburg was reoccupied and Alexander Kerensky and his government took up residence in the former capital of Imperial Russia.
Only four months later Moscow fell and on September 4th 1921, the Bolshevik leaders formally surrendered to the Russian Republic.
The civil war, which had begun with the October Revolution in 1917, had come to an end.

Peace1921.jpg

The Bolshevik leaders surrender,
peace had finally come to Russia.

1925 June

It was a proud moment for the Russian government, when the last German troops withdrew from Russian territory. Initially they had stayed to ensure peace in the country
and to prevent another rebellion by the Bolsheviks. The economy of the republic however, was in such weak a state, that its government simply could not supply adequate troops and police, to fully control the country, until four years later. And then, in full accordance with the Helsinki Agreement, as the Russian – Finnish – German alliance had come to be known, the Kaiser withdrew his last remaining forces and Germany and Finland entered into a formal pact of non-aggression with the Republic of Russia.

1927 January

Unemployment was reaching new heights and the economy, although better than in many years, was still staggering from both the Great War and the Civil War and considered very shaky by even the most hopeful of prognosis. To turn things around, the father of the Russian Republic, Alexander Kerensky proposed the “10-year Plan” to the Duma. An extremely ambitious, if cleverly worked out plan, wherein the Russian economy was to regain its strength by a heavy industrialization of the heartlands of the republic. At the same time, in the more remote provinces, the production of natural resources were to be increased ten-fold over the time-span of the plan, thus creating the necessary resources to ‘feed’ the Russian industrial machine.

TheDuma.jpg

Tauride Palace in St. Petersburg, where the Duma meets to govern Russia

The Duma, initially reluctant to vote for the 10-year Plan due to its extreme demands on the financial supplies of the government and the relatively slight chance for it to succeed, were eventually won over by Kerensky, when in his speech after the initial voting, he pointed out the severe risk of resurgent rebellious tendencies among the lower classes of the population, if something very extreme changes did not happen and soon. In his final remarks, he put it very simply: “What choice do we have? Either we vote to save Russia today, or we lose it tomorrow.” The vote was almost unanimously for the implementation of Kerensky’s 10-year Plan, or Kerensky’s Gamble as it came to be known by those few, who voted against it.

Initially, the plan demanded for the immediate construction of a thirty new factories, with an increase of numbers depending solely on the need for finding jobs for the unemployed and the economic situation at any given time. The opening of new mines would depend on three factors primarily: The need for jobs, the need for resources by the new industries and how quickly suitable sites could be found by the prospect teams. As a matter of fact, many of these teams were supplied by Germany, which saw an opportunity for a vast new market for cheap resources of all kinds. Almost 95% of Russia was considered wilderness and few if any investigations into the underground had ever been made outside of the western Russian territories.

1930 May

Although initially successful, Kerensky’s Gamble, as more and more people called it, had come to the point, where it was about to fail. The prospect teams of both Russia and Germany had been successful beyond their wildest imaginations: Literally, millions and millions of tons of resources were hiding beneath the surface of eastern Russia and there was no lack of new employees, in fact, that was part of the problem. The unemployment had risen further, as little funds were given to anything other than the two major fields of Kerensky’s Plan: The construction of new factories and that of processing plants for the seemingly limitless natural resources. However, the problem was that the Russian people had no money for themselves, so they could not buy anything from the new factories and the rest of Europe, still struggling economically from the Great War had very limited funds to invest in Russia.

So it was, that for a time it looked very much as if Alexander Kerensky’s 10-year Plan was not the great hope for the future, but rather a nightmare that would finally drive Russia to complete bankruptcy. In the Duma, those who had initially voted no to the plan now voiced their scorn for those, who had followed the “direct way to ruin.” In the beginning only a few voices cried out for Kerensky’s resignation, but soon more were to follow. Not to speak of the public outcry against the government, which had promised so much and seemingly delivered so little.

Indeed, it looked very grim for the struggling republic and even more so for Kerensky, who had suggested, fought for and championed the 10-Year Plan. And then, just as things looked the grimmest, salvation came to Kerensky from a place, he, as well as the rest of Europe, had all but forgotten: The United States of America.

The States had kept to themselves since the American Civil War and had kept well out of the way of the European struggles in the Great War. Isolationists to boot, they and their government preferred to keep to their own business in the western hemisphere and let the rest of the world more or less do as it pleased. However, not all people in America believed as the majority did. Some businessmen, rich in money and looking for places to invest had noticed what was happening in Russia and they too, like the Germans did, saw the possibility for a vast market to open, with, what they considered to be, limited investment. And thus it was that on the verge of collapse, Russia was saved by, for the republic, a huge loan from a coalition of private investors in the United States.

HaroldsonLafayetteHunt.jpg

H. L. Hunt.
One of the Americans,
who invested in Russia.
 
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Response! Weee!

Kaiser_Krause: I hope I wont dissapoint you too greatly then.. :)

Gigalocus: Well, perhaps this one will surprise you with it's originality and style.. :rolleyes: :D

Incidentally.. I broke up the text far more in the first part of the update, than I did in the latter. (Introduction Part 1)
Which idea do you prefer? I'm not entirely certain, what brings the best readability of the text and I could use your advice.

Likewise, I used fewer pictures in the latter part of the update.. I'm still feeling my way through this and I'm not sure how many pics pr update are too many.. Again, I need all the advice I can get.

Thanks to both of you.. :)
 
Introduction Part 2: 1936 - January to June

1936 January

It had been a long, hard struggle for the republic, but it had all paid off. Only a year before, the last repayments of the huge loan from America had been made, complete with all interests. Russia was now the second most powerful nation in the world, when it came to industry and by far the richest in natural resources. Kerensky was a hero in the eyes of all Russians, or almost anybody at least. The Social Revolutionaries and the Kadets were still at each other’s throat in the Duma, but when Kerensky spoke, all became silent. He was the father of the Republic, the Savior of Russia and the mastermind of the 10-Year-Plan. A plan, which for all intents and purposes had been a magnanimous success. It had almost broken the neck of the republic, but no-one remembered that now. The future was bright and all Russians felt secure in the knowledge that with Kerensky at the helm, nothing could steer Russia away from a future as the economic leader of Europe and perhaps even the greatest power in the world.

Thus, it was with a clear conscience and a happy smile that Alexander Kerensky waved to the crowd, as his open car drove down Tverskaya, the main street of Moscow, to the Kremlin, where he was to deliver his New Year speech. Why should he have a care in the world?

kremlin.jpg

The Grand Kremlin Palace in Moscow, where Kerensky was headed for his New Year's speech.

In one single moment, the entire future of Russia changed, from the gloriousness of Alexander Kerensky to the dark, grim uncertainty of a nation without a leader.

Yuri Kozyar, a name that forevermore would be synonymous with absolute evil in Russia, was a young Russian-Ukrainian, who was less than happy with Alexander Kerensky. To him, the glory of the republic meant little and all the achievements of Kerensky meant nothing at all. Only one thing was clear in his mind: Alexander Kerensky was the man who defeated the Bolsheviks and to Yuri Kozyar, nothing could compare to that, when it came to evil deeds.

It has been claimed, that Yuri’s father, a Soviet general in the revolution and a fervent Leninist had instilled a fanatic belief in Bolshevism into the mind of the young man. Others say that it was due to mental illness of some form, while still others in true honesty say that they don’t know. This much at least is known: Yuri Kozyar was a very fanatical believer in Bolshevism and he hated the Russian republic and its leader Alexander Kerensky with all his heart. Although it will probably never be discovered from where Yuri had his pistol, he did have it and on the 4th of January, he was at the front of the massed ranks of humanity waiting to see Kerensky drive by. When the Republican Guard had marched by and Kerensky’s car came up to him, Yuri Kozyar very calmly, according to the witnesses statements, drew his pistol, pushed himself out of the crowd and fired three shots into the head and body of Kerensky, all the while he yelled: “For father Lenin and the Revolution!”


Tverskaya_Zastava_1920.jpg

Tverskaya Zastava, the main street of Moscow, where the assassination took place on january 4th, 1936


Yuri Kozyar was shot down by members of the Republican Guard, before he could fire a fourth shot and because of this, any investigation into the crime came to an almost immediate end. So too did the life of the greatest hero, Russia had ever had, since the days of Peter the Great. Alexander Kerensky died on January 4th, 55 years old, exactly 4 months before his birthday on May 4th. Russia had lost its savior.


Cathedral_of_Christ_the_Saviour_3.jpg

The Cathedral of Christ the Savior, where Kerensky's body was laid to rest

1936 February

In the aftermath of the assassination, both the Russian people and its government were in a state of acute shock. No-one had foreseen what had happened and no-one was prepared to deal with it. While the people mourned, the parties of the Duma waged verbal war on each other, trying to outshout one another in the immense vacuum of power, Kerensky had left behind. Such had been the personal power of the president that even the many differences between the leading parties of the Social Revolutionaries and the Kadets had been kept in check by his mere will, but now that he was no longer there, everybody were in it for themselves and no-one else.

From January to February, the Duma was almost paralyzed and thus, with it, Russia. The people, still in mourning over their lost hero, had almost had it and riots broke out in the streets of Moscow, St. Petersburg and other major cities. The Menshevics, once part of the Russian revolutionary movement themselves seemed to have a slight majority in the Duma, which angered the people even more, especially when it became known that the Social Revolutionaries had begun tentative negotiations with them, to secure a majority and create a government, something the average Russian considered to be not only abhorrent but direct treason against Russia and the legacy of Kerensky.

Meanwhile, the chief of staff, Marshal Anton Denikin, a veteran of the revolution on the republic side, disliked the prospects of a Social-Menshevik government just as much as the people and when the direction of the Duma became clear and the fact that a new revolution seemed imminent, potentially destroying all that Kerensky had worked for, Marshal Denikin made his move.

Anton_Denikin_1918.jpg

Marshal Anton Denikin, the new president of the republic.

On February 5th at 4 am, the citizens of Moscow were woken by the sounds of engines, hooves striking cobblestones and the steady sound of thousands of men, marching in unison, as the troops of the Republican Guard under command of the Chief of Staff, Marshal Anton Denikin and supported by light tanks and mounted Cossack forces entered Moscow and caught the city in an iron grip. The Duma was called to an emergency session and when the delegates arrived, or those at least, who had not had the sense to stay at home, the marshal announced to the stunned politicians that he had taken command of the city and all outlying districts. He then proceeded to declare that since the Duma was so out of touch with the people of Russia that they could even consider the idea of a Social-Menshevik alliance, risking a second revolution, which would more than likely leave the nation in even greater ruin than the last, then the Duma was obviously not fit for governing the country and was therefore, as of this moment, dissolved. Moreover, Marshal Denikin declared martial law and decreed that he, himself, would become the new president of the republic of Russia.

thedriveonMoscow.jpg

The light tanks of the Republican Guard advances through Moscow on February 5th.

The people of Russia rejoiced and celebrated openly in the streets, when they heard the news of Marshal Denikin’s coup d’état. Even when he, in his speech, a mere two weeks later declared that he would not appoint a new prime minister, the people accepted it. It seemed, at least at the time, that even a military dictator was better than anything, which had even the slightest resemblance to bolshevism. So deeply had the assassination of Kerensky affected Russia that bolshevism and all forms thereof was considered to be a political incarnation of the devil itself.

1836 April

From February to April, the new government of Anton Denikin worked feverishly to get things into order in the capital. Many people had to be replaced, either due to them being fired for one reason or another, or because they resigned rather than having to serve a dictatorship. Likewise, the police and the military had to be supervised, so the coordination of the two forces currently keeping order went as smoothly as possible. And these were just the tips of the proverbial iceberg.
Throughout the nation, Marshal Denikin only really had control in the capital, as well as the city of St. Petersburg, which, because of its location and the fact that it was the naval capital, was under heavy influence and more or less complete control of the admirals, who in turn, where loyal to the marshal. But the running of a country cannot be done, when only two cities are under true control, even if these are the major ones and thus, Marshal Denikin needed a working system of government. In Russia the elite of society traditionally wielded immense influence and power, but the marshal, unwilling to dilute his own power, decided instead to create a completely new bureaucracy under his own direct control.
This, of course, greatly upset the elite, who were chagrined to discover that they would play a very small, if any role at all, in the government of the new regime and thus, for quite some time, there was unrest among the nobles and those who supported them. However, the marshal had almost complete control of the army of western Russia and since they numbered more than two thirds of the combined forces, the nobles had no choice but to accept that new times had come and theirs, evidently seemed past.

denikinSpeech.jpg

Denikin's speech, where he announced the creation of the new bureaucracy.

At the same time, foreign relations were strained, to say the least. Germany and her allies, mainly the nations of Ukraine, White Ruthenia, Lithuania and the United Baltic Duchy did not like the idea of a dictator in control of Russia. Especially since Russia had by now become an economic powerhouse rivaling even the might of Germany. Likewise, Austria-Hungary, Finland and Poland considered the political situation in Russia highly unsettling. True, Russia did not have a modern army or hardly any army at all in fact, but this was obviously only a matter of time, especially with a military dictator as president.
If this was not enough, Mongolia, Russia’s ever troublesome neighbor in the Far East, had entered an alliance with the nation of Tibet and Mongolia and strengthened by this alliance had sent troops across the border into Xibei San Ma, officially under the pretext of protecting the Mongolian minority from persecution by the government, but, or so Russia suspected, because Xibei San Ma, located as it was between Mongolia and Tibet, was considered ripe for conquest by the power-hungry Baron Roman Ungern Von Sternberg, self-styled Supreme Khan of all Mongols and ruler of Mongolia.

220px-Ungern-von-sternberg.jpg

Roman Unger Von Sternberg, the Mad Baron of Mongolia.

Later that month, Xibei San Ma, enraged by the violations of its northern border, declared war on Mongolia and their ally Tibet.

More worrying even than a warlike neighbor in what has often been referred to as “the soft underbelly of Russia”, was the first Congress of the Third International, an ideological alliance of syndicalist and radical socialist nations across Europe and beyond. To Russia, which absolutely loathed all forms of bolshevism, and they considered syndicalism to be nothing more than another name for that, were the single greatest threat to civilization and peace and thus, the congress, which was held in Paris, in the Commune of France, as it was now named, worried Marshal Denikin quite a lot. Especially so, when it became clear that not only the Republic of the Sicilies, but also such nations as the Union of Britain, Georgia and even Mexico would participate. Mexico might be considered irrelevant under the circumstances, but Denikin did not like the prospect of Bolshevism spreading to two American continents as well as Europe. Georgia however, while much, much closer to home, was penned in by the Don-Kuban Union on one side and the Ottoman Empire on the other and as such was deemed harmless for the time being. France and Britain on the other hand became, at least in the minds of the ordinary citizens, the arch-enemies of civilization and in particular Russia, although Denikin tried his best to keep sentiments low. Although he was very worried indeed, he did not believe it wise to antagonize these two somewhat powerful nations, when Russia was in no way prepared to deal with the consequences, if things turned bad.

And then of course, there was the Ottoman Empire, long-time enemy of Imperial Russia and no friendlier now that Russia had become a republic. Or, as Denikin reputedly said to one member of the government, when discussing the status of foreign affairs: “There will always be the Ottomans.” Russia might have entered a new era of peace and prosperity, but the Russian history was long and it’s memory very, very good.

1936 July

In July, Marshal Denikin made a spectacular announcement to the people of Russia. To signify the beginning of a new era in Russian history, the capital of the republic would be moved from Moscow to St. Petersburg. Of course, while the people of St. Petersburg rejoiced, the citizens of Moscow did not. But the decision held and only a month later, Marshal Denikin moved the presidential office from the Kremlin Palace in Moscow, to St. Michaels Palace in St. Petersburg. It surprised many that he did not choose the far greater and more splendorous Winter Palace, but speculators claim that Denikin did not wish to remind too many people of the Tsarist era, where the country had been governed from there.

Mihailovskij_zamok.jpg

The St. Michael palace in St. Petersburg, the new home of the government of the Republic of Russia.

Of course, not all people were surprised by the move of capital. Those, in the know, so to speak, knew plenty of reasons why St. Petersburg wore by far the preferable choice. Of course, Moscow was located in the centre of western Russia and was considered far more defensible, but then, in return, St. Petersburg was far closer to the west, both literally and figuratively speaking. Marshal Denikin knew, very well that he needed friends in Europe and, at the very least, friendly relationships with the major nations of Germany and Austria.
The relocation of the capital would not only be a symbolic shift in the eyes of these nations, but also make it far easier to conduct a steady string of diplomatic missions.
However, even these considerations pale beside the one overpowering reason for Russia to be governed from St. Petersburg: Trade.
The trade can truly be said to be the lifeblood of the republic of Russia, especially in the 30’s, when the economy was still weak. Because of Kerensky’s Gamble, Russia now had an extreme wealth in natural resources and its industrial power was second to none in Europe, or so at least, it would seem on the paper. But what if no-one traded with Russia? Wherefrom then would she get her wealth? Natural resources are all well and good, but their value lies in the fact that they can be used, not in themselves and Marshal Denikin and his government was well aware of the fact that they needed trading partners and markets outside of Russia to tap the well of wealth from trade. This of course, was the overwhelming reason that St. Petersburg, not Moscow, had to be the future capital of Russia. Trade and the paving of its way by diplomacy and these two things demanded an easy access to Europe. Even in the 30’s the oceans provided the fastest and safest route of transportation around the world.
 
Kaiser_Krause: Why, thank you. :) But it's not so much the style of writing that concerns me, but rather how easy it is to read the posts.. After all, if the posts are hard to read, who will read them? ;)

Hardraade: And thank you too.. :) And welcome aboard.. ;)

Well, I'm afraid it's gonna take a little while, before we reach the point, where my story actually begins. The last update deals with in-game happenings of course, but as I stated in the first post, until october 1938, i will deal rather lightly with what has happened... As you can see for yourselves.. :rolleyes:

The reason why it will take a while however, is because I might've gotten just a bit carried away, while writing the introduction, so now that it's done, it has reached page 19 in Word. Since I've currently posted as far as page 7, I guess you need to bear with me for another 2 or 3 introductory updates, before we reach the story itself.. :eek:o

Still, hopefully it will catch the attention of a few more readers on the way.. ;)
 
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Introduction Part 3 - 1936 August to 1937 May

1936 August

By August, the government of president Denikin, or Marshal Denikin as he was still known to most people, had been in power for six months. The new bureaucracy was still being implemented and the change of capital, while beneficiating in the long run, had caused disturbances and some unrest in the short. All in all, the marshal did not have an easy time of ruling the republic. He needed something, which would swing the public opinion in his favor.
The aid came from a source, he had not previously considered, but when it was revealed to him, he knew it to be the right one: Faith. The people of Russia has always been deeply devout followers of the Orthodox Church and when Mikhail Pol’Skii, Patriarch of the Orthodox Church and religious leader of all members of the Orthodox faith approached the government, demanding a clarification on the role of the Church and its legal status in the republic, the president was not slow to act. He immediately called in his ministers and demanded to know if there were any legal hindrances to declare Orthodoxy the state religion and when informed that there were none, he proceeded to have it maid law that the Orthodox faith was the state religion of all Russia. The people did not disappoint Denikin in their approval of this move and for a time, much needed by the president, he had the satisfaction of the people and could concentrate on implementing the new bureaucracy.

Mitr_sergiy.jpg

Mikhail Pol'skii, Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church


1936 September

All seemed well within the republic and the president worked feverishly to make any day of calm count, as he implemented the new bureaucracy and the laws needed to govern Russia in the future. Outside the nation however, all was not well. Ukraine, an ally of Germany’s and one of the nations created according to the Brest-Litovsk Pact, which Alexander Kerensky had agreed to, in return for the support of the Germans against the Bolshevik revolution, had had a few years of drought, which had severally hampered her economy. Still, the government did not implement drastic measures to recover and finally in September after another year with a dangerously low harvest, the people of Ukraine had enough. Nikita Khrushchev, leader of the People’s Socialist Party, in fact a former Russian Bolshevik, as were many members of his party, declared the government unfit to rule and under cover of a major demonstration in the capital Kiev, he lead armed men into the palace and overthrew the government.

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Nikita Khrushchev, syndicalist leader of Ukraine.

Suddenly, Russia found a syndicalist neighbor on her border, an unbearable situation, to say the least. Luckily for Russia, Khrushchev and his lackeys annulled the alliance between Germany and Ukraine as one of their first moves, opening up the possibility for Russia to intervene without unduly angering the Kaiser. Still, Denikin considered it best to send his foreign minister Boris Sturmer to Germany, to meet with Franz Von Papen, Wilhelm II’s chancellor, to obtain permission from the Kaiser to enter Ukraine. Initially, Franz Von Papen refused any such plans, stating that Ukraine was to be considered in the German area of interest, not the Russian. However, during a later meeting, the Kaiser personally gave his permission, stating that, “…if the Ukraine wishes to withdraw from German protection, why should we care who attacks her?” Likewise, it was well known that the Kaiser was and is an ardent enemy of syndicalism and is, himself, highly concerned over France. Thus, it might be considered not too far from the truth, to say that he was secretly pleased, if Russia would relieve him of the headache of a syndicalist power to the east of his realm. No matter what is the case however, it is known that there was no lessening of the diplomatic relations between Russia and Germany, or indeed Russia or Austria-Hungary over the Russian declaration of war and later annexation of Ukraine. Indeed it may be speculated that many a minister in Austria-Hungary and perhaps even the emperor himself relaxed quite a bit, when their syndicalist neighbor was eliminated.

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Sturmer and Von Papen, the two foreign ministers of Russia and Germany.


The result being satisfactory, Marshal Denikin put his forces on high alert and on September 16th, a mere two weeks after Khrushchev had taken power, Russia declared war on the Ukraine.
Historians have later speculated whether the Russia-Ukraine War was actually a blessing in disguise for the president, as the war kept the people occupied with foreign affairs instead of internal ones and thus gave Denikin that much more time to work on his reforms.
No matter the reason though, the Reformation Acts of November 15th passed by with little comment from the citizens of the republic. This may, of course, also be due to the fact that the Reformation Acts only strengthened the industrialism of the nation, among other things by creating the Central Factory Committee in St. Petersburg, to oversee the continued development of the industrial base and the future productions of said industry. This had been part of Alexander Kerensky’s famed 10-year Plan and in a way marked its successful end, not thereby to say that much more work wasn’t needed. But still, maybe the population simply considered Kerensky’s Plan akin to holy, at least that much has been seriously discussed by other historians, and would not dream of commenting on any part of it, as that might be seen as criticizing the revered national hero.

1936 December

It had taken three months, in which thousands upon thousands of Russian and Ukrainian lives had been wasted on the battlefield, in a stark reminder of the revolutionary years and how much they had cost Russia. But on December 4th at 11 pm, Russian forces finally entered Kiev after an agonizing struggle, in which the weaknesses of the republican army was lead bare for all to see. Only by stripping almost all other frontiers to the bone had the Russian republic been able to defeat its minor neighbor and the lesson would not be forgotten by the government or Marshal Denikin.
But for now, at least, it was over, Russia had won.

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Kiev, capital of Ukraine, as it had looked in better times.

On December 5th at 8 o’clock in the morning, the government of Nikita Khrushchev, faced with the bitter realities of the situation, with nowhere left to flee and with few if any supplies left for the army, accepted the inevitable and formally signed the unconditional surrender of all Ukrainian armed forces, accepting the full annexation of Ukraine by the Republic of Russia. Nikita Khrushchev himself was not able to sign the surrender, as he had only days before fled the country to live in exile in France, where he was bid welcome by the syndicalist government. In his stead, Vlas Chubar, the Foreign minister, Oleg Yefimov, the Chief of Staff and Vladimir Strelnikov, Chief of the Army, signed their names on the document that revoked the independence of Ukraine, as formerly guaranteed by Germany and the Agreement of Brest-Litovsk and had the nation reenter the Republic of Russia.


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Vlas Chubar, foreign minister of Ukraine and principal signer of the Ukrainian surrender

At first, the Ukrainian people responded with mass-demonstrations and riots in the streets, but when the next wave of Russian troops arrived, this time leading massive food-caravans to the starved Ukrainian peoples, the cries of anger turned to cheers and tears of joy. Ukraine might not have its independence anymore, but there were at least some advantages to be had, in being part of the largest nation on earth. One of these, the uncountable fields and unlimited cattle herds seemed to immediately bring the realization of the situation to the Ukrainians and somehow satisfy a very deep and all-dominating need of the people: Their hunger.

In Russia, news of the surrender was greeted with happiness by the population and the government alike. But even then, all was not bliss, for in October, Mongolia had annexed Xibei San Ma after an eight months long war. Now, instead of having a troublesome neighbor in the Far East, Russia had a potentially very dangerous one. At once, thirty divisions, roughly 400.000 troops, only just being done fighting the Ukrainians, were being rushed to the other end of Russia, far from their homes and families, which they had all hoped to soon be rejoined with, to guard the vulnerable Far East borders against Mongolia. This of course, did not sit well with the people and once more, Marshal Denikin and his government was in turbulent waters, something they were getting rather used to.

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Part of a heavy infantry division in the victory parade in St. Petersburg, days before they were hurriedly sent to the Mongolian frontier.

Likewise, news from the American continents worried Denikin immensely, although their importance, were of course, rather small in any immediate sense.

On November 4th, one John Nance Garner had won the presidential election in the United States and although this in itself had no importance whatsoever, what happened afterwards did. On November 12th The Combined Syndicalists of America or CSA for short, protested the results of the election, whereupon Huey Long, leader of yet another political faction in the States, known as the America First, responded by organizing a paramilitary force called the Minute Men after their rebellious ancestors in the American War of Independence, centuries past. Nor did it take the America First long to protest the results either.

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John Nance Garner, American president during very turbulent times.

In themselves these were things, which did not concern president Denikin in the least. However, he could not shake the feeling that these incidents harbored ill news for the future stability of the States, especially since the syndicalist nation of Mexico might support the CSA and thus create the very frightening possibility of a syndicalist United States. And that thought did not sit well with Anton Denikin. To support his worries even more, Brazil erupted in rebellion in mid-December, when the Brazilian government tried to arrest one Astrojildo Pereira, so-called ‘Voice of the Gueto’ for treason, due to some speeches he had made against the government politics. In response to his arrest, more than a million of the poor rose in rebellion and marched on the presidential palace. To protect themselves, the government immediately resigned and Astrojildo Pereira became the new president. Another American nation fallen to syndicalism and the second in South America, Bolivia being the first, to do so. A very worrying picture was slowly being drawn on the political position in the American hemisphere.

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Astrojildo Pereira and his new government in Brazil. Another threat to peace?

To outline it all, the New Years day marked the beginning of a strike of immense proportions in the States, lead by Jack Read, leader of the CSA.

1937 January

In Russia, the New Year celebration was a marvelous thing indeed. Not only because it marked the beginning of a two week holiday, ending in the celebration of the Orthodox New Year on January 13/14th. For most of Russia this was a time of relaxation and love, spending time with your family and friends, and reflecting on the year gone and the one to come.
But not so for everybody. Oh yes, reflections on the past year, the government did aplenty, but relaxation they had very little time for indeed. The war against Ukraine had shown some very, very big flaws in the Russian military, a lack of training, troops and equipment, which made Russia virtually the laughingstock of Europe. If there ever was a major conflict, Russia, as it stood, could do nothing but watch and worry, as her armed forces were worthless in any kind of modern war. That at least, was the gist of what Marshal Denikin told his ministers and his chief commanders. Something was to be done and it had to be done now.

Three major plans would be presented to the president at a subsequent meeting. Although at first, Denikin himself had considered the idea of a mass-conscripted army, he soon realized that not only did Russia simply not have the manpower for that anymore, after the industrial reformation and the mass employment of workers, but it was most likely the worst idea of all, when it came to the future and so, he didn’t even air the idea at his following meeting with the commanders.

The first idea was presented by a general Andrey Vlasov, who considered the idea of individual command paramount and suggested that the commanders in the field should decide for themselves, how to conduct the battle. For this, Vlasov was laughed out of the room by Denikin and his career was all but over.

Secondly, Markov, another general, suggested the implementation of a new form of warfare, using armored vehicles and speed. While Denikin considered the idea very interesting, he foresaw a number of potential weaknesses in such a scheme, among them the immense frontier of Russia. The republic simply had to have a large infantry army, or the very defense of the nation would be impossible. But the idea had merit none the same and later Anton Denikin would make plans for several corps of motorized divisions and tanks to give Russia a large mobile strike force to break through and surround any enemy forces, which could then be smashed against the oncoming infantry. Denikin called this his “Hammer and Anvil” plan and that was the name it would gain, when it was later reconsidered.

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Markov in his dress uniform. Although he didn’t know it himself, he was technically the father of the Russian Hammer and Anvil doctrine.

Finally, Petr Wrangel, Field Marshal and commander of the Republican Guard suggested a plan, where the entire army was modernized, while some would be altered to more specific uses, such as mountaineering corps, while the command structure of the army would be streamlined under a centralized High Command, down through regional Head Quarters and then to the commanders in the field, who would, while being given more freedom to conduct tactical operations, them being the officers for a reason, would depend on the centralized command structure for their strategic orders.
The more he explained his idea, the more interested Denikin became. More freedom for the commanders were perhaps not the best option in his own mind, but he needed the continued support of the officers and if confined to tactical freedom, they might be satisfied and yet still kept in line. And a streamlined command structure would certainly speed up the process of command, which in Russia was a problem of immense proportions. Finally, the idea of a centralized High Command under the eye of Denikin, would ensure him a far greater control of the armed forces, than previously possible. All in all, an excellent suggestion and Denikin gave Wrangel the go-ahead for the 'streamlining of the army' and at the same time appointed him Chief of Staff.

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Wrangel, chief engineer of the modern Russian military.

1937 February

Things seemed quiet for a while, as they often do in the winter, but then, in February, bad news once more flooded the president’s desk. First, Norway had succumbed to the syndicalist disease, in the form of the leading party being the Scandinavian people’s party, although at the same time retaining the monarchy and I some ways even strengthening it. Among the ministers it was jokingly mentioned that only the Scandinavians knew the secret of making that kind of a mess and henceforth truly incomprehensible things began to be referred to, as “a true piece of Scandinavian art”.
Meanwhile in America there was nothing humorous about the political development.

In South America, Brazil entered an alliance with La Plata and Chile, strengthening the Syndicalist hold on that continent, while in the United States, the governor of Missouri, had called for the help of Huey Long’s Minute men to aid in breaking up the CSA strike, after the government forces had proven inadequate for the task. To show the weakness of the government even further, they first demanded that Long withdrew his paramilitary forces and then, when he refused, simply backed down. A show of weakness of a magnitude that caused great concern with Denikin, whose fears for the future of the States seemed to be proven true.

And then, as if the previous government acts had not been bad enough, the president then decided to support Long against the strikers, whereupon the CSA called up paramilitary forces of their own to attack the Minute Men of the America First. This however was only the first move and on February 20th Jack Reed declared the Worker’s State and thus, the Combined Syndicalists of America declared independence from the USA. Only two days later, Long responded by declaring the American Union State independent from the USA. What Marshal Denikin had feared all along, had now become a reality: The Second American Civil War had begun. And of course, nations all over the world escalated the crisis even further by sending volunteers and equipment to their favorite faction, making the Civil War into an international theater of mixed alliances and confusing sympathies. One could only hope the war would at least be kept to the States and not spread any further. A second Great War would devastate Europe beyond any hope of restoration.

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Huey Long, leader of the America Union State, third major participant in the new civil war.

On the positive side, if there indeed was such a one, Austria-Hungary had begun a redrawing of the internal maps of their empire, strengthening the bonds of imperial control in some areas and loosening them in others. The result, although mixed, was received well in St. Petersburg, as a sign that at least for now, Central Europe was stable.

1937 March

Now that civil war was a reality in America, Denikin could do little but wait and thus turned his eyes back to matters closer to home. For some time there was peace and tranquility in Russia, save the usual unrest and dissent, which was more or less becoming common day practice for the government. In March, the president’s eyes turned once more briefly outside the national borders, as the Arab Congress, a congress of Egypt, Libya, Hejaz and the Oman was conducted in Alexandria. Although little was accomplished, it might in the future be used by Russia to destabilize the Ottoman Empire, if ever there would come a conflict between the empire and the Russian republic.

On matters of internal politics, a monarchist faction had slowly begun to gain popularity among the officers in the army, many of whom were old tsarist officers, at least among the higher ranks. Among these officers, it seemed that the best way to ensure the continued stability, or indeed achieve stability in Russia, would be to return to the Imperial era and restore the monarchy. The heir apparent for the officers and in fact also a large part of the population was Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovich Romanov, who although an old man of sixty by now, remained the nominal head of the imperial family and was, by most people, considered the legitimate heir to the throne, if ever that would come to be.


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Cyril Vladimirovich, in his younger days.

At first, Denikin simply laughed, when he heard of the proposition, but later, when he was in private, he gave the idea a considerable amount of thought. First and foremost, the grand duke had the support of many people, including high ranking officers and secondly, a new Tsar might very well settle the unrest of Russia, once and for all. At least with the right Tsar and to Denikin’s mind, grand Duke Cyril was anything but the right Tsar. However, he did have a son and the Grand Duke was an old man and had led a hard life. He might not survive for long.

The more he considered the idea, the more focused Denikin became on the positive sides of it. If the young son of Cyril was a suitably pliable man, Denikin could retire as president and continue to control the nation through the Tsar, as prime minister. That would satisfy both the resurgent monarchists and those who favored the government led by Denikin. Liking the idea, Denikin sent for Nikolai Kharlamov, head of the Okhrana, the Russian Secret Service and ordered them to begin an immediate investigation into the background and personality of the son of Grand Duke Cyril Vladimirovich, a report on their findings to be delivered to him no later than two months hence.

1937 April

Counter to the beliefs of Denikin, all was not quiet in Central Europe, at least not in the Balkans, where the three nations of Serbia, Greece and Iron Guard Romania held a congress in Belgrade, resulting in the so-called Belgrade Pact. Ensuring that neither Hungary, Germany nor the Ottoman Empire would interfere in the Balkan politics, the three allies then continued to form a plan, in which Bulgaria, located between all three nations, would be parted between them. The fact that none of the three powers, not even Rumania which had a border with Russia deigned it necessary to ask for Russian permission to the plan, made it all the more abundantly clear, just how the state of the Russian military was viewed by the world. On May 2nd, Greece, Serbia and Iron Guard Rumania declared war on both Bulgaria and Albania. The Third Balkan War had begun.

1937 May

In another part of Europe, namely Spain, violence flared up as well, in a sad miniature copy of the American Civil War, when the syndicalist Federation Anarchista Iberica or CNT-FAI declared independence from the Kingdom of Spain, following the heart attack of King Alfonso XIII, which had send the monarch into a deep coma.

Only a month later, another faction, known as the Carlists declared independence as well and a three way civil war, once more supported by most European nations, begun in Spain.

To make matters even worse, the crown prince of Spain, who had governed in his father’s stead since the heart attack was assassinated on July 2nd, supposedly as the result of a Carlist plot. Things looked dire indeed for the kingdom, but once again, the hands of Russia were tied effectively behind her back, due to the poor state of her military forces.

At least in this war, it seemed as if the syndicalists would not win, as on July 19th, the Carlist forces entered Madrid. In the States, where yet another faction, the so-called pacific States of America had declared independence, the syndicalists seemed to be the stronger of the now four factions fighting for dominance, a fact which from time to time gave Denikin nightmares, when he dreamt of the future.
 
Introduction Part 4 - 1937 October to 1938 October

1937 October

Apart from the troubles in the Balkans, the borders of Russia were stable throughout the summer of ’37. This state of things, which allowed Marshal Denikin to further his political and military reforms, did not last however, as in October, it became known in the Russian public, that the Russian minority in Alash Orda a nation who broke away from Russia during the civil war, was severely oppressed by the government. At first, Denikin did not pay much attention to this, as he was far too busy with internal affairs to concentrate on something which was, essentially the internal politics of another nation, but the public opinion and, incidentally, the mass protest marches supporting the Russian Minority, forced his hands and on the 25th an ultimatum was delivered to the government of Alash Orda. The ultimatum was brief and declared that “due to the oppression, which has befallen the ethnic Russian minority within the borders of Alash Orda and the Russian Republic’s duty to uphold the rights of all Russians, a state of war will be declared between the republic of Russia and Alash Orda within one week, if the territories in which the Russian minority resides, are not immediately surrendered into Russian control.”

The message was clear and the government of Alash Orda did not wish to get entangled with the Russian army, something which, even though the Russian forces were still weak compared to European great power standards, the Alash Ordan’s were right to think. On the border alone stood more than 200.000 republican troops, some hurriedly transferred from Mongolia, facing the far inferior army of Alash Orda.

On the 28th only three days after the delivery of the ultimatum, the government of Alash orda agreed to Russian demands and ceded all the territories in question. Peace had been maintained and the people of Russia were happy, at least for now.

1938 January

The rest of the year proved peaceful in Russia, again not counting the rising tensions within the population, who was becoming tired of the harsh measures of Marshal Denikin.
In Europe however, things did not seem to slow down, quite the contrary, as in January, Mittelafrika, the German-dominated central nation in Africa demanded the surrender of all Portuguese colonies in Africa to their control. Naturally, the Portuguese refused and as a result, Mittelafrika declared war. However, since the Kaiser was very interested in maintaining the dominance of Mittelafrika on the African continent, he had no interest in seeing the nation overrun by Portuguese troops and so, as a consequence, Germany and all her allies entered a military alliance with Mittelafrika and declared war on Portugal.

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Hermann Goering, governor of Mittelafrica.

1938 April

Apart from these foreign affairs, tensions in Russia gradually arose to the point where there were weekly, if not daily protest marches against the government. Many small political groups arose and were, of course, kept under close watch by the Okhrana. One of the groups however seemed to be no threat at all to the stability of the republic, but rather, might bring some interesting opportunities in the future, or so Anton Denikin thought, when he had read the Okhrana’s report on the religious, paramilitary organization known as Faith and Nation.
Indeed, it seemed that Faith and Nation did not only flourish inside Russia but in her neighboring Orthodox countries as well, where they promoted the idea of an orthodox brotherhood of nations, something which might bring some very interesting opportunities in the future. For now, the president decided to let Faith and Nation be and see what happened.

On the 22nd, Portugal surrendered to German troops, who had invaded the nation itself and regained peace in return for all her African colonies to be given to Mittelafrika. However, this did not bring peace to Germany, as only three days before had the Kaiser declared war on Yunnan Clique in mainland China of all places, in support of the Allgemeine Ostasiatische Gesellschaft, the modern German form of the East India Company.

And just to underline the month, civil war erupted in India, where the three factions splitting the nation between them, declared war on each other. The Princely Federation to the south, the Bengal syndicalist faction in the east and the Canadian-supported Delhi faction to the North-west.
As Denikin was overheard commenting to his foreign minister during a meeting between the two, the War to end all Wars, was rapidly becoming nothing more than a tragic, sarcastic joke.

1938 May

In the Americas things were both looking good and bad, at least when seen from Russia. The government of the United States of America officially surrendered to the armies of the Combined Syndicalists of America on May 2nd and the US government fled to exile in Canada. Only two days later, the last forces of the American Union State were defeated as well and the CSA stood as the winner of the civil war in the eastern states. However in the west, the Pacific States of America stood victorious and since no declaration of war existed between the PSA and the CSA, at the time, there was peace although how long that would last, with the nation split in two down the middle and two almost directly opposing ideologies dominating the factions, was anybody’s guess. At least, for now, the Pacific States stood between the CSA and the Pacific Sea and thus, Russia.

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The White House, new home of Jack Reed, leader of the Combined Syndicalists of America.

On a happier note, on May 10th, the Carlist faction in Spain formally annexed the CNT-Fai ending the threat of a syndicalist-run Spain and that, at least, was good news.

In Russia itself, things seemed normal at first, but then on May 16th disaster struck.
The great Transiberian Railway connected Russia’s European provinces with her Asian ones and travelers routinely used the massive railway when going from one end of the country, to the other. In fact, it was the only way to do so.

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Map of the Transiberiean Railways

However, part of the railway was under Mongolian control and had been so, since the civil war and it was here, on May 16th a group of mountain bandits assaulted a train full of Russian passengers and proceeded to slaughter every last man, woman and child. When the news reached St. Petersburg, Marshal Denikin was said to have paled visibly and whispered something along the lines of “this might be the last straw.” Then, demanding imminent action, the president ordered Russian troops across the borders and into positions protecting the railway, without even the courtesy of a declaration of war. At the same time, he sent a frantic telegram to the military commander in the region, one Field Marshal Timoshenko, to demand the immediate secession of the territories around the railway from the Mongolian government. The field marshal, to his astonishment, received further commands that if, by the time the Russian troops were in position south of the railway, the Mad baron of Mongolia, as he was known, had not complied with the Russian demands, Timoshenko was to proceed with the advancement until he reached the capital and repeat the ultimatum there. In short, the orders were very simply that Russia would not take no for an answer and either the Mongolian government surrendered the territories in question or they surrendered the entire country to Russian occupation.

Luckily, Denikin’s gamble paid off as Baron Ungern did not wish to be entangled with a war against Russia and he complied with their demands. In reality, the outcome of such a war would have been uncertain, as even though Russian troops in the region were vastly superior, the mountainous territories of Mongolia would have been a nightmare for the Russian troops to traverse, while the Mongol armies would feel right at home in them.

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The stretch of the Transiberin Railway, where the hideous slaughter took place.

In St. Petersburg, Marshal Denikin received the news with a sigh and it is rumored that he proceeded to the nearby Cathedral for prayer. Some people have speculated that the persistent dissent within Russia itself worried the marshal to such a degree that he considered it a great possibility the people would revolt, if the Transiberian Crisis had not been resolved quickly and forcefully. Indeed, it was speculated, that the marshal was probably right in his assumptions.

Across the world, the various wars continued as, on May 17th, Serbia annexed Albania and on July 2nd, the People’s Republic of Vietnam declared their independence from Germany in the Far East.


1938 July

The trouble had only begun for the president of the Russian republic, or so at least, it seemed. On July 6th, Turkestan, the nation forming the southernmost parts of what was once Russian Central Asia, declared war on Alash Orda.
Out of fear, the government of Alash Orda, which had so recently been the potential enemy of Russia, sent a delegate to St. Petersburg to ask for Alash Orda to formally rejoin the republic of Russia. Knowing full well that accepting this would bring Russia into war with Turkestan, Denikin none the less accepted, calculating that a refusal to aid a former Russian territory in its hour of need, might just as well as the Transiberian Crisis, be the last straw the people of Russia needed to revolt. Thus, on July 17th, the former nation of Alash Orda formally rejoined the republic of Russia and Russian troops rushed towards the new frontier to defend the republic from the armies of Turkestan.

1938 October

The war was not the hoped for quick victory that Anton Denikin needed to bolster his standing with the people. On the contrary, the difficult terrain, long distances and the fact that the Russian troops had to traverse all the territory of what was formerly Alash Orda to even get to the enemy all resulted in a long, drawn out war, that did nothing what so ever, to help the marshal. On October 10th, the Russian troops, now under the command of Field Marshal Timoshenko, who had assumed command two months earlier, finally pushed the Turkestan forces to the point, where they could no longer hope to succeed. On the morning of the 10th, Timoshenko received the delegation from the Turkestan government in his field command headquarters and negotiations began. Russia did not have the power to force through a complete annexation of Turkestan, nor did Marshal Denikin really want to. A full month before, he had communicated to Timoshenko that he had to force a surrender and that anything which could be perceived as a major victory for the republic would be acceptable. Thus, when Timoshenko sat down at the table, he had a remarkable free hand and he played it well. He explained to the delegates that the republic had no desire to rule directly over lands, which were populated by a people of such radically different a culture and religion than that of Russia itself and he proposed instead that if Turkestan would recognize the supremacy of Russia, make no foreign deals of magnitude without the permission of Russia and allow republic troops access to their territories in times of war, then Russia in return would guarantee the independence of Turkestan indefinitely and otherwise leave the governing of the Turkestan lands to their own government.

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Field Marshal Timoshenko, who by guile and tricks secured the peace with Turkestan.

Timoshenko was perhaps not the best of negotiators, but what he lacked in diplomatic skills, he more than made up for in smarts. Thus it was, that only fresh and rested troops were to be found anywhere the Turkestan envoys looked, that all equipment seemed in meticulous order and that the numbers and morale of the Russian troops were very high. Mostly a disguise really, as the Russian troops were tired of war and wanted to go home, but had been told by Timoshenko that if they worked hard for a few days and kept up appearances to the extreme, then indeed they would go home very soon. The act succeeded and the Turkestan government, fooled by what they perceived to be fresh reinforcements and eager troops, saw no other way out of the war, than to agree to Timoshenko’s demands. And so, the war was over and Russia had gained a quiet border to the south, a great victory indeed, all things considered. But it came too late for Anton Denikin and the republic.

The people, now openly rebellious, demanded the immediate resignation of the president and Denikin saw no way out of the trouble this time. Indeed it seemed that he had no choices at all and that his presidency and with it, perhaps, the republic and all it stood for, was about to be lost. Russia stood at a crossroads in time and for all his intelligence and experience, Marshal Anton Denikin, president and dictator of the republic of Russia, could not see a way out.
 
Well, this concludes the introduction of this AAR.. :)
Finally.. :rolleyes:

The actual story will take its beginning now, although that may of course take a few days, since I have to write the update first.. ;)

I hope I've attracted your attention and interest and that I may see both you and many new readers, as the story progresses.

For now, let's leave the 'poor' marshal alone with his misery and the view of thousands of angry Russians, in the streets outside the St. Michaels Palace, screaming for his blood, or at least, his resgination.

What shall become of the republic? Only time will tell..

- Rob
 
:eek: Seems the world has taken the wrong turn and is tumbling down torwards doomsday! This is just an example how the german Weltpolitik failed in its aims!
 
Very nice introduction. I imagine that the Romanov family will soon return to power in Russia, but will they assume their old powers or be more of a puppet of Denikin's? I guess that I will have to wait and see.

I did have one question as I'm not very familiar with Kaiserreich: Did Nicholas II and his family escape or is their fate in this mod the same as in real life?
 
Chapter 1 - part 1.

Keszthely, Hungary. October 15th, 1938

The two men sat in silence, as the car slowly approached their destination. “Are you certain this is the right thing to do, Nicolai?” The younger of the two finally said, unable to bear the silence no longer.
“What I, or you for that matter, think is of no matter, Anton.” Nicolai, the eldest of the pair, although still only about thirty or so, replied. “We have our orders and we will follow them, as always.” Nicolai looked at Anton, who was driving the car. His face was empty of emotions and his eyes were hard as agate. “Besides, what do we understand of the plans of the great minds in St. Petersburg?” He smiled, although the smile didn’t reach his eyes and made a low chuckle. “You know how it is. We probably don’t know even a tenth of what is truly going on.” Anton laughed, a boyish sort of laughter which betrayed the youth of his companion. Once again, Nicolai caught himself thinking that his superiors shouldn’t have sent one so young on business such as this. “You’re right, as always Nicolai.” Anton said, smiling, his eyes never leaving the road. “They command and we obey, whatever the outcome. Isn’t that so?” Nicolai nodded. He had heard about the slogan, the younger members seemed so fond of using. Although he wasn’t that old himself, he had almost ten years of experience by now and he had learned, the hard way, that the follies of youth had no place in his kind of work. He will learn it soon enough. Nicolai thought, eying Anton out of the corner of his eye, as he lit a cigarette. Or he will die trying.

They drove on in silence for a few more miles and then, finally, their destination could be seen in all its splendor, as they crested a low hill. “Oh my God.” Anton breathed, as he instinctively slowed down the car. “That is beautiful and so huge.” Nicolai nodded, but didn’t respond. it was true that the Festetics Palace was beautiful and quite large indeed, but Nicolai had seen many palaces in Russia both larger and far more breathtaking than this one. Besides, as he cynically thought to himself: In time, all beauty will fade.

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The Festetics palace, Keszthely, Hungary.

As they drove up the road towards the entrance, Nicolai finally spoke again. “Just remember to keep quiet and let me do the talking, Anton. This is not a social visit.” The way he said it, the hard tone in his voice, made Anton look at him for a moment, before immediately turning his full attention back to the road. Or rather, that part of his attention, which wasn’t constantly searching for possible threats, cars following them or anything else, which might be important. Young he may be, but he was still a trained agent and had completed as top of his class. “Yes sir.” He replied in a professional tone, which told Nicolai that the young man at his side would do exactly as he told, whatever the outcome. Maybe there is hope for him yet. he couldn’t help but think to himself, as the car finally stopped in front of the grand entrance.

From a window next to the double-doors, Petr watched the car stop and the two men get out. Both were fairly young, at least compared to Petr, but the way they carried themselves, the air of purpose and confidence, spoke volumes to one, who were used to observe people and their mannerisms. This bodes trouble. The old man thought, but none the less quickly let the drapes fall, before the men noticed him, which they undoubtedly already had, if his guess about their profession, was even remotely close to the truth. Before he opened the door, he quickly motioned to one of the servants. “Fetch His Grace and be quick about it.” He said and the servant ran off. Casting a quick look around, Petr then opened the door.
“Greetings gentlemen, how may I help you?”

The eldest of the pair spoke, clearly signifying his superiority in rank, to the younger man, who kept absolutely quiet. “We’re here to see the head of the house.” Petr nodded and let them in. “Please wait in the hall and I will announce your presence, what names may I give?” The leader of the pair simply looked at him, a look that spoke volumes. It was a look that Petr had seen too many times, in his service as chief butler, not to recognize, even had he been in doubt. “I understand sir.” He said and led the two men into the hall. “He quietly walked out of the hall, closing the door behind him and stood, waiting in the main hallway, for the man, he knew would arrive shortly. Only a few moments later, Count Dmitri Yuriev came walking down the hall. “What is it Petr?” he asked simply, casting a glance at the closed door.
“Two men to see the head of the house, Your Grace.” Petr answered and then he continued. “Although they haven’t introduced themselves, by their looks I would say they were policemen and not the regular kind.” The count stood still for a moment, gathering his thoughts. He knew for a fact, that if Petr said they were policemen, then they were. The chief butler may be old, but his mind was sharp and he had an eye for details, which only the most skilled of servants do. The ones that knew, by experience and instinct, exactly how to perform their duties to complete satisfaction. As the count had at one time, in quite another setting said to Petr, part as a joke and part deadly serious: “If the enemy had your eyes, we would all be gone by now.” Petr, the gentleman’s gentleman to perfection had simply bowed and said; “thank you sir.” But it was true, that the eyes and mind of Petr had seen approaching danger to the count and those under his protection many a time and a quick glance or low exchange of words, had saved them from capture, more than once. At one time, Dmitri had even suspected Petr himself of being an agent, but those doubts had vanished long ago and he trusted the man implicitly. “Thank you Petr.” He said, his face set, “you may open the door.” Petr bowed and did, as he was told and the count entered the hall, where the two men waited.

“Greetings gentlemen, I am Count Dmitri Yuriev. How may I help you?”
Nicolai looked up, from his silent inspection of the hall, when the count entered. “You are not the man, with whom we asked to speak.” He said simply, eying the count as he did so. Be careful of him, Nicolai, he is not easily fooled, nor is he likely to be frightened by anything you can do or say. “I know, very well gentlemen.” The count replied in a steady, unruffled voice, his manners honed to perfection. “But none the less, I am the man with whom you do speak and I would like an explanation as to your presence.”
The young man is Russian, that much is obvious. The count thought, but the other one could be from anywhere in Europe, or at least he could easily pass as such. He is a dangerous man.
“I cannot offer you a satisfactory explanation, Your Grace.” Nicolai said, changing tactics, “our orders are to speak with the head of the house and we are here to do so.” Eyeing the count’s slightly disapproving frown, he added. “However, I can assure Your Grace that in no way do we wish to harm anyone within this household, on that I swear by the Lord and the Holy Mother Church.” He approached the count and spread out his arms. “You may have me searched, if you please, Your Grace and my companion too of course. Our weapons were left in the car.” The count nodded, knowing very well that the two men could probably kill not only with their guns, knives or hands, but with anything within easy reach. “Very well gentlemen.” He said, coming to a conclusion. “Follow me, if you please.” He led the two men down a series of hallways, to a grand living room at the other side of the palace.

There, in a large armchair, holding a drink, sat the man, the two men had come to meet. He looked away from the garden outside, which he had been looking at, as the count entered. “Hello Dmitri, the young man said.” His eyes curious, yet sad, ”who do you bring?”
“They wouldn’t give their names, I’m afraid Your Highness.” The count replied and turned to the two men. “But perhaps they will now. Gentlemen, I have the honor to introduce to you His Highness, the Grand Duke Vladimir Cyrillovich Romanov.”

The leader of the pair nodded to the count and took a step forward. “Greetings Your Highness and please excuse us for interrupting your time of mourning.” He said and bowed deeply. “I am Captain Nicolai Amenikov of the Okhrana and this is my associate Anton Bondar, also of the Okhrana. We have come to ask Your Highness to return to Russia.” For a moment, Vladimir sat in stunned silence, looking at the captain. “Return to Russia.” He finally said his hovering on the verge of becoming a scream. “Why on earth should I return to Russia? What has that blasted place ever given me, but pain and suffering?” Vladimir’s voice broke and tears began to run down his face. Count Dmitri looked at Nicolai, his face hard and disapproving. “Captain Amenikov” He said, his voice stern, “I think it best, if you leave now. His Highness is most certainly not in the mood for visitors.” Nicolai tore his eyes from the openly grieving Vladimir and looked at the count. “I am sorry for His Highness’ loss and for everything that has happened to his family.” Nicolai said, his voice soft and his face filled with sincere sadness. My God, what an actor. Count Dmitri thought to himself. No wonder he’s a captain. “But it is essential that I get to speak with His Highness further, even if my words cause him despair.” Nicolai continued, disrupting the count’s thoughts. “What I have to say concerns that, which is bigger than any of us, even His Highness and I cannot leave, until I have had the chance, to speak with him further.”

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Grand Duke Vladimir Cyrillovich Romanov. In happier times.

Count Dmitri looked at the captain and then at Vladimir, deep in grief. “Very well captain.” He said at last. “Follow me.” Motioning for the pair of Okhrana agents to follow, Count Dmitri went to the door, leaving Vladimir to his sorrow. “Let us talk in the next room.” Nicolai nodded and both he and Anton followed the count out of the room and into the next one. The count closed the door behind them and motioned to a group of armchairs, near the room’s fireplace.

“Let us sit gentlemen.” He said and then nodded towards the nearby drinks cabinet. “Unless any of you want something first?” Both Nicolai and Anton sat down, “thank you, Your Grace, Nicolai said, but not right now.” Anton, who hadn’t uttered a word, since they entered the palace, once more kept silent and simply shook his head in reply.” A good agent, that one. Count Dmitri thought, most men at that age would not be able to keep their tongue for this long. He has been trained well. “So tell me, gentlemen.” The count said, as he had poured himself a drink and sat down. “What is this business you have, which is so urgent, that you cannot even respect the grief of a man, who has so recently lost his father?”

For a moment, Nicolai didn’t reply. “I am sorry to say it, Your Grace, but the recent death of the Grand Duke Cyril is part of the reason, why we’re here.” The count cocked an eyebrow at that, but didn’t speak up. He knows how to keep the façade. Nicolai thought, but then, of course he would, he is nobility and they have centuries of experience in that field. “As you well know, Your grace.” Nicolai began, “Russia is in a state of great turmoil at the time being. The republic is falling apart as we speak, due to the heavy handedness, with which our president, have run it for these past years.”

At this, the count couldn’t help but look slightly surprised. “You do know, that such words could amount to treason, do you not?” he asked, eyeing Nicolai. “I do.” The captain replied. “But that does not make it untrue.” The count nodded. “The people are rioting in the streets, as we speak. The press is strictly limited, although from time to time, certain unwelcome news still leak into the public.” The way he said it, made Dmitri look at him sharply for a moment. “No Your Grace.” Nicolai said, in response to the unspoken question. “It is not an operation run by the Okhrana, although we know very well, the source of the information. For years, groups of monarchist supporters, among them some very wealthy and influential men, have worked towards restoring the monarchy, although, as far as we know, in a version which would be under their control.” The count snorted his disgust. “It is the way of human nature Your Grace.” Nicolai said, “These men have undermined the censure of the government whenever they could and have fed the public with much information, which could harm the republic.”

Nicolai stopped for a moment, seemingly considering what to say next. “But that is not all, Your Grace. This group, although powerful in its own right, is only one of several, which seek the fall of the government. Tsarist officers, loyal to the old regime, actively sought the restoration of the Grand Duke Cyril to the throne and a return to old ways. Socialist beliefs are on the rise again, although very slowly and quietly, since their followers would probably be ripped apart by the people, if they came into the open. At the same time, many of the officers in the army, at least those not of Tsarist following, still support the president and his work, believing that only a strong man, such as Marshal Denikin, may truly lead the republic to glory.” Nicolai fell silent again, allowing the count to consider, what he had said. “The Okhrana are watching all these movements of course, although we do not interfere. At the time being, doing so could only escalate things even further, possibly and very likely adding the spark to the proverbial powder keg, if you get my meaning.” The count nodded, although, of course, the question was rhetorical. “The nation is about to go up in flames, Your Grace and the president knows this very well. For some time, he has been considering the idea of restoring the monarchy, albeit…” Nicolai trailed off for a moment, not entirely certain how to put this next part.

“He didn’t want a monarchy with my father on the throne.” At the new voice, all three men looked to the door, where Vladimir stood. None of them had heard him enter the room. “My father was a great man, captain.” Vladimir said, walking over to them and sitting down. All traces of his sorrow were now gone, hidden behind the same mask, which Count Dmitri also mastered to perfection. “But to him, the world hadn’t changed since the times of Tsar Nicholas.” At the mention of his uncle, who was so brutally murdered by the Bolsheviks, along with his wife and children, as well as many other nobles, Vladimir fell silent for a moment, lost in thought. The other men, out of respect, kept silent as well, knowing how hard it must be for the young grand duke, who had lost so much of his family to the Bolsheviks, during the revolution.

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Tsar Nicholas II and his family, who were brutally murdered by the Bolsheviks, during the revolution.

“Please continue captain.” Vladimir said at last. “You were talking about Marshal Denikin.” Nicolai nodded. “Yes your Highness. The president has for some time now, considered the possibility of the return of the monarchy and with the situation in Russia being the way that it is; he has decided that the only thing, which can save the nation, is just that. However, as you yourself stated, Your Highness, the president was very reluctant to have the monarchy return under your late father. However, he considers Your Highness to be a modern man, with modern visions, who may very well be able to lead Russia into a bright future.” Vladimir held up his hand, to interrupt Nicolai. “And what of Marshal Denikin himself?” He asked. “The marshal would retain the position of Imperial Chancellor, as the republican title of Prime Minister would be known, I believe.” Vladimir nodded. “So in effect, he would still be at the head of the nation?” Nicolai didn’t reply for a moment. “That may very well be his idea, Your Highness.” He said. “But I do not know all of his intentions in this matter. If you accept to return to Russia and take the throne, you would be the legitimate head of state, Your Highness. What happens after that is any man’s guess.” The way he said the last part, made both Vladimir and Count Dmitri look sharply at him. Was that actually a smile on the captain’s face? “I understand perfectly captain.” Vladimir said. “And I understand completely, what may happen to Russia, if I refuse. Please allow myself and His Grace the chance to confer on this matter, before we continue. Help yourselves to anything you need, while we talk in the other room. Please excuse us.” All four men arose and Nicolai nodded to Vladimir. “I know this must be a very hard decision Your Highness.” He said, politely. Please take all the time you need.”

Vladimir and the count left and Anton turned to Nicolai. “Do you think he accepts?” He asked in a low voice, so no one outside the room would overhear him. “I am not sure.” Nicolai said. Something in the grand duke’s manners had unnerved the iron-hard Okhrana captain just a little. It was as if behind the façade of grief and sorrow, beneath the pleasantries and joy, which seemed a genuine part of him too, there was a layer of steel and concrete, which would stand up to anything, anyone could throw at him. “I know for sure, however, that when his mind is made up, neither you or I, nor the anything the republic has to offer, could change it. His Highness has an unbendable will, I’d say.” Anton nodded. Although he hadn’t seen this himself, he trusted Nicolai’s judgment. The captain was very, very good at what he did and it was generally accepted by al, who worked with him, that he had a bright future ahead of him. “If he does accept though.” Nicolai mused, a smile touching the corners of his mouth. “I dare say that the president might come to regret his decision. He may seem easy to bend and persuade, but I think the Marshal might just have chosen the wrong Romanov to be his tool.” He chuckled, much to Anton’s surprise. “Indeed, the old grand duke might possibly have been much easier to work with, all things considered.” Anton looked at him. “Are you saying we did the wrong thing then?” He asked, somewhat chagrinned. “Not at all Anton.” Nicolai replied. “If Vladimir accepts the throne, I do believe it will be the best, that could ever have happened to Russia. I just think it will be very interesting to see, who will actually be governing the nation. The Chancellor or the Tsar.”

In the other room, Count Dmitri and Vladimir were speaking of much the same thing. “What is your advice, old friend?” Vladimir asked. “Do I refuse and let Russia fall apart, the Russia, which have caused me so much suffering, or do I accept and become the puppet of Marshal Denikin?” Count Dmitri almost couldn’t help but laugh. “You, a puppet?” he asked and smiled, “I know you better than that Vladimir. “Vladimir didn’t even flinch, when the count did not use his formal title. The count had been with him and his family for many long years and was as family himself. When in private, formality never stood between them.“
“That’s true, I suppose.” He said, “but still, the marshal will do his best to run the country beneath my nose, so to speak. How should I deal with him?” Dmitri was silent for a few moments, before responding. “With patience, wits and skill.” He finally said. “Take your time, build up loyalty for yourself among the government and the people and then, when you have done so, slowly begin to challenge Denikin. Rushing into it will certainly mean failure, but then, I have not known you for making too many serious mistakes in your life. Time is on your side in this Vladimir. The Marshal is unpopular, to say the least and in time, the people’s love will turn to you and so will the loyalty of the army and the government. The nobles of course, while not entirely on your side, since you are nothing like your father to them, will still prefer to obey the Tsar, rather than any president or chancellor. And if that young captain in there is anything like I suspect he is and in any way resembles the mood of the secret police, you have supporters among the Okhrana as well.” Vladimir nodded. “I know.” He said. “Although he hid it very well, it is clear that Captain Amenikov is not adverse to the return of the monarchy. In fact, I believe he rather likes the idea, which might come in handy, if there is any danger.” “There is always danger.” Count Dmitri said, “But if we keep our eyes open and find men we can trust, to do the same, the danger should be minimal.” The count fell silent, eyeing the man, he almost considered to be like a son. “So, I take it you will return?” Vladimir looked at him for a moment and then nodded. “Yes, Dmitri, I will.”
 
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Zauberfloete: Indeed it has, which I believe is part of the idea in Kaiserreich and one of the reasons, why I enjoy this particular mod so much.. ;) I have run games, in which I've reached as far as 1945-6 without even having been to war with the Syndicalists yet.. As Russia, that is, not as Germany.. Which means that the game stays interesting into the latter years of the timeframe and allows for the late inventions to actually have an important purpose.. :)

Oh and of course.. A lot of wars and intrigue gives me a lot to write about in this story.. So I'm not complaining in the least.. :D

Hardraade: indeed you will :) The power-struggle between the Tsar and Denikin is one I'm looking particularly forward to write about.. ;)

As to your question, I am not exactly certain.. The mod does not mention the fate of Nicholas II and his family, however since Cyril and not Nicholas is the head of the Imperial family at the beginning of the game, I can only assume that Nicholas is dead. Exactly how this happened however, I can only speculate about and I've chosen an almost historical approach, in this story, as you can see above. :)

Archduke_Karl: Well, as a matter of fact, this is the first time, it's ever happened to me in the game. However, due to my point of view InGame, I am of course thrilled as to the possibilities, this brings.. :D

Everyone

I hope you'll enjoy the first part of chapter 1, but if you have any comments or critique, please feel free to air them.. I am very, very new at this business and I need all the feedback I can get, to better my storytelling and writing abilities.. :)

One question, which springs to mind is if I've written too much text in the update. I tend to get a bit carried away, when I write and I'm not sure if you'll enjoy such text-heavy updates, as this one.. And updates of such length even.. let me know.. I hunger for feedback.. :)

And finally.. I would like to ask you all a favor....
If you have any ideas for the story, know any good sites for inspiration, or perhaps some sites for getting good pictures, please let me know.. As I've said before, I need all the help I can get. ;)

Thank you all :)
 
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