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Turbulent times ahead, looking forward to it. I like how despite getting a near perfect monarch you've loaded him with a few crucial flaws to add some spice. Great AAR as ever.

This AAR has actually inspired me to brush up on the Ottoman Empire for an AAR in a similar style I hope to get started.

Playing my first serious game of MM where I'm not being destroyed by Ubik, I found some of the stats don't match up with the traits. Had an 8/8/8 Pope, Personal Awkwardness on ascension, and spendthrift (-5 tax) and some other negative modifiers too. It certainly makes for greater immersion, and is a dream for an AAR than vanilla which is just numbers and domination no matter what.

Henri is very much going to be a discussion of what a 'perfect' monarch would be like in reality. Even the 9/9/9 monarchs that existed in reality all had very muddled records--Frederick the Great, after the 7 Years War, made sure that the Prussian Army was adept at marches and little else, Louis XIV left the kingdom in bankruptcy, Henri IV was assassinated, etc. Both Louis and Frederick let their successes get to their heads, and after this started to dismantle their accomplishments.

Also, the great Chris Taylor has made a fantastic header for this AAR! Here is the far prettier image than mine which will open the next batch of entries under Henri II!

What a collaboration!

I was thinking about Frederick the other day, how his mistakes at Kunersdorf and Koln were errors brought about by personality flaws.. I still idolize him all the same though.

Thank you! I'm definitely going to use the first for an 18th century monarch, and if/when a Quebecois revolution happens I'll use the Carillion flag.

I'd love to see a colonial revolt, manually trigger it!
 
However Machiavelli states that autocratic government is ideally better than republican government
I have a question about this, apologies if it is overly ignorant - I remember very little about Discourses (read it years ago) except being surprised that Machiavelli seemed quite sympathetic to republics. He felt that republics act slowly and this inhibits the tyranny of self-interest inherent in autocracies. Is my memory exaggerating, am I just mistaken, or are you altering Machiavelli's perspective based on his changed historical context? I notice that you didn't include Discourses among his works in this timeline...
 
I'm altering Machiavellis works given that he lived within a wholly different kind of Italy. Machiavelli's chief desire, as expressed in the Discourses and in the Prince, was the reunification of Italy, the greatest nation on earth (etc). In OTL Machiavelli wrote in a situation of highly unstable and fractured autocracies dominating Italy, with the experience of being a part of Republican governance being a major part of his early life. In LoF Machiavelli wrote in the context of a stable Italy which was 'ruled' by authoritarian countries on the local level but had a democracy at the international level, and his major experiences were obstruction by republican forces.

I was planning on writing more about Italy's unification earlier, but essentially you had 2 factions in the Italian parliament--the Ducal faction, which sought to annex all of the Italian states under the aegis of the Duchy of Modena, and the Republicans who wanted the status quo. Machiavelli was influenced by the politics of his time (and his predisposition towards a united Italy), and created a synthesis: authoritarian rule under a pan-Italian state. Furthermore, Machiavelli's work was changed by the fact that he was in power for years.
 
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The Arts Under Henri II, part 1


Henri II de Bourbon is one of the most important arts patron in the history of the world. Simply looking at the amount of money invested in the arts under Vigny’s regency, the 1630s, and the 1640s shows the extent of the change--under Vigny the arts were primarily patronized by the Inquisition, and only 40,000 livres per year were distributed to artists (who were primarily dealing with neo-Medievalist themes). Saint Chamand removed the responsibility of patronizing the arts from the Inquisition and increased the state’s funding of the arts to 100,000 livres per year. At the peak of France’s arts funding under Henri (1642), the French crown distributed 5 million livres, or 15% of the government’s budget, into the arts.


But this funding had its functional aspects: much of Henri’s patronage had an ulterior motive in mind. In some cases his motive was power politics, as in Henri’s funding for the French letters as a way of giving some unity to the French diaspora. But in many cases (especially with regards to funding of the arts in the Seine Valley), Henri had one great ambition: to make Paris the New Rome, the center of the world. But presenting the arts as one category would be inaccurate, as French arts policy separated the arts into several categories. As such I will discuss the major accomplishments made in four fields which became the major subdivisions of the Royal Academy of the Arts: Architecture, Music, the Visual Arts, and Letters. In this section, I will devote my attention to Architecture and Music.


Architecture and le Place de Royale


Architecture was one of the main focuses of Henri’s arts funding, mainly because it had the double purpose of revitalizing Paris after the damage incurred by the Day of the Barricades. Even 3 years after the event, multiple neighborhoods on the periphery still didn’t have working fountains and many well off neighborhoods still had wreckage in the place of many buildings. Lack of funds through Saint Chamand’s regency, as well as Paris’ usual class disagreements, had prevented any significant rebuilding of the city. Furthermore, in 1620 many areas of the Right Bank of the Seine were still marshes and church lands which were left barren, and the city walls still separated the dense quarters of Paris from the fauxbourgs outside the the city.


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Paris in 1620. Note the dichotomy caused by the city walls and the empty areas immediately around the Seine. Note, also, the use of perspective: the Enlightenment mode of mapmaking (which presumed a ‘birds eye view’ which no one could possibly see) had not yet been applied to the local level and most maps still took the perspective of a person looking on some extant hill


The architectural renewal of Paris began when Henri created the position of ‘Directeur des Urbains’ and gave it to Raoul le Tellier, a Norman disciple of Saint Chamand known mostly for his architectural prowess. The urban director was solely in charge of all public works, including fountains, bridges, the city walls, and the roads, as well as royal lands (and was given the authority to buy and sell land). Creating a directly appointed position with such power (the Urban Directors of Bruges, Paris, Lyons and Bourdeaux were all invested with more power than any other government officials in their area outside of the provincial governors) was the last step in a centuries long trend away from locally elected officials.


The municipal officials of Paris had chosen the wrong side in two consecutive conflicts--firstly siding with the ultra-orthodox League des Catoliques and secondly with the Vignards--and in both cases the social prestige of local offices fell immeasurably. Henri’s move--to wholly sidestep the obstructionism of the precedent set parliament by creating appointed royal positions--was barely mentioned amongst Parisian notables. Within weeks le Tellier’s unprecedented funding and legal powers was already showing its effects. Unemployed masons were given work repairing Paris’ fountains and within a month of Henri’s ascension the Parisian water supply was again safe to drink and provided to all the quarters of Paris. Roads were cleaned and paved, making it easier for carriages--the newest form of aristocratic travel--to move to and from the capital.


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The idea of the carriage was not necessarily new: horse drawn chariots and even covered chariots were common in the classical era. But the dawn of the 17th century saw the massive expansion of the carriage as a form of transportation, showcasing the gentrification of the aristocratic classes


But it was in the mid 1620s that le Tellier ‘caught his break’. The Guise family, who had for a long time been the landlords and mayors of Paris, had gone broke after much of their liquid wealth was confiscated for their support for Vigne. Their Parisian estates, which took up a good portion of the Parisian right bank, were put up for sale, which le Tellier immediately bought at a discount. The houses on this estate were slums, built with the cheapest materials. Le Tellier recompensed those who lived in the Guise slums and tore them down, replacing them with what he called ‘Le Place de Royale’.


Le Place de Royale, a block of apartments built for the increasing group of bourgeoisie bureaucrats who staffed the Louvre, for Parisian cultural notables, and for major ambassadors (a set of categories which started to intersect starting in the 1670s, and which had become wholly indistinct in the 18th century as French hegemony came to the point that many minor countries used French notables as their ambassadors), was built with one architectural purpose--to show the greatness of France. Le Place de Royal’s style, combining the neo-classicism of the Renaissance with an French sense of austerity, became the French architectural style of the next two centuries, and marked the beginnings of France’s transcendence of the themes of the Renaissance and thus the beginning of Enlightenment art.


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The Place de Royal. The style of the apartments were so dominant in France that by 1900 nearly all of Paris was adorned with buildings of the “French neo-Classical” style. Furthermore the apartment's style was known through Europe as it became a center for ambassadors


Le Tellier’s success as the engineer of the Place de Royal (although it was Gui de Vergennes, the most talented non-military architect in France and the ‘prize jewel’ of the Royal Architect Corps, who actually designed the apartments) led to a restructuring of the French government. In the age of Vigny the French Architectural Corps, a part of the French Army, had dominated French arts funding in the Vigny period. In 1625 Henri split the French Architectural Corps, creating the Army Engineers (the military aspect of the French Architectural Corps) and the Academy of Architecture (the civil aspect), which was put under a new Ministry of Public Works and the Arts, headed by le Tellier.


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The ascendency of Le Tellier to the Cabinet


The rise of French Music and the Symphony


No field transformed more under the reign of Henri than music. Even as late as the 17th century, music was mostly patronized by the Church and revolved around religious themes. After Le Tellier was appointed minister of the arts, funding for musical groups (including choirs, composers, and orchestras) trebled in two years. By 1627 every musician in Paris was patronized by the new Musicians du Roi. The Royal Musicians had several supgroups, including a group of opera singers and a massive orchestra headed by the composer Francois Villion.


The choice of Villion as the composer of the Royal Orchestra was a coup: Villion was one of the first composers of his era to completely eschew the use of religious themes and of singers, choosing instead to compose symphonies. This type of music, implicitly secular as it lacked the idea of a Voice, was popularized by the amazingly adept composer Villion. His diligence--throughout his life he composed almost 200 symphonies--and his playful style elevated the French musical scene to being the best in Europe. By the 1630s the greatness of this musical mastermind was widely accepted, and in 1632 the newly crowned King of Bavaria asked for an audience by the Musicians du Roi. Villion’s orchestra would conduct a grand tour through Europe, playing in Munich, Berlin, Prague, Warsaw and Stockholm before coming back, greatly increasing French prestige in the process.


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The ‘grand tour’ of the Villion orchestra


The creation and popularization of the symphony was due, chiefly, to the influence of Henri, who had never had a large amount of religious influence in his life (Saint Chamand, who sensed “no vigour for theology" in the young Henri, chose instead to focus on the classics, a subject which Henri clearly had a passion for) and who preferred the rational structure of a symphony over the dramaticism of operas and the stolidness of choirs. Another form of music which Henri gave a large amount of thought to was the ballet: Henri composed several ballets himself and deeply enjoyed holding dances in the Louvre. Further down the road, as Henri aged into his 40s and took less and less interest in the arts, Jean-Baptiste Lully was appointed as chief royal musician, taking a role which had once been served by the king himself. The appointment of an Italian to the one of the chief French cultural positions shows us that even in 1653, Henri was no longer threatened by what had previously been France’s main cultural rival, the Despotate di Modena


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Lully would use his influence as Chief Musician to create, in Paris, an Academy for Music


Conclusion to part one: perspectives on Henri’s intentions
All this is well and good, but why did the creation of an apartment block, or a musical troupe, or an artist’s guild, bring such a degree of attention to (in the scheme of things) a relatively minor municipal bureaucrat? Which brings us to a bigger question--why did Henri care so much about the arts, and why did he care so much about Paris?


Henri’s greatest goal--a goal incubated by a classical education, but also by an atypically urban childhood (for an aristocrat) and by a very innovative teacher (a teacher who, himself, was a foreigner in every European land and a man obsessed by the notion of Empire)--was the recreation of the greatness of Rome in Paris. While this was hardly a new desire (similar desires existed in Modena and Austria), Henri had an unprecedented ability to make this desire a reality. Unlike the Despots of Modena, who sought to literally create the realm of Italia as a recreation of Rome’s glory, or the Holy Roman Emperors who sought to create Roman glory through arms, Henri engaged in his goal in a wholly non-oppositional way. By maintaining a series of balancing alliances against his enemies, Henri was able to downsize the army and move that money into the arts to an extent unthought of by any head of state before or since. By funding the arts to this degree Henri was able to create French hegemony in a way that was barely even noticed until it was too late.


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Death of Germanicus. Neo-roman themes were a common trend in French 17th-18th century art, eclipsing the use of Christian symbolism as the ideals of the Enlightenment took hold


As such, the fact that both Louis XII and Henri II are used as examples of “prototypical realists” is interesting and wholly off. Although Louis XII was great friends with Nicollo I di Machiavelli it seems that he never read Il Duce (although his First Minister, du Bosquet, had read it and used its theory of judicial power as the reasoning behind his centralization of the French court system). Despite Louis’ ignorance of the power of ideas, a flaw he shares with classical realism, there is little evidence to say that Louis wasn’t simply a highly competent and ambitious power-politician.


Henri, on the other hand, was a believer in many of the aspects of ‘modern’ realism--a balance of power, a ‘scientific’ way of viewing international relations, a belief in a universal human nature--Henri was a utopian through and through, and believed that a balance of power could maintain the status quo in the secular realm of European affairs as France achieved hegemony for itself in the cultural realm. This explained the Janus-like nature of Henri’s policies--in power politics, Henri was wholly conciliatory, hoping simply to maintain the peace and France’s position as First Among Equals within the international system. But in the Arts, Henri was aggressive, not only in his willingness to spend millions upon millions of livres on a patronization of the arts, but also in his willingness to support forms of the arts (an austere architectural aesthetic against the extravagance of the Baroque style, symphonies against the popularity of choir music, as we will see neo-pagan/classical themes instead of Christian symbolism and French instead of Latin) which went against the ‘grain’ of European society.


Thus, while in international relations as we traditionally see them, Henri was meek, a lamb who simply attempted to maintain the peace and the status quo. But in the broader world of culture and ideas, Henri was a true revolutionary, who put as his goal the complete subjugation of European culture under his France. Henri’s revolutionary streak was not limited to the international realm though--he also wanted to remake French society from the ground up via his cultural policies. I will discuss this desire, and the way that Henri implemented this desire via his visual arts and linguistic/academic policies, in the next section.
 
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Thanks for the reply! You really do a wonderful job thinking through this alternate history.

I try, though at this point the logic of the world itself is writing itself to some degree (I also am benefited from a graduate school that is just within the realm of walking distance--40 minute walks give you a lot of time to think about your AARs). My biggest difficulty, and anyone who wants to help can talk with me over PMs about it, is that in this game Thuringia becomes the first Constitutional Kingdom. The idea that constitutionalism (something traditionally associated with tolerance) started in a religiously radical country where duty to the state was everything.

Some very "soft" diplomacy.

I love the picture of Germanicus. I suppose this sets up French becoming the 'Lingua Franca' and so on?

Yes it is. I kind of wish that I'd planned this section out a bit more because I just kind of got to a point where I realized "well it'll take too long/be annoyingly long to read if I finished this". Had I known that 2 sections on their own were going to be 5 pages long I'd put Language and Music with Henri's international intentions and architecture and the 'fine arts' with his domestic intentions. But, say levy.

Very interesting, not to mention impressive that you could make fictional art patronising so interesting. I look forward to part two.

Is it a typo in the first paragraph you say '1830s and 1840s', do you mean 1630s and 1640s?

My girlfriend is an arts manager/art historian so yeah a lot of this can be put to her influence. Also thanks for catching the typo.
 
So, I'm sorry, but this is going to be a little out of order. I had my first day working at a book store with no entertainment besides The Ancien Regime and gmail, so I started writing a part of the next section for you guys because it was a slow day and, well, what else was I going to do. As these sections are want to do, it got out of hand so I decided to give you guys a separate section on the kind of society that Henri was trying to build, and give it to you now rather than making you guys wait even though it should technically come after the section on the Visual Arts and Henri's patronization of the French language. But, on the other hand, how long has it been since I posted 2 entries in one week? Anyways, I hope you enjoy this

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Domestic Transformations: Henri's utopian society
Although some of the arts (notably the Visual Arts and Music) were consciously funded by Henri as a method of cultural imperialism, most of the arts Henri funded were directed towards the transformation of the French aristocracy and French society as a whole. This transformation had several specific aspects, some of which are contradictory on their face (such as the conflict between divine right and the public interest), which is why I will deal with each in turn, building one on top of the other until we have the full image of Henri's semi-utopian society.

Divine Right

The most major aspect of Henri's funding was the transformation of the King from being merely 'the chief aristocrat' into being a semi-divine figure. Each depiction of Henri, whether in portraiture or statue, showed him either as some Greek or Roman deity or as the reincarnation of the Caesars. A similar treatment was given to Henri's grandfather Louis XII, and the myth of the perpetually young ideal Autocrat Louis was used as the cement of the regime of Henri.

Governmentally, the philosophy of divine right and of the semi-divinity of Absolute Monarchs created a wholly different conception of what government/governance is as opposed to the feudal or the parliamentary modes of government. Both the idea of the feudal contract and the social contract imply a relationship between the King and those he governed, a relationship which allowed the governed to hold the governors accountable. In the absolutism of Henri II, the King was anointed by God and God alone, and had no conceptual relationship either to the people he governed or to the government which implemented his policies.

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Henri was commonly depicted as either the god Jupiter, or later as the Sun. Henri's creation of a cult of personality around himself (and his connection of that cult of personality with the creation of the French national culture) effectively set him and the royal family apart from any potential rivals. He was no longer merely a part of the French government, he was more the God of France.

While both of these ideas had existed before Henri, they were reconfigured in a way which empowered the King and the royal family while disempowering any potential rivals. While the Hapsburg monarchy's rule over the Holy Roman Empire was a rule of the first among equals, where hypothetically the kings of Brandenburg, Bavaria, or Thuringia could hope to become Emperors, by the 18th century no non-Bourbon aristocrat had any hope of becoming King without massive amounts of turmoil.

Henri also ended the policy of having a First Minister; the most powerful member of his government was St.Chamand and even then St.Chamand only had the role of advisor. Outside of St.Chamand the other major figures of Henri's government--le Tellier and de Saint Germain, not to mention every marshal of France through the early 17th century--were either roles with only regional significance or roles which were clearly only given at the behest of Henri. The role of the French aristocracy was made clear in the art Henri patronized: at best they were to orbit around him, as the moons orbited around Jupiter, and any aristocrat hoping for power or fame had to accept that that power came through the behest of Henri and Henri alone.


Public Interest


Henri's legacy is highly contradictory--while he helped bring the idea of divine rights to the fore, he also was (at least as far as we know) the first person to present the philosophy of 'the public interest' as the core philosophy of a country's bureaucracy.

We can see this most obviously in the books Henri chose to have reprinted in French, and most especially in the "royal edition" books Henri printed in French with his own annotations. Saint Augustine's City of God was published by the royal printing presses with an extensive discussion, by Henri, of what the public good was, saying that while a Law in its absolute form is an abstract thing disconnected from the real world, the implementation of that law must be in the interest of the public, that is it must help more than it hurts, and it must be enacted in accordance to local laws and traditions.

In 1634, Henri published his own book, Raison D'Etat, in which he enumerated the idea of the 'national' or 'public' interest. Those in service of the state were to act in the interest of that state, and in the interest of the people they represent, and of the King whom they serve. There is no room for internal ambition here; an ideal minister acts merely to help the people and to support the king, accepting that their position is granted by the King's whim and can be withdrawn at any time. The ideal minister is not interested in power for its own sake, they are instead interested in what power can achieve. This book became wildly popular within the bourgeois bureaucratic class, because it told them precisely how to act in the thousands of new jobs that existed within the French bureaucracy, straight from the mouth of the King himself*.


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Jean Baptiste Colbert, who grew up reading the writings and annotations of Henri II, strove to become the ideal bureaucrat Henri described, loyally serving two Kings, even if he despised one of them. He was far from the only one, though (as I will explain later) there was much resistance to this idea

The Gentleman

While in his worklife (the state employed 70% of aristocrats in one way or another by Henri's death), the aristocrat-bureaucrat was expected to be diligent and selfless, Henri also painted (via his painters and through his own lifestyle) a new ideal of the way an aristocrat should conduct themselves in their private lives. The idea of gentilhomme, the high born gentleman-aristocrat, was given a deep focus in the plays Henri patronized (and there is evidence that Henri took a personal interest in French prose and theatre, acting as the personal editor of Corneille in at least one instance).

The Gentilhomme was well read, cultured, and used wit instead of violence to get his way. The plays of Corneille depict gentlemen drifting through the drama of the newly ennobled, completely unworried by the events of his affairs or his friendships. This was in opposition to those who were merely noble and desperate to show their status in duels or by self serving attitudes in their work life.

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The works of Corneille satirized the shallowness of the nouveau riche. But in his satire Corneille served one of the most key roles one can have in a newly enriched society--that of telling the new money how to act if they want to pass for old money
Together, these three ideas--divine right, the public interest, and gentilhomme, combine to form the kind of society that Henri was very consciously trying to create. Essentially, these three ideas stripped the aristocracy both of their agency and of their ability to protest against this loss of agency.

The shearing of the King's responsibilities to his subjects was the most obvious way that this disempowerment occurred, but after a century (and especially after the creation of Versailles) this idea began to take insidious forms. Those who rebelled against the government or who protested against the government never attacked the king in their protests, instead endeavoring to 'save' the King from his incompetent servants. In essence the idea of divine right pushed the responsibility of the King's policies onto his ministers, even when the King's policies were ridiculous on their face.

But while the aristocracy was given responsibility over the Kings failures, they had no avenue through which to protest this injustice. Their role, after all, was merely to implement the laws of the King, not to analyze or to critique the creations of a semi-divine being (though this would be transformed in the 18th century).

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The bourgeois gentilhomme, a piece of Frondist satire attacking the shallowness of the 'new aristocrats of the robe, who scuttle around the King, content to be his playthings and afraid to be men'. Its name, associating Henri's conception of gentle-manliness with the bourgeoisie, showed what many nobles thought of Henri's cultural upheval--that it was a 'philosophy of merchants, of lawyers, of men without courage, of men who were not men'

Lastly, the transformation of the aristocrat into a non-military figure whose power came from his position in the government rather than his ability to govern made it nearly impossible for an aristocrat to maintain their own power base without giving up all sense of prestige. The ever changing array of courtly fashions and the centrality of the royal court in French political life meant that one had to give up administering over their own land or being able to afford their own private army; this money instead went into clothes and other forms of conspicuous consumption.

Even the education of aristocrats started to change. Sons would learn philosophy instead of fencing, dance instead of horsemanship, witticisms instead of the arts of managing an estate. Just as the idea of the leisure class was dying in England (being replaced by an aristocratic merchant ideal), it was flourishing and taking root in France. While in Prussia the aristocracy retained its power as a landed class and in England it gained its power as a moneyed class, in France the aristocracy was losing its power and becoming a courtly class.Henri's patronization of the arts thus was aimed at transforming the popular idea of the aristocracy from a military class to a leisure/bureaucratic class which posed no threat to him.

This transformation was never seen in Henri's lifetime. By the end of Henri's reign there were still more officers than academics, and while many of the newly ennobled aristocrats took on Henri's idea of 'noble living' and made it their own, for the idea of the gentleman to succeed it needed to fight a far older view of the aristocracy, a view which had its resurgence during Henri's regime. I will discuss that view after I finish discussing the arts.

*Recent research has delved into the origins of Henri's idea of the public interest and his particular view of gentilhomme and have found that there is a strong possibility that they didn't originate from Europe at all. The striking similarity between Henri's idea of gentilhomme, an idea which he most undoubtedly got from St.Chamand, and of the Chinese idea of junzi, has led to speculation that the ideas that Henri pressed for in his patronization of the arts were actually the imposition of a Chinese Imperial political culture on French society.
 
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I absolutly love your AAR. I'm becoming curious about the general condition of live, especially the peasants and New France colonist. In OTL, France peasants were poorer than those in New France, is that so in your timeline?
 
I'll think about it and I'll have Quebec be the next section after I finish the arts. I would say that yes, the average peasant in Quebec was better off and was more of a small land owner, however the urban area of Sacremont/Quebec City was becoming increasingly proto-industrial and was starting to suffer from the same problems of a growing artisan class that Paris/Bruges have been suffering through.
 
I've almost caught up but I'm so afraid of catching up because then I have to wait for installments. This is a first world problem if ever there was one.
 
I have the same problem with Hannibal
 
Hey guys, just a heads up, I wrote one of the articles in the new AARlander that kind of discusses the pitfalls I've been avoiding while writing this AAR (and which I fell into quite definitively in Lords of Prussia). You might find it interesting, and beyond that the other articles are really interesting!
 
Another good'un Merrick. Although I'm using a clumsy term, the feminisation of the aristocracy is a fiendish way to cultivate servility and the arts simultaneously. However my favourite bit might be the final paragraph, the subtle crossing of ideas across borders and continents is often ignored in history, never mind AARs!
 
Another good'un Merrick. Although I'm using a clumsy term, the feminisation of the aristocracy is a fiendish way to cultivate servility and the arts simultaneously. However my favourite bit might be the final paragraph, the subtle crossing of ideas across borders and continents is often ignored in history, never mind AARs!
I use 'gentrification' as my preferred term for it but yes, the gender aspect of it is something that's going to be picked up by the anti-royalitst aristocracy. Also the connection of junzi and gentilhomme is something that didn't happen in our timeline, it's just a conclusion I drew in a paper about early managerial capitalism--that views of what aristocracy should look like were relatively similar across different feudalistic societies even if they took different shapes--I just made it something that potentially did exist in LoF
 
Also the connection of junzi and gentilhomme is something that didn't happen in our timeline, it's just a conclusion I drew in a paper about early managerial capitalism--that views of what aristocracy should look like were relatively similar across different feudalistic societies even if they took different shapes--I just made it something that potentially did exist in LoF

And that's why I love you.
 
Thanks babe ;D But the idea of a comparison between the two first came from reading that AAR about Song China that was around in the EU3 AAR section during the Fall while I was starting to write what I think of as the "better" parts of Lords of France (that is, taking the time to write LoF even though I no longer had my savegame as a source). So with that said, never let anyone tell you that writing an AAR or reading an AAR is insignificant! It is what you make it to be, and I try to be as educational as possible, while also trying out viewpoints and ideas in LoF that I'm not yet sure enough of to write in a 'publishable' format (people telling me that they're learning things from LoF is one of the big things that keeps me going)
 
Note: I'm going to do a retcon right now due to weird save game stuff. Henri II de Bourbon, the king I'm discussing now, is from the savegame I had after my computer shut down, the original savegame that had France being a part of the Hapsburg empire during the early 16th century. So I'm going to change my history a bit: Henri I de Hapsbourg was the first French king named Henri, and Henri II de Bourbon took his name in 1623 when he ascended to the throne because he wished to be a King of Peace and French supremacy, as Henri I de Hapsbourg was. And now on with our regularly scheduled program.

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The Arts under Henri II: part 3

While Henri's architectural funding had one overarching purpose (residential housing for the new bourgeoisie), and his funding for music similarly took on one purpose (increasing France's prestige abroad), Henri's reasons for funding the visual arts and letters were mixed. There is little doubt that in both cases the arts were funded as a way to place France as the 'new Rome' of Europe, but this necessitated both a domestic transformation and a transformation of France's place in Europe. Over the next century, French would rise to become the language of Europe and the academies of the arts and letters would become two of the most prestigious institutions in France. But this wouldn't happen without a fight.

The Visual Arts

Although not as intense as the transformation seen in music, Henri's funding for painting, drawing, and sculpture drew out the classical themes of the French Renaissance and brought them to the forefront. However what would later be called the 'Henrian' era of French Art also featured large degrees of innovation and arguments over the direction that French art should go.

This argument--primarily between the 'colorists', who advocated for a highly emotionally charged and colorful visual arts (with Rubens being a strong proponent of colorism) and the 'realist' group of painters, who advocated for an even more intense move towards the geometric 'logic' of High Renaissance art. This conflict, though it may seem obscure and pedantic, was a part of an argument between those who wanted funding for drawing and those who wanted funding for painting, as well as a larger dialogue in Europe between the Dutch Realists and the Italian Baroque painters

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The two faces of French Henrian Art: the baroque face of Rubens and the 'realist' face of de la Hyre


The French cultural rivalry with Italy during this period should not be discounted--Italy was the home of the Renaissance, and the patrons of Roma or Tuscany still (at this point in time) put far more money into the arts than their French counterparts. Furthermore the Valois monarchy in the Netherlands had started the policy of massive state funding for the arts in the 1610s, and Dutch realism and historical painting was already a highly influential school of art in the 1620s, turning into the definitive Protestant art style starting in the late 1630s.

Although both schools maintained the same themes which Henri funded (that is, classical themes and pagan subject matters) the argument in France between what Henri saw as two 'foreign' styles immensely worried him, most so because he felt that he had no control in this conflict (as he had to fund French painters).

Le Tellier found a two-fold solution to this problem in the 1630s--he created the Royal School of the Arts in Lyons in 1635, and he started funding Guilds of Saint Luke (artists guilds) as a way to get these two schools to communicate starting in the late 1620s. By picking who taught what courses in the Royal School and by forcing a degree of cooperation within the state run Guilds of Saint Luke, Le Tellier began a process of synthesis between realist and baroque styles that eventually culminated in the Rococo style of the 18th century.

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The Guilds of Saint Luke were Tellier's ways of controlling the development of French Art.


French Letters, from Melite to the Royal Academy of French Letters

In the end, though, the greatest influence of Henri's funding for the arts was the growing predominance of the French language over the course of the 17th and 18th centuries. In the late 16th century, French was considered merely a regional language, and foreigners only learned it if they planned to become traders or diplomats. The continued survival of Louis XI's 'low Latin' as the language of French intellectuals kept this trend alive, and not only was French a language considered to have little international or artistic import outside of France, it was a minority language inside of France, with local dialects (including the continued strength of the Walloon language in Bruges and Hainaut) being spoken through a majority of France.

Europe was ripe for an explosion in the French language in the early 17th century, though. Vigny's policy of deportations had spread the Francophone diaspora from Germany, to Scandinavia, to England, and even the colonies. Moreover, Louis XII's liberationary wars had set up (by purpose and by accident) French regimes in Naples, the Netherlands, and the Rhineland.

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The Parisian Company of Letters, which owned the largest number of French language printing presses in the world from 1627-1872, flooded Europe with French translations of classics as well as newly made French drama, poetry, and prose




So it makes sense that the French language was given the second highest amount of funding out of all of the royally-funded arts (after architecture which, admittedly, is a very capital intensive field): pouring money into the French letters achieved Henri's dual goal of building the French nation on the inside while increasing French prestige on the outside.

Henri did this, first, by buying and commissioning two hundred printing presses and using them to establish the Parisian Company of Letters. This company hired a group of French translators who translated traditionally Greek or Latin texts into French (even going so far as translating Arabic and Chinese texts: the Parisian Company published the first translation of the Koran directly into a European dialect in 1640, titling it L'Alcoran de Mahomet). They also went further than this, publishing new French writers like Descartes and even the works of Henri II himself. This allowed for a massive promulgation of French language texts, and French became more and more popular outside of France as French translations of classic texts gained a reputation for being 'as good' as their originals, which meant that one could learn French instead of having to master the far harder languages of Latin and Greek.

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L'Alcoran de Mahomet, the first translation of the Koran into a modern European language. Other 'obscure' texts, such as the Tao de Jiang, the Diamond Sutra, and Al Azif were all translated into French during the early 17th century


It also had another effect: it provided an indirect means of censorship to the French crown. No longer did Henri have to stamp out heretical or dangerous ideas via the blunt weapon that was the Inquisition, now he could simply arrange to have the text not be published. This would start to fall apart in the 17th century when French had become so widespread that 'dissident presses' in the Netherlands or Savoy or the Rhineland were able to continue printing pseudo-banned books despite the King's censure.

Henri also developed relationships with French language dramatists and philosophers during his reign, cultivating relationships with Corneille and Moliere, and opening the Theatre de Comidie Francaise in 1648. Corneille was known as the King's closest friend after the death of Saint Chamand, and much of Corneille's work after becoming the 'favorite of the King' in the 1630s was aimed directly at the behaviors of the nostalgic and romantic anti-royalist faction. Cinna, his first major production after receiving royal patronage, is about a Roman nobleman choosing loyalty to his Emperor above the petty feelings of the Roman aristocracy. As the relations between the anti-royalists and the state became worse and worse, Corneille's plays gained a desperate edge, as he hoped to stop what he saw as incumbent violence. As such, Corneille is in many ways as tragic a figure as the characters in his plays, and the central question of his plays: "how does a gentleman conduct himself", was dismissed in their times as royalist propaganda.

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The Theatre Comedie de Francaise


French literary culture achieved a peak it had never before seen in 1640, with the creation of the Academie Francaise. This, the French Academy of Letters, was given the dual responsibility of being a writers guild while also having the job of modernizing the French language. The founding members (who were all well known cultural figured in their time) took as their first responsibility the synthesis of 'proper' French with the local French dialects, and while this process wasn't complete even by the 20th century, the Academie Francaise quickly became the major cultural body for anyone wishing to write in French, taking a similar role to the state controlled guilds of St.Luke (in that they allowed the Crown to indirectly control the flow of French culture).


While I will discuss the noble opposition to Henri's ideal society in the next section, it's important to note that while there was a significant conflict within France over the kind of transformations Henri supported, his transformations were successful in the long run. By the 18th century, the ideas which Henri promulgated, whether in the political or cultural realms, were widely accepted and unquestioned, and the borders of French society had expanded to include all of Europe. The 18th century was indeed a time when 'the World Spoke French', and this cultural hegemony would have been impossible if it weren't for Henri.

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[FONT=arial][I]French speaking areas of Europe, 1700. Note that the French language had made inroads into the 'minority language areas' such as Brittany, Aquitaine, and Occitania by 1700 but these languages were still the majority outside of the courts[/I][/center]

[color=gold]Hey guys, sorry for the kind of half-finished piece. Still not having money due to checks not coming through (stupid weekend) meant that I had to walk home instead of taking the bus which took a lot out of me. I'm going to populate this post with gameplay images and the map of French usage in 18th century Europe tomorrow. Also, I have an idea of the next month's worth of entries:

1. The aristocratic counter-culture/the cult of violence/the French empire in Germany (now that I write this I [b]know[/b] that this will end up being another 2 parter)
2. Quebec's development & the Navigation Acts
3. France goes East
4. The Crisis in Cathay

So I hope you enjoy the next month's worth of stuff because things are going to come to a head soon![/color][/FONT]​