The Test Controversy and the collapse of Paris
From Franceau Robb’s Roads to Enlightenment
...for while Louis XIII was forced into tolerating Catholic sects in the years immediately following the Fronde, he faced increasing pressure over his administration to reign in this policy. This pressure came first and foremost from the Church, whose criticisms of Jansenism came forcefully and often. “I fear that if Louis does not abandon his foolish acceptance of the Jansenist faction”, wrote Urban XIV in the 1660s, “that we will face a new Protestant uprising”. This concern was not unfounded; many in the 17th century blamed the War of Religion on Henri I’s lack of action regarding Protestantism in the 16th century.
But the context of the 17th century was different then the religiously fragmented times of Henri I’s reign. Instead of a question of tolerance, the main debate within the French government regarding the Jansenists involved the nature of absolutism itself. One faction, led by First Minister Colbert and supported by the King, saw absolutism as requiring standardization, of the government and of society. This group helped pressure through laws requiring testing of lawyers and officers, the creation of the
intendant position, and the combination of the French army and bureaucracy through the early 1670s. The other faction was far more dispersed, but it was steadily growing in power through the 17th century and can be called, with some caveats, a ‘liberal’ faction. This group, of which Vauban was the foremost member, believed that Louis’ desire for standardization was leading to unconscionably poor policies and was infringing on the very rights which Louis’ reign had established. Though this group had little representation in the central government or the military, their key positions in provincial parliaments had prevented centralized direction of training drills as well as protecting municipal rights at the early stages of their existence.
Gottfried Leibniz, the head lecturer of Paris’ University of Philosophy and one of the most important philosophical figures of Louis’ reign
This was also during a period in time when blatant sectarianism was quickly being seen as passe. Leibniz was an influential figure in France, and his vision of a Europe finally reunited across religious lines was at least vaguely accepted as an important project in the halls of Saint Cyr. Furthermore France’s important alliance with England and the need to pass legislation through the strongly Protestant area of Flandres meant that direct action against Protestant-like sects was infeasible.
This said, the Jansenists were forcing Louis’ hand. Their opposition to the Jesuits (whom they saw as too lax with Catholic theology, preachers of “A kind of Christ religion, certainly, but certainly not Christianity” in the words of the the head of Paris’ Hopital de Laurence) steadily transformed into an opposition to France’s colonial policies. Unmarked by war, the Viceroyalty of Quebec had been expanding steadily past the Hudson Bay and the Great Lakes. This was achieved mainly via an interconnecting web of trade and religion which brought Amerindian tribes under the auspex of Sacremont, and the religious aspect of this was handled almost entirely by the Jesuits. As many as four hundred Jesuit missionaries were in western Quebec at a time during the reign of Louis, making it the largest point of Jesuit efforts outside of New Spain. Furthermore Jesuits were busy converting the Chinese in Wuzhou and Fujian, and had a sizeable presence in the French East India Company.
Quebec in 1670. The grey areas were administered directly from Sacremont, the yellow areas by Jesuit missions, while the brown areas were still wholly controlled by Amerindian tribes
The actions of the Jesuits, from allowing aspects of local religion to seep into Christianity, to their support of trading alcohol with the Amerindians, infuriated the Jansenists. They saw the first as allowing heresy, the second as the corruption of a group of humans who were free from Original Sin* They also saw France’s alliance with England as a horrid offense, and agitated in the cities against both of these crimes. They worked especially hard in the municipal districts to stop their adherents from volunteering for the army, and interfered with the increase in army size that Louis was moving towards in preparation for the end of the truce with the Netherlands. It was clear that something had to be done about the Jansenists. But what?
Colbert’s response was in line with the previous major initiatives that had emerged from Saint Cyr: a standardized test which would determine if a clergyman was fit to become a bishop. This was accompanied by a revamping of policy regarding the dioceses, which re-organized them to fit with the boundaries of the French provinces. This legislation, known as the Test Act, was a continuation of the policies adopted by Louis regarding the law and the army, and because it only applied to nationally supported Catholic dioceses, it garnered little attention from Protestants or the Parliaments.
That did not last long. Soon the Jansenist bishops were informed that they would have to submit to the test (involving Biblical history, contemporary Church controversies, and the dogma of the contemporary Church). They had to swear to God that their answers reflected their personal opinions, and were graded to see if they were competent enough to rank as a bishop. No Jansenist passed and they were required to relinquish their church lands to other, more pure Catholic priests and a new set of Catholic convents. This resulted in a minor uproar among the municipal districts, but despite minor dissent in the Paris and Bordeaux fauxbourgs the issue received little attention next to the spectacle that was the Franco-Dutch War. The only major immediate result of the test act was Vauban’s sidelining from the army; his dissent to the act (“I feel that such an act would remove from France one of her greatest resources”) led to him being assigned to the Spanish border, as far away from the action against the Netherlands as possible.
The Parisian Bread Riots of 1679
The response to the Test Act, in the end, came only after the war, and only indirectly. The war, and the garrisoning of Paris with a 10,000 man detachment, had buoyed Paris’ economy as the charity organizations started closing shop. But when the war ended Paris immediately entered into a swift depression. While we don’t have direct numbers, we know that the jobless and homeless, no longer supported by a safety net of charities and hospitals, crowded the streets. We know that the number of social organizations (such as hospitals and schools) fell by two thirds in the 1680s, and that the Jansenist organizations had employed 40,000 people over the course of the 1660s. And we know that in 1679 there was a bread riot as the jobless were unable to find work and were starving on the streets, who allied with the Parisian militia who had been paid mostly out of the coffers of the Jansenists.
The bread riots brutalized Paris, and when Louis chose not to negotiate (for his treasury was weakened as well), the Parisian militias fought street to street with the French army, ending with a siege by the Parisian militia on the French barracks. A group of militiamen even stormed the Louvre and took the young Henri III captive. But after a week of hard fighting, the militia was finally put down, and after the French army ceased its occupation in 1680, all that was left was a vacuum. Paris was back at square one, with much of her social and physical infrastructure in ruins.
Parisians turned to crime as a source of employment, smuggling, stealing, gambling and embezzlement becoming ways of life for tens of thousands. But what is rarely noted is just how much this infrastructure of crime acted as a social safety net, and just how much the underside of Paris supported the overside. Bakeries, guild houses, and construction companies often took loans out from mob bosses, and the smuggling operations kept prices in Paris cheap even as the Parisian countryside gentrified. And, surprisingly, Paris continued to grow, as the activities of the bosses as well as the growth of a fauxbourger merchant class meant that enough capital existed in Paris to create hundreds of new homes after the walls were taken down. At the dawn of the 18th century, Paris was a city of five hundred thousand souls, known as 'the greatest slum on earth'.
The growth of crime had another effect, though. Paris was seen, and saw itself as, a foreign city to France after the bread riots. It was ineffectually policed by the crown, but intermittent attacks on the city’s economy were undertaken by Henri III in an attempt to stamp out crime. This, and the bone crushing poverty seen everywhere in the city, meant that a subconscious ideology had started to grow in Paris, one that saw every element of the French crown and economy as dysfunctional, nepotistic, corrupt and belligerent towards the poor. This was a truly revolutionary ideology, and it is notable that several great revolutionary thinkers arose from Paris before the revolution had even taken place, most notably Louis Dominique “Cartouche” Bourgignon**. This is not to say that Paris or even urban Paris did not produce conservative thinkers, but even they had major issues with the monarchy, or otherwise felt that the corrupt state of France left it ripe for the taking.
The Parisian revolutionary attitude, which found fault with nearly every aspect of French society, could not be more different than the kind of politics that came out of Flandres...
*As late as the 18th century it was a common belief that Amerindians were human beings who had stayed in the Garden of Eden, as evinced by their dislike of clothes and ‘natural state’ of living. This idea fell out of popularity as the Bible’s version of history was challenged, but remained a popular idea until the 1700s.
**A robin hood like criminal IOTL