Chapter VII Pt. 1: Every Inch Soaked in Blood
As court commenced for the first time in the new decade of 1880, Heonjong was beginning to feel the weight of time. He was now 52 years old, and wondered how much longer he would be able to maintain a sound mind and a sound body. His Uncle had died not four years older than he was now, and he did not have the stress of the crown to deal with. It was time to begin preparing his son fully for taking the reigns of government. While Gojong had been thoroughly educated by French tutors, having even a better education than Heonjong had, and trained in the ways of court from a very early age, he had not fully participated in court life yet. He was now 17, a young man, and Heonjong sent for him to join the court. Heonjong intended for him to study under Kwan Ahn, and learn the liberal politics that the King favoured, but Gojong had designs of his own. He immediately rebelled against his father's will, and declared that he would join the New Traditionalists.
Heonjong was furious and attempted to prevent his son from joining, but Baekje conspired against him. At 62 years old he was the oldest member of the court, and he decided to step down. In doing so he had the New Traditionalists vote for Gojong as the leader of the party. When Heonjong tried to intervene, Baekje used the King's own liberal constitutionalism against him. With the support of virtually the entire court, Heonjong's actions were deemed unconstitutional, and the King's hands were thus tied. His son became the new leader of the New Traditionalists, while Baekje remained in court as a 'retired advisor' to his grandson.
These small domestic squabbles were soon forgotten, at least temporarily, when news came from overseas. The ancient Kingdom of Siam was being shaken to its foundations by a tremendous rebellion. Ne'er-do-wells of all shapes and sizes, from socialists to anarchists, reactionaries to separatists, were pouring onto the streets to demonstrate against the King. The collapse of central power led to a group of peoples along the Laotian borders declaring independence as the Free States of Wiang Chhan.
Shortly afterwards came more welcome news as Japan extends an offer of alliance. The court deigns to accept. Korea's political games in Japan are somewhat hampered, however, as the Russians have taken an interest in preventing the efforts of our ambassadors. After months of struggling against them, they finally convince Edo to place a ban on our embassy. The Japanese parliament assured our diplomats that the alliance would stand, but for the time being at least, they would not accept Korean dominion.
With efforts here at a dead end, Heonjong recalled the embassy. When news came of anarchists in Siam succeeding in leading the revolution, establishing a 'stateless republic' just as in Spain, the King decided to focus the efforts of Korea's ambassadors there. It was too dangerous to allow such an entity to exist so close to the Empire without strict Korean oversight.
June brings more domestic disturbances. Gojong had been making a splash in court since he took over the New Traditionalists, but not in a good way. He had been consistently infuriating his father and creating tension with the liberal parties. Even Heungseon, who had previously been drifting ever further towards the centre, was radicalised by Gojong's brash posturing and advocating of reactionary politics and the 'bankruptcy' of liberal economics. The young heir bandied about his title arrogantly as proof of the correctness of his ideas, and this infuriated Heungseon. When Heonjong walked into court on the morning of 1st June, the elder courtier stood tall and threateningly over Gojong, bellowing loudly and red faced. Heonjong stepped in, chastising Heungseon, but this only enraged him more. He burst out in an even louder tirade, then just as suddenly stopped. Clutching his chest, his eyes bulging, Heungseon collapsed to the ground. At just 48 years old the leader of the Daewongonist party died of a heart attack.
The court burst out in vociferous argument, many calling Gojong a murderer. It took til the afternoon for Heonjong, with the help of the Royalists and Traditionalists, to restore order. Even then, tempers and tensions were still running high. It was only the arrival of terribly important news that refocused the attention of the court. The news came from the West, as the political battleground of China flared again. The United Kingdom had emerged victorious over the Russian Empire, convincing Beijing to renounce Russian protection. Calling upon international analysts, Heonjong demanded a report on the Russian's activities. It appeared that they were at war with Dai Nam, and so would be unlikely to intervene in a war against China. As such, with the blessing of the court, Heonjong called the reserves into action and began preparing for war.
As Korea prepared for war, the United Kingdom did too. On 15th June a formal declaration of war was given to Beijing. The court was eager to capitalise on this distraction and send Korea's own declaration, but the international analysts politely reminded the court of the truce that was still in effect from the previous war. Fortunately, it expired in September, so plans would only be temporarily delayed. Meanwhile, the new Siamese government denounced the Wiang Chhan free states as reactionary and declared a war of liberation against them.
Whilst this was under way, Korea's political parties underwent restructuring. Without its enigmatic leader, the Daewongonist party quickly lost direction. Several members stepped forward in an attempt to take the reigns of the party, but found it impossible to satisfy its membership. Many of them had been radicalised of late by Gojong's actions, and were now much more closely aligned with the Internationalists', or even the Radicals' politics. Without a leader or any clear direction, the party dissolved late in June. The majority of its members were absorbed by the Internationalists, with a small number going to the Radicals and the Royalists.
Korea's mission to Siam also reported back success. Whilst an open attempt to influence the new government would surely end in failure, the lead ambassador had developed a devious plan. Posing as a group of political exiles from Korea, fleeing from Seoul after a failed anarchist plot, they ingratiated themselves with the Siamese anarchists. They were still a long way from being fully accepted, but they reported that they were not viewed with distrust by most. News also came that the new Siamese state had absorbed the Wiang Chhan rebels.
When September finally came, the court's fervour for war had diminished after reports of the disorganisation of the reserves came. Thus, it was decided that they would be whipped into shape before war was declared. The generals reported readiness in November, and so on the 24th a missive was sent to Beijing demanding Aigun Province, and upon the dismissal of this demand, a declaration of war was handed to the Chinese Emperor. Heonjong called upon his allies, and while Muhammad Ali honourably accepted, the Japanese parliament's words proved to be hollow and insidious, as they abandoned our rightful cause.
The army was prepared and stationed several kilometres south of the border with China. The Korean generals were given orders not to engage the Chinese troops and, most importantly, not to advance into their territory. Heonjong wanted the Chinese to come to his troops and to be slaughtered in the process by his superior forces. Meanwhile, the mission to Siam reported back further success in December.
The first battles with China break in January and February 1881. As predicted, the Chinese confidently swarm across the border into Korea and are met by Heonjong's well trained and prepared forces. Chinese casualties are immense and Korean casualties minimal. The Chinese troops are broken and forced to fall back into their own territory.
It was now Heonjong's turn to be overconfident, as he ordered the generals in Manchuria to pursue and annihilate the Chinese forces. The Koreans meet the retreating Chinese in Ninguta and outnumber them, but Chinese reinforcements soon arrive. Reinforcements are ordered in from Chongjin, though as soon as word reaches the Chinese commanders of this they order a retreat. The victory is pyrrhic, and Heonjong decides to cut his losses, withdrawing back into Korean territory.
This would set the tone for the battles to come. 50000 Chinese troops pour into Kimchaek, and over 100000 into Pyongyang. The armies are scrambled to the defence. Kimchaek is over quickly, but Pyongyang becomes a bloodbath. The Korean troops fall swiftly to overwhelming numbers, only to have fresh troops join the carnage. The battle is finally 'won' on March 29th, with over 30000 Koreans dead, and only half that counted for the Chinese.
The Chinese forces march an orderly retreat into Chonchon, where they are soon reinforced to over 125000 troops. The generals concur with Heonjong that this force cannot be permitted to lay siege to the north, and so every available force in Korea, not including the troops stationed in Manchuria, are sent to drive out the invading force. As the battle progresses reinforcements flood in from both sides. The final numbers were 160000 Korean versus 170000 Chinese. The Chinese, on the defense, used the terrain much to their advantage, and the battle ended in the most ignominious defeat that the Korean Empire had ever suffered. 56000 brave Korean soldiers littered the Chonchon jungles, with only 33000 Chinese dead. After the battle, Heonjong angrily summoned General Hong Ch'ok, who had led the Korean forces, and demanded an explanation. The General remorsefully described the Chinese forces: well disciplined, tactically advanced and with military technology that exceeded even the level of the Korean army!
Heonjong had vastly underestimated their capacity for war, and had not anticipated that in the previous half decade the Chinese Emperor had wisely ordered the development of superior military tactics and firearms to defend the Empire against its multitude of aggressors. Korea was now paying the price for his lack of foresight. Nevertheless, now was not the time for timidity. The Korean forces hastily retreated and spread out across the northern provinces to rebuild and replenish.
Much more welcome news comes in June when the diplomatic mission to Siam reports complete success. Using the influence and trust the mission had garnered within the new republic, and with the aid of a small but highly influential group of Siamese ultra-nationalists, they launched a coup, effectively bringing about an end to the Siamese Republic. This coup was made possible by the armed citizenry that had been formed to 'liberate' the Wiang Chhan states. Self styled generals emerged from this war, who surrounded themselves with loyal coteries of these troops. When the war was over, they subtly refused to disarm their soldiers, claiming them to be necessary for the defence of the republic.
These self styled generals were those that helped in the Korean backed coup, and now they established a junta that held executive power over the Siamese state. As a reward for his brilliant work, the head Ambassador, Il-Sung Myeong, was given the Viceroyalty of Siam, with the support of the junta. He was styled as Phra Chao Myeong I, though his authority was shared heavily with the Siamese generals. Phra Chao, along with his generals, immediately began plotting the expansion of the Siamese state. It was decided that Dai Nam, already distracted by Russia, would be the perfect target.
Phra Chao Myeong I
More good news arrives in August when Korean chemists complete their development of Western medicine. This will aid greatly in reducing casualties, and the court encourages Heonjong to now commission the development of improved military technology. The King considers this path, but feels that it will take too long to implement and disseminate for it to have any effect on the current war. As such, the King orders the development of industrial technology instead.
The Chinese succeed in securing Chonchon, but not before attrition has taken its toll on the immense numbers of troops. Perhaps in an effort to mitigate this toll, or to help defend on another front, a significant portion is moved away from the Korean front. Taking advantage of this, the reformed Korean forces are rallied and sent back to the site of great infamy in September.
Battle is joined in October, this time with the Koreans having a clear numerical advantage of 170000 to just 90000 Chinese. The Korean forces are still demoralised and disorganised, however, and the Chinese advantage is clear. The battle is won for Korea, but not without yet another terrible toll. 67000 Koreans lay dead, and just half that Chinese. Without any other Chinese troops in sight, Heonjong decides to press the advantage, and the entirety of the Korean army is sent in pursuit of the Chinese forces.
Progress in Egypt comes at a most inopportune time. The canal has reached a critical point and the fund has run dry. Delaying progress was not an option, and so Heonjong was forced to relinquish a significant portion of his haemorrhaging treasury in October.
The new year brings most welcome news from deep into Chinese territory. The Korean forces had tentatively pursued and harassed the Chinese troops, chasing them to the coast. They made their last stand at Lüshun Port (called Port Arthur by the British). Battered, broken and exhausted, with nowhere to run General Xiangyang surrendered after half his forces had been wiped out.
Korean casualties had been horrendously high, but the Chinese counterattack had been broken, for the time being at least. News also reached the court that the Russians had declared war on their former protectorate, demanding the Mongolian region once again. With China further distracted, Heonjong felt confident ordering his generals to spread out and secure as much territory as possible, as quickly as possible. He could taste victory, and he would not let anything prevent him from attaining it now, regardless of how many more needed to die! They would fall in battle, in honour, in glory! Korea would have its revenge and rightfully reclaim the territory that the Dragon stole from it so long ago!
A small Chinese force returns to defend Manchuria in April, but is soon waylaid. A general uprising erupts throughout Chinese held Manchuria, roused by a charismatic demagogue. The man called for Manchurian independence, denouncing the war as unjust and claiming that neither Korea nor China had the right to spill blood over Manchurian land. Tired of the bloodshed in their lands, many Manchurians took to the streets at this demagogue's behest.
While the uprising was small and quickly defeated, it worked in Korea's favour. The Korean troops already had to deal with marching through hostile territory, but the Chinese were now denied the home advantage. This proved to considerably slow the Chinese army's ability to rally a defense against the Korean incursion. Meanwhile, Korean troops finished securing Lüshun in early May, then relieved Chonchon in late May. A small Chinese counterstrike in Mukden is also defeated.
The war had further unintended consequences in late May. Migration from the country to the city had been commonplace over the last half century in the wake of increased industrialisation, but Seoul was now bursting to the limit with immigrants and refugees who fled the Chinese invasion in the north. Thousands of unemployed and impoverished citizens now languished on Seoul's streets, and the socialists were quick to whip up a disturbance. Heonjong and the majority of the court were in agreement that there were far more important matters at hand, but a vague promise was made to hear the socialists' arguments in the future.
This large grouping of poor, malnourished lower classes had a further repercussion, however, when a plague hit in July. Fortunately, the implementation and dissemination of Western medical practices had progressed further, and the court was assured that the outbreak would be dealt with post haste.
The Korean occupation of Manchuria continued at full pace. Chinese defenders came in patches, but the Korean forces repeatedly repelled them, despite the consistently heavier casualties suffered. The damage done to the Chinese forces was enough for Beijing to extend an offer of peace in August, but Heonjong was in no mood for compromise. He refused and sent back a simple message: Manchuria is Korean, whether we have to slaughter every Chinese soldier and burn every Chinese city from here to Hong Kong to prove that to you or not.
In September Korea's industrial research was completed, and Heonjong commissioned a joint project between the industrial researchers and chemists to develop improved methods of coal extraction and refinement.
The occupation continued steadily, while the Chinese counterstrikes dried up. A steady trickle of defenders was continuing to reach Manchuria, however, which was a troubling development. By September the Chinese forces were of significant size, but for the time being at least they held their position, content to prevent the Koreans from advancing closer to Beijing rather than attempting to drive them from Manchuria.
Soon it became evident why the Chinese were able to commit more and more troops to the Korean front, as the United Kingdom officially released the result of its war. While peace wasn't officially signed until 19th September, there had been a complete armistice between the opposing forces for several months already. China had submitted to British dominion, and in return the United Kingdom intervened against the Russians.
As the new year approached, Chinese forces increased steadily. This began to worry Heonjong, so when half of Manchuria was occupied by Korean forces, he sent a missive to Beijing, requesting they cede the territory to the Joseon patrimony. They refuse.
Fortunately, the Chinese forces remain in Jinzhou on the defensive. A smaller force advances into Qiqihar and are swiftly repelled on 19th January 1883. A diplomatic mission from the court of Phra Chao arrives in Seoul, requesting a formalisation of the alliance between the two nations. Heonjong accedes to the request.
Korea's successes are bittersweet, as yet more Chinese defenders arrive and sit menacingly in Western Manchuria, daring the Korean forces to try advancing. Fortunately, the Chinese are concentrating their forces, so Heonjong orders his generals to outflank them and continue the occupation as swiftly as possible.
April brings news, both good and bad. Muhammad Ali has bowed out of the war, though he had not truly contributed so this was perhaps a non-event. New elections are called on April 5th, and news comes from the botanical expedition to Palmyra, requesting further funding. The treasury is strained to limit, but Heonjong is unwilling to suffer a loss in face, so sends additional funding from his personal reserves.
To be continued!
And might I assume that Japan is in sights now?
