It soon became clear how unfit the strategy of ‘decisive battle’ was to the war in Switzerland. The moment de Gruyen entered the land of the Alliance of God’s Will*, he split his army into 5 corps of 3,000 men and ordered each to ‘find and defeat vagabonds on the field’. There were two significant problems with this strategy—the first that Catholic partisans were mainly hidden in the cities, and it was difficult for a primarily Catholic French army to seek out and murder highly zealous Catholics. The second problem was that de Gruyen left the Huguenot contingent, who would have been most useful in Switzerland, in Lorraine as a reserve.
This had two effects—firstly, the French army was amazingly lenient towards Catholic partisans. Secondly, the La Rochelle regiment contributed strongly to the conversion of the Duke of Lorraine to Calvinism.
Pierre duc de Lorraine, one of the chief Hugenots in France after 1580.
The French army had exempted Calvinists from conscription since 1530. The first reason given was that the pacifism of Calvinist thought may interact poorly with the place of a soldier in a machine of destruction. But there was another reason. There was a worry in the ranks of the officers over what would happen if they allowed Calvinists, who were raised under a doctrine that ‘every man a priest’, into the ranks of the army. Calvinists saw converting others away from the heathen sect of Catholicism as a sacred duty, and the Huguenots had a bad reputation in France due to this—any hint of gregariousness by a Calvinist was seen as a sign that they wanted to you to convert to their religion and their cause. This rumor piqued the interest of the Duc de Lorraine.
Lorraine, the largest independent duchy in France, hadn’t been touched by the Reformation until the start of the 40 Years War. Ever since 1568, Protestants from Germany had been fleeing to any place which offered a reprieve, which included the relatively tolerant Duchy of Lorraine. The Duc’s tolerance was further bolstered by Louis’ announcement that France would be fighting on the side of the Protestants, fighting for tolerance and against religious tyranny. But the Duc critically misread the King’s declaration. Louis was declaring a war
against the Hapsburg Empire and
for a continuation of the beneficial status quo. Religious tyranny, sectarian violence, Protestantism had no place in Louis XII’s conception of power politics.
But this ignorance of ideas was to cost Louis greatly. Pierre de Lorraine saw a new form of Christianity blooming in Louis’ actions. The wars against the Hapsburgs, the reestablishment of Gallic Bishops, and this new war for Protestantism all pointed to a new denomination, which would combine French Protestants and Catholics into one powerful bloc and wipe off the map the old ways of Catholicism. It was this vision that Pierre brought to the captain of the La Rochelle regiment, Abraham d’Ancon.
D’Ancon found this view novel and perfect for his purposes. It had been the dream of every Huguenot ever since the Epiphany of Calvin to have a homeland to their own, a land of French Protestantism. Lorraine could very well become such a haven. And so Abraham D’Ancon and Pierre de Lorraine started to talk, late into the night, every night.
Erasmus’ ‘Dinner in Nancy’. Note that while D’Ancon was described as ‘dark haired, slight of figure and with a full beard’, Erasmus purposefully chooses to depict D’Ancon as evocative of Christ. This is in keeping with Flemish artistic traditions at the time, which were dogmatically Protestant.
Meanwhile in Switzerland, the war was going horribly. De Gruyen moved his men back and forth along the countryside, looking for a mass of troops to defeat. He found none—the Swiss Civil War was fought by concentration of less than a hundred men in most cases, and such small numbers could melt away into the countryside if need be. De Gruyen’s mobile, offensive strategy meant that the French soldiers never hunkered down in the countryside, never fostered ties with the townspeople, and thus never had an easy time procuring food.
The Armee de Bourbon found itself starving through three hard years in the Protestant half of Switzerland. Though De Gruyen’s strategy of decisive battle did create some victories, such as the sweeping victory against Austrian troops trying to come in from Briesgau, more than 80%** of cavalrymen died from frostbite, starvation, and disease instead of ‘on the field of battle’. It seemed that the Armee de Bourbon, in search of a battle, was instead dying in drove on the way to the next battle. Many of the deaths (mostly by frostbite) occurred when a contingent was moving from one town to the next.
’Figures gathered around a fire’. Cold took the lives of more Frenchmen than any battle or violent ‘incident’
Worse still, the Armee de Bourbon had hardly ingratiated itself with the populace. Reports tell us that, on average, 157 Frenchmen died per month due to ‘incidents’ with the local population. The number of Swiss Protestants killed by drunk, hungry, or lecherous Frenchmen is not recorded, but other records of the French Army in Switzerland do not paint a rosy picture of relations between the peacekeepers and the kept. ‘Des Alpins’, a French satire written in the 1620s about the ‘Swiss Adventure’, describes an encounter between the fictitious French captain D’Aveugle and Councilman of Zurich.
”Des Alpins” said:
D’Aveugle and the Councilman sat at the table of the barracks. Immediately, D’Aveugle’s eyes pricked up. “I know what will do!” he said, perhaps too loudly. He got up, walked to his quarters, and found his best bottle of wine, which he had saved for negotiations. Uncorking the bottle, he poured two glasses and walked back to the table. “This is my finest bottle of wine—given to me by my father when I became an officer. Help yourself!” he said. “No thank you” replied the Councilman—for he knew that drinking was barred by Heinrich Zwingli.
“I insist!” shouted the captain, shaking the glass in the Councilman’s face, getting his nose wet, angry that someone would turn down such fine wine. “I do not drink!” yelled the Councilman, enraged with the captain’s behavior.
“I see” growled the captain, his moustache twisted in a grimace. “I suppose I’ve opened this bottle for nothing”
Although Les Alpins was a satire, it did touch upon very real issues of the expedition—the basic cultural ignorance of the Frenchmen, the entitled attitude of the Armee de Bourbon, and the lack of communication between the Armee de Bourbon and the people they supposedly protected (this was the 5
th visit of the D’Aveugle Regiment to Zurich). All of these posed a huge problem to the Armee de Bourbon, almost as great a problem as the climate and disease.
On the 2
nd of the February of 1579, de Gruyen was given a message by the King himself—the Armee was to return to Nancy by the end of the year in order to contribute to the war effort in the Netherlands. In the same day, he got another message from a scout, saying that the Imperial Guard, made of noblemen from the Austrian Empire’s periphery, was marching into Eastern Switzerland, and was moving to attack the Alliance of God’s Will.
The Armee de Bourbon at this point was a shadow of its former self. Of the 12,000 soldiers who marched from Nancy into Switzerland, only 5,400 remained. And the remaining soldiers weren’t so much ‘veterans’ as they were lucky to not have died from malnutrition and cold—they were in poor shape, their enthusiasm in the aristocratic project of the Armee de Bourbon broken, their faith tested and defeated, their faces muted.
The Battle of Zur, between the newly incoming Imperial Guard and their predecessor, the Armee de Bourbon, was a pathetic display. The Imperial general, just as enthusiastic for a fight as de Gruyen had been, broke the Armee de Bourbon within an hour of combat, and chased the Armee de Bourbon across the Swiss countryside. It is estimated that 4,000 Frenchmen died on the field of battle, but it is also estimated that in their enthusiasm to defeat the enemy, the Austrian army lost 6,000 to the cold and to malnutrition.
De Gruyen, his immediate staff, and a small contingent of 40 cavalrymen were all that returned to France. As they descended from the Swiss alps into Lorraine, they were met by strange company. D’Ancon came, wearing the garb of a general, at the head of an army of men dressed in white.
“Welcome”, D’Ancon said, “to the lands of Pierre, Duke of the Huguenots”
The New Coat of Arms of Pierre de Lorraine
*France entered the war based on a cassus belli of ‘keeping the peace’. As such, it was far later until an offensive action was taken.
**Statistics are hard to come by at the time, but the French Army kept passable records until 1715.