Chapter the Third: The Last Crusades
There is no doubt that Orthodoxy was at the core of Greek nationalism and it’s opposition to the Ottoman Empire. Though the Porte Sublime was more tolerant than many other Empires, it’s Orthodox subjects were always subject to additional taxes and fewer rights than Sunni subjects within the confine of Caliph’s lands. Because of this context, the young King's decision to claim the title of 'Protector of the Patriachs' took special significance. In Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, the Five Fathers now all lived under rulers of foreign faiths and enjoyed only limited rights and autonomy.
King Constantine could have chosen to make his title purely honorific and decided to sideline this issue without much difficulty, but quite the contrary, he tried early in his reign to leverage his nation’s growing influence over Egypt to demand greater rights for the Orthodox Patriarchs in Jerusalem and Alexandria. When he was rebutted in early 1846, he escalated his demands noticeably, causing a rupture with Cairo. It’s unclear whether his efforts were genuine or simply an attempt to gain support for colonial pressures against Egypt; but support he did get. The story of the Greek King willing to wage war to protect Jerusalem spread like wildfire across Christianity. Nothing showed the resurgence of the old faith of the East more than the anachronistic cries of Holy war resonating in the Levant. The tensions culminated with an ultimatum to Cairo; nothing less than the immediate return of the Holy Land to Christian hands would do – from the mouth of the Nile to Beirut. It was war.
Rather than a mere colonial war, the blessings of the Patriarchs and the religious fervor of the armies made the Reconquest of Jerusalem a veritable Orthodox Crusade.
The conflict lasted two years, but was not as overly ruinous as previous wars. After initial battles near Cairo, Alexandria and Beirut, the war became a low-intensity affair, with few battles and regular advances deep into Egyptian territory. It served to channel religious and jingoistic fervor and shore up the popularity of the new Monarchy at home. It consolidated Constantine's claims to religious authority as Defender of the Orthodox Faith.
Abroad, however, the conflict did raise some questions. Catholics especially were displeased to see an Orthodox power realizing their historical dream of reconquering the Kingdom of Jerusalem. The pretexts invoked seemed slim, it and would take some time for the consequences of this war to be fully accepted abroad. But none directly challenged Greece; religious motives aside, it was little more than a demand of colonial concession, something that had became in recent years the 'modus operendi' of the Powers in dealing with lesser nations across the world. Only the Ottomans issued formal threats - but few took them seriously.
The Patriarch of the Holy City of Jerusalem and Palestine, Syria, the Jordan River, Cana of Galilee, and Holy Zion.
Jerusalem was taken and pacified in late 1846, shortly before the fall of Cairo, but it would take eighteen months still before a bloodied Egypt would concede it's right to the Holy Lands. The war would split it in two, as it retained formal ownership of lands beyond the Jordan River. A few months after it's conclusion, it became clear that this division would give Greece the upper hand in it's dealings with Cairo, forcing it hopelessly into Greece's sphere of influence. Indeed, the Patriarch of Alexandria, still technically within Egyptian lands, would afterward be treated as the virtual monarch of his own city. Greek dominion over the delta of the Nile seemed afterward absolute.
Constantine XII was crowned King of Jerusalem by the Patriarch days after the capture of the territory, causing a brief chill with the Hapsburgs given their own claim to the title.
At home, meanwhile, many new railroads had been built, and such progress was now being expanded to the colonies, even though efforts at more robust industrialization were still far from successful. The King had expected a short lull in fighting after he gained his second Crown, but happenstance made such a pause increasingly unlikely.
Tensions near Tripoli escalated into a border incident with the Ottoman state. This opportunity was valuable as such provocations legitimized future regional claims.
Athens secretly began preparations, knowing that another successful war against the Caliph could now let them reclaim without any international stain both more African territory in addition to the bulk of Greek lands and islands still in the hands of the Porte. But before Hellenic armies could take their positions along the borders, the Caliph in occupied Constantinople surprised Athens, and the world, by taking the initiative. Declaring
Jihad over the recent Greek conquest of the Holy Lands, he urged all Islamic nations to wage war against Greece. The diplomatic mess that followed was a remarkable testament to the flimsiness of alliances.
Russia unexpectedly refused to honor it's alliance to Greece, and yet the recently defeated Egyptians ignored the call of Jihad and swore to defend the Kingdom of Jerusalem!
As Greek diplomats all over Western courts pleaded for arms and funds, those in Russia were astounded by the Tsar's decision to avoid involvement. Citing domestic problems and the unwillingness to get involved into "Crusades and Jihads", St-Petersburg closed to the door to any assistance from the East. This time, the Greeks stood alone, with just a handful of nations on which they asserted influence to help defend their young Kingdom. Fortunately, the Caliph's own diplomacy largely fell on deaf ears as well. Only his vassals answered the call to arms against Athens.
Furthermore, the Greeks had an aging but still mightily sharp weapon in their arsenal. Spyros Typaldos, legend of the previous conflict, now 'Grand Marshal of the Macedonias' still led the Greek armies, and his military prowess and expertise had only grown. After defeating an initial Ottoman foray into Thessalia, he pushed back the enemy into a series of long and bloody battles that would take his flags to the very gates of "Istanbul"!
It was now clear that past victories had little to do with luck. The sons of Athens and Sparta proved without a doubt the superiority of their brigades in open combat.
Pride and waves of nationalism washed over the nation as the news of this early string of victories reached the Hellenic cities. There were grand spontaneous demonstrations of patriotism and a wave of enrollment into the army. Ships bound for Beirut carried thousands of volunteers to holy ground to halt the advances of the Turks towards Jerusalem. The fervor was such that even in Ottoman lands, there were reports of spontaneous riots of long-tamed Greek minorities in favor of the invading armies. The Caliph's unexpected Jihad seemed poised to go down in the books as one of the greatest military disasters in Ottoman history.
'Blood and Roses', a patriotic tale about this conflict written by a young Greek cavalry officer, would be translated in 35 languages and become a best-seller even in far-flung London.
And what of Tripoli, this jewel of North Africa over which the Greeks had gained such an unexpected claim? It's inclusion into the Hellenic colonies seemed now almost certain.
Though the war was victorious, the death toll was particularly high for both armies, and Greek leadership knew that given the small size of the national population the conflict could not last indefinitely. The mounting debt of the treasury were perhaps even more worrying for those who had a mind less focused on military matters. But the mood of the day remained towards conquest and glory in the fields of the north.
The loss of the Russian alliance had worrying implications in Athens, but the young Kingdom's victories had drawn the attention and interest of an even more powerful protector.
As the Greek troops began the siege of Constantinople, after two long years of struggle against the enemy's Jihad, two incredible news arrived in Athens. "The King of France, in recognition for Greece's immortal sacrifices in defense of Christendom, pledges undying friendship and loyalty, treasure and armies, so that never again the Turk may threaten the brave Hellenic peoples." The offer was as astounding as unexpected, and indicated a fundamental shift of strategic doctrine in Paris. With control over the Straits increasingly in question as the Greek armies advanced, this offer was proof that France had chosen to put its eggs in the Athenian basket. It indicated belief that Ottoman control over the region was temporary, and that Greece was now best-placed to prevent a Russian Constantinople. It was almost sweeter news than those coming from the battlefields.
Considerably tempering the enthusiasm that this new alliance generated was the news of the Russian Black Sea Fleet sailing towards the Second Rome, and the Tsar claiming publicly that he would see the Greeks' siege ended! The betrayal of the alliance was one thing, but the outright support of the enemy severed decisively all pretense of friendship between the two Orthodox great powers. King Constantine is said to have mourned and fasted seven days after receiving the news, to ask God's forgiveness as he knew that such a shift in the strategic situation meant that sooner or now later, it was now inevitable that Orthodox armies would meet each other on opposite sides of a battlefield.
But this day had yet to come. With the Kingdom's finances approaching the abyss, and the Caliph desperate to cut his losses as the walls of his stolen city weakened, Athens had all the cards she needed to end this 'Holy war' with ample gains and honor. Generals at the gates of Constantinople raged at the loss of the prize at hand, but they too, knew that the army was in no shape for a war against Russia - with or without French support.
For some who had hoped for Constantinople the victory was bittersweet, but it was nonetheless spectacular. All the core lands were reunited and Tripoli was Greek.
The fruits of war were considerable. Numerous Greeks cities had rejoined the fatherland, helping greatly to correct the demographic weaknesses of the Kingdom and largely compensating the loss of the brave soldiers who had fallen on the field of honor. For the first time, the Ottomans had been defeated with little external help, by Greece alone, and on several battlefields from Tripoli to Belgrade, and from Edessa to Antioch.
On the other hand, if economic recovery was just a matter of time, the reversals in the diplomatic situation worried many. France was a powerful protector, but the Russian Empire had a special place in the hearts of all Orthodox nations, and seeing it prefer to defend the collapsing Ottomans rather than support the liberation of their brothers in faith was heart-breaking. The consequences of their betrayal were plain to see and seemed equally disastrous.
Russia would now almost undoubtedly fight Constantine if he tried to recover the Holy City. The Tsar's betrayal had earned him the undying allegiance of the Occupiers.
Was there even a way to get out of this diplomatic quagmire before it tore Orthodoxy apart? As the powerful Tsar visited the defeated Caliph in late 1853, receiving every honor imaginable as the Imperial Guard celebrated with the Janissaries and as their flags fluttered in the winds of the Black Sea, nothing seemed less certain.