Netherlands: 29(+8)
Malacca: 12(+5)
Dang Beamed, dont you know propaganda when you see it!!??
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Dang Beamed, dont you know propaganda when you see it!!??
From the catalogue of the L. Museum
Kuipy (Normandy)
Stone cannonballs (late 1790s)
As can still be seen from the anti-Spanish slurs carved into them, these canonballs, made for "Coehorn" guns, were used in the First Canadian War, generations after other nations had stopped relying on that kind of artillery. Iberia itself having been long partitioned, the kingdom of Castille had over the last century degenerated into a number of small Spanish-speaking holdings overseas, spread over the coast of Africa, the Indian oceans and the western side of Australia, with its closest thing to a mainland the Castillian settlements North of the Saint-Laurent. William IV, by the 1790s a renowned war commander and certain of Canadian popular support, certainly thought he could win an easy victory against the weakened state. Yet despite the individual courage and valor of the Norman soldiers, backward tactics and equipment led to a disproportionate losses for their side and disappointing progress over the frozen subarctic forests.
As the war dragged on inconclusively and at much expense to the Norman state, William IV, eager to conclude the Lübeck Agreement, a complex compromise between the Netherlands, Timurid Empire and Normandy by which California and large territories in inner India changed hands, only pressed for rather modest terms ; although the war definitely consecrated Canadian independence in the New World, it did little for William's reputation. Indeed, for decades after his death, the Thug King was remembered not as the flamboyant conqueror of his early years, but as a petty, opportunistic imperialist preying on mostly defenseless nations.
Norman warfare no longer cuts it
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Hail Netherlandsia, Netherlandsia rule the waves! Germans ne'er, ne'er, ne'er shall be oppressedinanothercountryasaminoritycultureandthusforcedtoimmigratetothenewworld!
Malacca 1813-1825
This will be another short AAR.
For twelve years, Malacca has focused totally on domestic development. I am building factories as quickly as I can. However, I think that the usefulness of doing this has about reached its end.
Culturally, with the rise of the importance of Cantonese in our nation, the culture of Khmer has lost its former influence and they are now a unimportant minority.
In Foreign Relations, noone else is more important that the Mughals right now. Since our common border runs from bay of Bengal to the Yangtze River, this nation could be either a great foe or an important ally.
This will be another short AAR.
For twelve years, Malacca has focused totally on domestic development. I am building factories as quickly as I can. However, I think that the usefulness of doing this has about reached its end.
Culturally, with the rise of the importance of Cantonese in our nation, the culture of Khmer has lost its former influence and they are now a unimportant minority.
In Foreign Relations, noone else is more important that the Mughals right now. Since our common border runs from bay of Bengal to the Yangtze River, this nation could be either a great foe or an important ally.
From the catalogue of the L. Museum
Kuipy (Normandy)
Isambard de Crottay at the Battle of Sundsvall (1827)
Over the last century, widely different views have been taken of Isambard de Crottay. An object of considerable honor of prize in the years following his death, he then progressively lapsed in obscurity before becoming, in the eyes of early 20th historiography, a symbol of "Normandy's Dark Legend", on par with such characters as Hugues I and Gonzague Altavilla. More recent takes on Sundsvall's victor present him as a complex but flawed character, a military and political genius who saw to his own interests first and balked at no means to pursue them.
Isambard was born in Eu, the last Norman enclave in Normandy proper, allegedly the adulterous son of a servant at the still-extent Auberge du bon soldat. In in any case it was in this inn that, in 1770 he enrolled at a young age in the Regiment of Old Normandy. Over the course of a long and distinguished career he served in the raid of Maldives, the reconquest of India, the sack of Bergen, and William IV 's two campaigns in North America. It is probably during this period that his noble-born peers bestowed on the fast-rising but crude and uneducated junior officer the last name of Crottay or Crotté (dung-y).
His first major command came in 1807, when colonel Isambard Crottay was assigned the ungrateful task of garrisoning the Norman settlements in the South Pacific, a zone extending from Hawai'i in the North-East to to the Fidji archipelago in the South. Surveyed and charted a decade before by Emery d'Imbleval, the islands had seen several unsuccessful attempts at colonization, thwarted by the unforgiving climate, difficult provisioning and hostile natives. Crottay's dealings with the indigenes was by all account brutal and expeditive ; by the end of the year all but the most remote of native tribes in each islands, even those engaged in peaceful relations with the colonists, had been enslaved or massacred.
This ruthless behavior, far from tarnishing his reputation at court, marked him for a man of action. Crottay was ennobled and presented with the Order of Saint Hugues. He spent the next three years disputing the dukedom of Southern Pacific to the heirs of Imbreval.
The event presented here happened in 1813, two years into the violent war with Tver, which had known rather inauspicious results, with Scandinavian garrisons severely beaten and Stockholm invested by a forty-thousand strong army. Recalled to arms by king Robert XI's personal order, Isambard de Crottay sailed with fresh troops from the marches of Spain and Bretagne to Northern Sweden, where he rejoined and reorganized the remnants of local forces. There, in the hilly ground east of Sundsvall, he forced a decisive victory against Prince Aleksi's army without waiting for the king and his reinforcements. The resulting onslaught and break of the Stockholm siege forced the Finns to offer an immediate white peace, which Crottay accepted. While he had clearly overstepped his authority in that matter, that did little to his discredit. Basking in the glory of a victory he could, not unfairly, claim to have achieved on his own, he triumphed later that year by having the dispute over the Pacific duchy settled in his favor.
This portait of him at Sundsvall, once exposed at Dyfed's military academy, is characteristic of the early 19th century style by its colorful style, its flamboyant and dynamic technique and its glorifying and idealistic representation of battle.
There is little ressemblance between that dashing rider and the by-then old and frail general of whom a contemporary witness later wrote : "Isambard de Crottay, among his officers, looked like a moray eel in the midst of sharks". The soldier's outfit is likewise fantaisist, but maybe deliberately so, as it conflates pieces of equipment from different outfits, maybe as a symbol for the Norman's military rapid transformation in the early 19th century. The blue-and-gold dolman, for instance, belongs to a captain of the carabiniers, who would not see action until the mid-1820s, while the leopard skin as a saddle pad was part of the ceremonial gear of the king's own Thug guard. The fur-trimmed red coat, worn over the shoulder, belonged to the attire of the élite escadron viking, at that stage of the war all but exterminated. Most prominently, at Sundsvall the large fur cap was actually worn by Russian troopers. Only a decade later, in an ironic twist of fate, would the hat be adopted by some Norman infantry regiments as they fought alongside their former Tverish enemies during the Great Peasant War. Only the sword, then the mainstay of Normandy's charge cavalry, does not look completely out of place at the Battle of Sundsvall. It is, however, extremely unlikely that he would have used it at well over fifty. Indeed, according to the same eyewitness, Crottay did not even see the battle, but "spend it in his tent, bent on his maps, apparently oblivious to the havoc and commotion outside, confident that his plans, executed with diligence,would ensure victory."
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Maybe they went a bit out of fashion after William III the Beardless. Then again, for someone to be called 'the beardless' implies something about the frequency of beards around him. But I'll see about some beard galore in a future update.
The declaration of Nagpur (1822)
This rather short document, in which king Robert XI of Normandy ensures his "much beloved counterpart" Mirza II of his cordial intention and willingness to "work by all means toward ensuring the continuity of his power and the independence of his estates", is historically important on more than one count.
Not only does it concretize the politic of "rapprochement" between the two kingdoms – an evolution predictable ever since William IV's adjustments, but, for the first time, it designates the descendants of Timur as "Mughal sultans", officially recognizing the power they had become in Northern India.
Signed in the winter palace of Nagpur, it then documents the beginning of the Norman tradition for kings to travel regularly over their whole empire. Neither London, nor Eu, could anymore be considered full capitals of the sprawling Norman empire. At great strain to the royal administration, the Court was now an traveling one, as in the old days of the Leon-and-Ireland kingdom, a trend that would only be accentuated by the 19th century swift progress in transport modes.
From what danger in particular Robert XI and Mirza II had in mind as of this particular agreement remains a matter of speculation. There is no doubt however, that 1820s Asia was a hotbed of cutthroat diplomacy, much more than a Europe frozen in territorial statu quo. Threatened by Tver in the North, openly provokated by Dutch agents in Mughal China, met with fierce local resistance in Japan and at odds with the powerful Malacca sultans over commercial rights, the Mughal could certainly use the protection, however duplicitous, of a Western power.
From the catalogue of the L. Museum
Kuipy (Normandy)
The declaration of Nagpur (1822)
This rather short document, in which king Robert XI of Normandy ensures his "much beloved counterpart" Mirza II of his cordial intention and willingness to "work by all means toward ensuring the continuity of his power and the independence of his estates", is historically important on more than one count.
Not only does it concretize the politic of "rapprochement" between the two kingdoms – an evolution predictable ever since William IV's adjustments, but, for the first time, it designates the descendants of Timur as "Mughal sultans", officially recognizing the power they had become in Northern India.
Signed in the winter palace of Nagpur, it then documents the beginning of the Norman tradition for kings to travel regularly over their whole empire. Neither London, nor Eu, could anymore be considered full capitals of the sprawling Norman empire. At great strain to the royal administration, the Court was now an traveling one, as in the old days of the Leon-and-Ireland kingdom, a trend that would only be accentuated by the 19th century swift progress in transport modes.
From what danger in particular Robert XI and Mirza II had in mind as of this particular agreement remains a matter of speculation. There is no doubt however, that 1820s Asia was a hotbed of cutthroat diplomacy, much more than a Europe frozen in territorial statu quo. Threatened by Tver in the North, openly provokated by Dutch agents in Mughal China, met with fierce local resistance in Japan and at odds with the powerful Malacca sultans over commercial rights, the Mughal could certainly use the protection, however duplicitous, of a Western power.
It is good to see the AI did one good thing and finally connected by south African holding by land to the rest of it.
Why does NED have California without land acces to the rest of America? That sure is a long trip if he ever gets rebels over there.
Why does NED have California without land acces to the rest of America? That sure is a long trip if he ever gets rebels over there.
We modded the game to play until the start date in Vicky, which is 1836.
We edited the end date so we could play seemlessly into the Victoria start date of 1836.
edit: seems I type too slowly
I can't believe I haven't made an AAR update here in like a month or so. I can't make one for last session, but I'll certainly make one for this end of EU3 session.
I haven't either but that is because France has done nothing since the war with you and the Netherlands. I figure I will right a summary of the last hundred years just before we start Ricky.
Bought California to help my IMP in Victoria. It's plentiful in resources, and I've already got 20,000 troops there.
EDIT: No stats?
EDIT: No stats?
Zalder made the stats. There is a link on the last couple pages of the game thread.
The World in 1836
New World
(Note that except for a small enclave in Alaska, the grey is Norman grey, not terra incognita grey)
Old World
The Nature of Norman Unity
Kuipy (Normandy)
What is holding Normandy together ? How could such a country survive and thrive, without Normandy proper, and even, to a large extent, without Normans ? The realm Robert XI inherited from his grandfather in 1826 was divided in eight large geographical areas separated by hundreds of miles of open ocean, not even counting the semi-autonomous Iceland and Canada. More than any other state, Robert's realm was bereft of any geographic, cultural, religious or even ideological unity. What would keep a Jewish moneylender of Hastings, an Irish smallholder, a Portugese fisher, a norse hunter, a damn useless Breton, an Hindu subsistence farmer, a veteran settled in Fidji, a Catholic frontiersman in the Rockies an Alaskan gold-rusher from breaking apart ?
Poiting to Normandy's long-established tradition of cultural diversity is a red herring. For centuries indeed, the Courtheuse descendants, deprived from their righteous birthright (which they had righteously lost with their zany schmes), ruled vastly disparate estates, and during this period Irish, Iberian Jews, Spaniards and even Moors were integrated in the social fabric and, on occasion, accessed to the highest functions (not to mention the king's bed). But the argument is tautological at best : that the Norman population is diverse because it has a tradition of being diverse explains nothing.
Not only that, but the Norman tradition of integration was limited, to such an extent that seven centuries after its subjugations the population of Leon remained largely ignorant of the Norman language. In no places except maybe the Americas was there any significant miscegenation that could have progressively mixed the different component of the Norman Empire. Indians of the two kinds, Spaniards, Irishmen all remained mostly endogamous (As for the Bretons, for these folks being of mixed origins means having two different great-grandfathers).
One explanation, though, could be the great Norman merchant network ; a sea-faring people by tradition, Norman sailors ruled the seas and spread the Norman language throughout and beyond the Empire. As of the early 19th century French, in its Norman or Occitain form, was once again, fittingly, the lingua franca of the world. A speaker of either idiom could be reasonably confident that, in any city of regional importance in the World, he could find someone to understand him.
Another explanation would be the peculiar structure of Norman society, and especially of its lower spheres. Maybe more than any contemporary power, Norman remained a meritocracy where a determined and resourceful man could struggle and backstab his way into the highest position. This trend, indeed, extended even to kingship itself, frequently contested by minor branches of the Normandies, and the irresistible social climbing of a flamboyant rake was a perennial trope in Norman high- and low-brow literature alike. At the cost of general instability and unruliness, this medieval-inherited ethics served the double purpose of, firstly, keeping at the helm of the state an élite of crafty bastards, or as some would prefer to put it skillful schemers rather than the bloated and complacent aristocracy of some other French states (by which, of course, I mean Granada) ; and, secondly, of integrating malcontents to the very hierarchy they might otherwise threaten. In this system the only ambitions and desires thwarted are those of the weak, the mediocre and the lazy, unlikely to rock the boat in the first place.
But mostly, however few in London would admit it, Normandy stays together because of fear. It is an increasingly dangerous world it lives in, shared by only a handful of major, fiercely hegemonistic powers, who will soon run out of unconquered principalities and unmapped lands to satiate their greed. As Canada found for himself, any province tempted with independence will soon find himself faced with the unpleasant choice of either begging to be let in again, or absorbed by some other power. So the colonies remain in the fold, the Norman accepts the Breton at his table, the Catholic tries to forget his king prays "Sainte Kali" and, come the worse, the Apache rough rider will fight shoulder-to-shoulder with the fur-clad Norse Lapp conscript. All because of fear.
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