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"I understand that I am not being brought before any courts to face victor's justice. Therefore, unless anyone has objections, I will return to politics and stay on in this Fourth Republic, distasteful though it is. Chile needs me more than I need Chile, and I have a debt to serve to the nation, injured by the communist and jacobin insurgencies. I was the last Caudillo, and that title I formally resign."

Sebastian Montenegro
Former Caudillo
 
Ah, Mr. Black Mountain. How charred is not your mind? I propose that you commit yourself to an institution which promises to take care of the problems that you are having. Be mindful of the steps when you go there though, do not want you to black out, as that would cause some problems which we could rather be without. However, to come white, I would propose that you are taken into court and tried for treason.

- Mantiago Retruécano
 
"I cannot try myself for treason, even if I should like to. Any charge of treason must be brought against me by the government. Unless such a charge is brought, then I am free to politicise within Chile."

Sebastian Montenegro
 
Archbishop Fernandez follows a vow of silence and never again speaks a word until his imminent execution. Mario Zepeda breaks his promise and rides to Santiago on train from his villa in the Andes, together with his daughter, Antonia Zepeda.

Name: Antonia Zepeda
Age: 25
Ideology: Radical (anarcho liberal)
Background: Antisecularist, liberal and radical like his father, the former President Zepeda, she will do everything to fight for women's suffrage and gender equalty. Her goal: The creation of a new radical party and a coalition with the communists and socialists. She was named that way after Antonio de Santa Rosa, his father's close friend. She became an unlikely heir for the industrialist Zepeda dynasty when her only brother died of tuberculosis and when the other branches of the family (through General Tarquino Zepeda) were killed or exiled in Andonie's civil war.

Emmeline_Pankhurst_adresses_crowd.jpg
 
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"Did we not achieve woman's suffrage long ago?"

~ Daniel Palomino
 
Suddenly, a wild-eyed young man with dark matted hair and a faded, frayed black SS uniform enters the Congreso. Although a few Congressmen notice the man, most are too preoccupied with celebratory champagne and cigars to give him (or politics) a second thought. The man sprints to the podium, takes out a sheet of parchment, and, in a booming voice, delivers a message to the world...


From the mouth of the distinguished Caitan Crazzio!

It grieves me to no end to witness the destruction of nationalist Chile. To the families of fallen soldiers (on both sides): I am sorry for your loss and, if the red menace has not yet seized my domestic bank accounts, I will provide a modest 2 year pension for each household personally affected by the civil war. This pension will, of course, be nothing like the... disgusting... welfare system that Fernandez was trying to create but I trust many Chileans could use the extra income in the near future. I also call upon the many renowned and prosperous capitalists in our nation to start a charity for the children affected by the horrors of war. I also invite Antonia Zepeda to organize and manage this charity organization while I am still not absolved of my "crimes." By starting this charity fund we can dispel the anti-capitalist propaganda expounded by the far-left and give Chileans a ray of hope in these potentially dark times.

To the Communistas: you are scum who seek to dismantle everything that the hardworking Chileans of the past have strived to accomplish. You would liberate recently conquered lands paid for in Chilean blood and populated with our own citizens? If you succeed in taking control of Chile... all hope is lost. I will not pander to you like Fernandez and I will never bow to the red tide. I have no time for your utterly unpatriotic platforms and I will waste no more words on you.

The young man shoots one last glare at the Communista politicians and continued his speech

To the Socialistas and Liberales: I will not pretend to count you all as political allies and I understand why many of you may still be screaming for my head on a silver platter (or, if you wouldn't mind, a jade platter inlayed with gold and precious stones) but I hope you all will understand that killing me will do nothing to stamp out fascism within our nation. Let me go into more detail...

1) I was not part of the Fascist coup in its planning stage. There is no love lost between me and the Communists and, when all was finally said and done, I needed to choose the lesser of two evils. Fernandez had contacted me earlier with promised an eventual re-democratization and the De Conti administration seemed much too weak to hold back the Communist threat. That is not to say that I was particularly fond of the instability of the 3rd republic and I will not pretend that, at the time, a fascist regime sounded like a wonderful alternative to constant coup-ery.

2. I never fielded troops on behalf of the Frente Nacional. I was a financial advisor and minister of interior but I never directly controlled troops on behalf of the nationalist government. If I had been born with a sword in my hand rather than a silver spoon things may have turned out differently but, as it is, the fact is I never killed anyone or had anyone killed under my direct command. I tried to delegate the rather unsavory task of managing the secret police to underlings more suited to the task and I never saw the post as anything more than a title and a favor to Fernandez. I was more focused with building infrastructure and expanding the economy. That must be seen as a noble goal, right?

3. I believe that Chile can become great once more... through democracy I believe that we can create a stable federalist system complete with checks and balances. If we all pool our thoughts together, we can create a perfectly structured government that will prove resilient to both military coups and extremist uprisings. In order to create this system however, we will need to do something to promote less extremism within the Congreso. I will not go as far as to suggest that we ban Communistas, Fascistas, or even Radicales, but we must stress compromise rather than polarization.

The young man takes a breathe. up till now he had read out Crazzio's speech eloquently but something on the paper makes him stop and pause...

Finally, to Neo-Nacionales: Give up your arms and disband your militias mi amigos. Go back to your fields, your mines, your factories, your universities, your towns, and your corner offices. Your people need you now more than ever to stimulate the economy and be productive members of society. You all must realize that I am not and will never be the charismatic rebel leader many of you are looking for. The Frente Nacional will never again..............

The young man broke off. Tears slowly dripped down his dusty cheeks and onto Crazzio's speech, blotting out the last paragraph. Then, with a gut wrenching howl, Crazzio's messenger crumples to the ground, clutching his chest as if pierced through the heart with a javelin. The Bureaucrats stand in silence, dumbstruck by the fanaticism and passion that can so clearly be seen in the eyes of the youth. His sobs ring through the Congreso as guards grab him from the speaker's podium and force him out through the doors of the Congreso. For once, the Congreso is silent...

((Sorry guys I just got back from Florida! I would have told my personal supporters to stand down if I could have found a computer. Then again, hindsight's 20:20.))
 
Crazzio was ever a Liberale-Nationalist. Now that Nationalism is dead, perhaps his successor will join us in glorious Liberty. For the people of Chile, and her most serene Republic of Chile.
 
The young man, apparently having fought off his guards a second time, popped his head through the doors of the Congreso.


"Or Perhaps he can join you himself!"
 
*in his cell, Escovedo sits stone faced, content with his fate and filled with contempt for man and his vanities*

I do not express remorse for my actions, as they were just and right. I do not claim to have been an innocent bystander; I know that I have earned my place in history. I am merely enjoying my last days, content that in your naïveté, you merely spare me from the tortuous agony of watching you cowards rip Chile's destiny and hard-won conquests away to appease the international idiots. I know the truth, and you do not... You are fools, all of you. The worthless "men" who do not own up to their roles in our glorious Government, and the traitorous radicals; both are one and the same. A new day may not dawn upon me in the coming time, but this wicked earth of vice and sin, wherein life is cruel and logic shunned, will be a place that I leave happily. Come hell or high water, I will not abandon my principles. They and they alone have led me straight and true when all others deviated from the path in their weakness. Once, I was naive enough to believe that the citizens of this wretched nation would see and understand the glory of Nationalism. Now, I have evolved, and abandoned my delusions. As I sit here, free to ponder the infinite inferiorities of man, my hatred for friend and foe alike grows daily. Do I feel abandoned? Of course. Alone in my staunch defense of principle? Undoubtedly. But do I feel resigned? Never. Not while my values still guide me, leading me on into the kingdom of heaven as all other men are doomed to suffer in the hell that is reality.

Alejandro Ruiz de Escovedo
 
Name: Colonel Julio Varde
Born: 1880
Affiliation: Communistas
Bio: As the son of the fanatical Esteban Varde, Julio was being indoctrinated into his father's vicious mix of racism and populism. He suffered intense mental scaring when his father began the practice of "beating the capitalist out of him." His father then had him join the army, and he proved to be an efficient, if cruel, solder. Although several doctors declared him mentally unfit for command, his father's political connections ensured promotion, and helped cover up the often sickly imaginative ways he had of breaking captured rebel's wills. However, almost as soon as the uprising began, he deserted. He provided exceptionally useful intelligence for the communista rebels, (he refused to even speak to those who supported capitalist democracy) and by the end of the war was leading a squad of men himself. He continued his creative interrogation methods, (one of the reported methods was to lock captured solders in a box filled with insects, naked) but these were ignored due to the necessities of war. Although he states that he is loyal to the communistas, no one knows for sure.
 
Yes we did. Last century :)

I am sorry then, I am now an exalted feminist radical.

And the first chilean woman in politics.

Crazzio was ever a Liberale-Nationalist. Now that Nationalism is dead, perhaps his successor will join us in glorious Liberty. For the people of Chile, and her most serene Republic of Chile.

He was the director of the secret police and a criminal. Of everyone in that list, Caitán Crazzio would be the first one that needs to face punishment. The communists are so eager about hanging Fernandez, a simple priest, that they have overlooked Caitan Crazzio, a war criminal.

And I'm looking for political allies to start a liberal or radical party.
 
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I am sorry then, I am now an exalted feminist radical.

And the first chilean woman in politics.



He was the director of the secret police and a criminal. Of everyone in that list, Caitán Crazzio would be the first one that needs to face punishment. The communists are so eager about hanging Fernandez, a simple priest, that they have overlooked Caitan Crazzio, a war criminal.

And I'm looking for political allies to start a liberal or radical party.

I have alreaqdy announced my desire to form the new Radical Liberal Party and am in talks with the liberal Mantiago Retruécano regarding a merger.

Carlos Andonie the Third
 
Provisional Government, 1913-1915: Fear Nothing​

The logistic impossibility of 1913 elections in wartorn Chile necessitated a temporary provisional government in Santiago. However, there was no consensus candidate for President, and the many disparate factions of the revolution could not agree on a common leader. For the first time since independence, Chile was without a President in La Moneda. Instead, the executive and legislative functions of the country were left to a hastily assembly provisional executive council and Congreso. The first act of this Congreso, beyond the appointment of the various officers of the interim government, was to organize and oversee plebiscites on the independence of the territories conquered under ultra-nationalist rule: Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia, as well as similar referenda in the captured Peruvian territory of Ica and the Brazilian Amazonas and Mato Grosso. In each case, the people overwhelmingly voted to return to their original nations.

Thus, by early April 1913, a little less than a year after the liberation of Santiago, these territories were returned to their rightful owners. Observers from Europe and North America lauded the move. In the words of one American delegate, "Chile's steps to return unlawfully and wrongly seized territories during the reign of its dictators in the last decade shows that the new Republic is willing to work in good faith with the rest of the world." The applause of the European states came with the implicit understanding that there would be no further calls for intervention or containment in South America as long as Chile kept to its own borders. Despite the fanfare, the diplomatic observers discretely mentioned two important factors to their far-away masters: 1) Chile had refused to hold a referendum on Argentinian independence, and 2) while the government of Uruguay appeared independent, those of Bolivia and Paraguay continued to take their cues from Santiago, and the latter two appeared to merely constitute satellite republics.

The South American common market and defensive zone was re-established in the 1913 Santiago Conference, where delegates of the UPCA, Haiti, Colombia, Venezuela, Peru, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, Brazil, and Bolivia signed a new economic and military treaty.

This notwithstanding, Chile had finally entered a phase of relative expected peace, and the still-mobilized reserves were finally given orders to stand down in mid-May. The reconstruction of the Chilean military, which had been decimated by the war, began shortly thereafter. The military eventually peaked at roughly 450,000, and the army began to experiment with the new technologies of military aeronautics in mid-1914. Some observers claimed that this was too many, far more than necessary to defend the country, and a handful even warned that Chile was planning to re-invade ceded provinces. These suspicions, however, proved unfounded, as peace reigned in South America well past the half-decade. Commentators within the Chilean military made the opposite argument: even Mexico, they said, had an army of 500,000.

The cessation of previously conquered territories caused the Chilean population to plunge back down to just over 41 million, and news of the civil war had effectively ended the steady stream of migrants into the country that had previously fueled the country's boom in power. With stability seemingly returned to the nation, though, the immigration boom returned in full force in mid-1914. More than a million people would immigrate to Chile in 1914 and as many as two million in 1915, bringing the Chilean population up to roughly 47 million by the time of the election. However, the drop in population and industrial capacity, combined with a massive Confederate naval buildup in North America, once forced Chile into lesser prominence than its northern counterparts.

In response, the Provisional Council authorized the aging Admiral Eduardo Alvarez to begin what he called the last project of his career: the re-construction of the Chilean Navy. Using the blueprints gained from the French island of Martinique and the expertise from the single prototype constructed, Alvarez boldly proposed to build a modern fleet to replace the one he had scuttled during the sixth Civil War. Shipyards across Chile sprung into action in early 1914, and by late 1915, the Chilean Navy numbered 32 dreadnoughts strong.

While Chile entered a new military equilibrium, the political scene in Santiago was dominated by two events: 1) the hunt for and trial of remaining Frente Nacional officers and officials, and 2) the creation of new political parties. Four men, Nostrada, De Santa Rosa, Fernandez, and De Escovedo were held and put on trial in Santiago. All four men were convicted of (variously) treason and conspiracy to overthrow the the fourth republic by broad margins. De Santa Rosa, the lowest profile one of the four, was convicted unanimously (by a much smaller group of senators in the Congreso, as not as many bothered to attend). The four men were all executed by firing squad in early January, 1914.

Caitan Crazzio and Sebastian Montenegro, meanwhile, remained at large. Rumors of Crazzio's arrest circulated in 1915 but ultimately proved to be false. Montenegro, on the other hand, remained heavily in the public eye, insisting on writing editorials and messages in sympathetic papers. Mountings calls for his arrest and execution were ultimately quashed by the courts, who dismissed the case against him on the grounds of insufficient evidence, much to the annoyance of the Congreso.

The biggest issue heading into the 1915-1916 electoral season was unemployment. Partly due to the damage of the war, joblessness had risen to fevered pitch in many parts of the country, peaking at over 18% in Santiago itself. Scuffles between the newly reconstituted unions and private security became deadly in Rio Negro, where two people (strikers) lost their lives in a protest turned sour. The discontent over the lack of elections and rising unemployment gave new life to the Comunistas, who could be seen actively recruiting in factories, while FNT influence was once again seen behind the unions. Closer to Santiago, the resurgent Partido Liberal (an alliance between resurgent radical, Germanist, and Andonist factions and more conventional laissez-faire liberals) and the Partido Republicano (once again a broad blanket coalition of moderate and radical conservatives and reactionaries) formed the nucleus of traditional left-right politics. Each sought to field candidates as the first Presidential election of the 4th Republic drew ever closer.

-------------------------
Emergency Economic Stability Act

I. This Act shall be in effect from the date passed until the inauguration of the elected after 1914 and the dissolution of the Provisional Government.

II. Due to the great harm suffered to our economy by the Civil War, the Provisional Governments policy shall be to subsidize industry, open closed factories and expand our industry in order to stabilize the economy and reduce unemployment.
Player Actions Needed:

And here we are again. Agitators and candidates for the Presidency should declare. (If you want to reconstitute the office of the Chief of Staff, you'll have to put a bill forward.) Additionally, I'm calling roll. Everyone, including disenfranchised individuals, should give me their party affiliation - FNT, Comunista, Liberal, Republicano, or Frente Nacional (which is right now underground and will not be represented in the election).

Also, there is a bill above to vote for. Vote yes or no on the Emergency Economic Stability Act.

Sample Ballot:
Emergency Economic Stability Act: Yes/No/Abstain

Sample Roll:
I'm a member of the FNT/Comunistas/Liberales/Republianos/Frente Nacional.

Sample Declaration:
I'm agitating!
I'm running for President!

As a reminder, there are still a large number of disenfranchised individuals who can't vote, agitate, or run for President but can and should give me an idea of their party affiliation.

Polls close 10 AM PST on the 25th.
 
I am a member of the Liberales and I am running for President

It is time for the liberals to put this country right. We have learnt much and will not make the same mistakes again. I have lived the legacy of my grandfathers time and will take the good points from his time and consign the bad to the dustbin. We must grow now as a country and the country has always grown best under a liberal leader. I have decided to avoid confusion and the negative connatations my nmae might have to revert back to my other name, that of Sain Cannodler.

AS for this Emergency Economic bill, this is ridiculous and I vote NO for this bill.

Carlos Andonie the Third
 
I pledge support to the Liberale cause. I cannot provide any meaningful support though, only in name, for whoever will stand up and run for freedom and Chilean prosperity.
 
In October, 1914, Francisco de Santa Rosa returned to his homeland. The former Treasury Minister was said to have looked upon the devastation caused in part by his son and wept.

---

While I feel I cannot yet vote, as I have little knowledge of how this new Fourth Republic, if it will be so known, will work, I will refrain from voting. However, I do support the Republicanos and advise all liberals to oppose this Economic Bill, which just another extension of government power.

To those members of the Partido Liberal, I certainly hope that our two parties will work well together, as they did when my father led this great nation those many years ago. I wish all of you the best of luck, and will wholly support an alliance between our two parties, not one similar to Zepeda and Cortez, or Andonie and Severiano, but one like we've never seen before, one where both parties are equally represented (probably most like Rivera's or Santa Rosa's presidencies).

Whilst I am re-acquainting myself with Chilean politics, I also reconstitute the newspaper Libertad and the Chilean Peace Society, and hope that I can acquire a position at the University of Santiago.

On a final not, I would personally like to send an invitation to Senorita Zepeda, named after my venerable father, an offer to become a writer at Libertad (indeed, all liberals and moderates are welcome!); our families long associations with each other, combined with her liberal purism, would be a great asset to my paper.
 
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Antonia Zepeda is out travelling the seven seas. Before leaving, she sent a letter to the liberales in Santiago: She would return later and remain in the Congreso until the rest of her life if necessary. Her senate seat is now used by a grim man, a left over from the days of the Frente Nacional. The grim man, dressed with a dark suit and a fedora hat, is a left over from the fascist days. A devout follower of fascism who remains unconviceted after the 1914 trials because of a legal loophole. While he knows that a fascist state is no longer possible, he will be forced to work through democratic means to protect the nation from the red menace.

New Character
Name: Gabriel Tottenheim
Age: 50
Occupation: Former Subsecretary of Defense under the Frente Nacional, works as a lawyer.


I am for the Frente Nacional!
Our nation has been seized by the rebels, our amazing leaders were killed or arrested. An unfair trial based on illegal claims and victors' justice has swept away the most brilliant minds of Chile. Our nation was divided up by our neighboors. Our people starve under disemployment under the new government. We need to preserve our accomplishments!
 
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I am still awaiting Andonie's answer for a merger of the Democratic Anarchists with the Liberal Party. You can't be that liberal with time, you know; and spelling as well, I recall your pseudonym being spelled "Sain Canoodler", not "Sain Cannodler".

- Mantiago Retruécano
 
Ernst Thaumen, having not expressed any personal feelings of admiration toward the National Republic and having done little more than follow the orders ascribed to him, has escaped more severe punishment. As per his actions as a colonel of the National Republic, Thaumen was sentenced to be disenfranchised and monitored for five years. Should he not be found to be disloyal by the end of the five years, he will be re-instated as a colonel within the Chilean military.

Though I cannot vote otherwise, as per my sentence, I express my support for the Liberales.