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Election of 1867

The election of 1867 was one of the most competitive elections of the century. The conservatives, who wished to see themselves return to the executive office after twelve years, and the liberals, who wanted to keep the executive office from falling back into the hands of the conservatives. Both sides would hold nothing back in terms of mudslinging, debate, and campaigns. Thousands of dollars were spent on the campaigns for both parties. However violence would not be used. Even though the battle for the office was going to be a hard fought battle, blood would not be spilled.

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The conservatives for their candidate had an ace in the hole. He was a former chancellor of the UBP, had years of political experience, and even at 75 was extremely popular among the people. The man was Alexei Rybak. Rybak, who had recently retired from the chancellery, had put his name forward for the conservative nomination. He easily won and became the conservative's presidential candidate. Rybak wanted to push colonialism on the Baltic state, by expanding further into west Africa. "These primitive states will be no match for us, and we will take them and reap the reward!" Rybak also promised to secure more alliances among the nations of Europe, and with France, secure the Baltic in European society.


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(Rybak, 1867)​

President Gulbis was the liberal candidate, hoping to cement a liberal victory for a fourth liberal term. Gulbis, like his predecessors, wanted to expand the prestige of the nation via economics and by trade on the world market. To the population though, especially to craftsmen and laborers, the conservatives were the ones who brought the economy up, they were the ones that fed the starving people in Latvia, and they were the ones whom cemented an alliance with a great power. The liberals were loosing support, and the conservatives were gaining support.

The election began, debates rolled on, etc. The biggest debates came from the question of economic policy. It was between the Laissez Faire of the left, and the State Capitalism of the right. Industrialists argued that Laissez Faire was destroying the industry, and that state capitalism was the one thing keeping factories going. Liberals argued that without their economic policy, the UBP would turn into a feudal society. Craftsmen wanted the state to control the economy since they could get a job that way. Without any backing by a capitalist social class, the liberal idea was shot down in favor of the conservative's policy.

Election time came and the electorate went to the ballots. Soon the results came back in. Rybak won 59% of the vote, Gulbis won about 41%. Thus, Alexei Rybak won the election and was declared president.

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The election also brought about a new chancellor by the conservatives. Chancellor Oja, while as popular as he may be, was not in-line with conservative policy. The conservatives wanted a state capitalistic policy, but Oja thought differently. Oja believed that a "planned economic system" was the most beneficial system, complete total government control of the economy. Oja also disagreed with the approach to promoting Christendom across the land, and making it regularly part of political affairs. For this, the conservatives sacked Oja, and removed him from his office. Enraged, Oja left the Baltic, and went to Brussels (Part of the Netherlands after the Dutch annexed Belgium in the 1840s). His successor was Filips Godmanis, a more conservative acting man. Godmanis was a statesmen, a man who can debate, speak, and get things done. Godmanis would be the perfect man to further the conservative cause further among the people, and would allow the conservatives to easily spread their policies to the masses. Oja would be gone, but what he will find in Brussels will transform the Baltic forever, and he will not be gone for long.....


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(Godmanis)

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I'm so tired of every AAR going for Africa; go for parts of Russia and Germany and Scandinavia if you wanna do something fun lol
 
I'm so tired of every AAR going for Africa; go for parts of Russia and Germany and Scandinavia if you wanna do something fun lol

Here is the dilema of why I cant do that

Keep in mind my military is at like 30 regiments in the Baltic.

I. Germany (Prussia + Allied States) is easily the number 1 military power. They have a single army out of all their forces that equal the Baltic army.

II. Sweden, Denmark, and Norway are all buddy buddy, and Denmark is allied with the UK, easily over 30 regiments.

III. I have only the French as allies, and they wont join my wars if I am the aggressor.

So, since PoD makes many small African nations available, I decided the best chance I got for expanding would be there. Dont worry, Africa is not the only continent I will expand to :happy:
 
Here is the dilema of why I cant do that

Keep in mind my military is at like 30 regiments in the Baltic.

I. Germany (Prussia + Allied States) is easily the number 1 military power. They have a single army out of all their forces that equal the Baltic army.

II. Sweden, Denmark, and Norway are all buddy buddy, and Denmark is allied with the UK, easily over 30 regiments.

III. I have only the French as allies, and they wont join my wars if I am the aggressor.

So, since PoD makes many small African nations available, I decided the best chance I got for expanding would be there. Dont worry, Africa is not the only continent I will expand to :happy:

Asia doesn't count as being different; I can't tell you how many times I've seen an AAR substitute Africa with Asia and build a mediocre Vietnam-Thailand-Scraps that Netherlands-France-Britain-didn't-want empire. XD
 
Asia doesn't count as being different; I can't tell you how many times I've seen an AAR substitute Africa with Asia and build a mediocre Vietnam-Thailand-Scraps that Netherlands-France-Britain-didn't-want empire. XD

Would it help that I will eventually expand in Europe? :laugh:
 
I love a good AAR about nations you rarely see. :)

Well I personally don't mind seeing everyone go after Africa or Asia. You take all the scraps you can get as a small nation. :p
 
Archive: Baltic Assembly and Executive Powers

((So I might do these now and then, these are basically mini-updates in a sense, the archives are used to further explain single things in detail. It is probably confusing to many why conservatives are still ruling the Assembly, and how the presidents have differ so ideologically from their own legislature. This archive will explain the powers that the legislature and executive branch have.))

Legislative Branch --- The Baltic Assembly​

((The Baltic Assembly is the Vicky 2 equivalent to the Upper House in case that wasnt clear before))

The Baltic Assembly is a unicameral legislature, one house only. The members of the house are elected directly by the people. There are 25 members of the Assembly from each of the three states, bringing the total to 75 members. These 75 members are elected in a proportional election system. The leader of the Assembly is the Chancellor of the UBP. The chancellor is appointed by the parties who are in the Assembly, most of the time being of the party/coalition with a majority. For the past 30 years, the conservatives (who have held a majority in the Assembly) have been selecting the chancellor. Now most people wonder how a conservative chancellor has been able to cooperate with liberal presidents like Urbonas. The truth is, both exert a lot of pressure on the other.

As mentioned at the start, the UBP is a semi-presidential republic. A semi-presidential republic is when there are two executives in power, one usually being elected by the people, one being elected by the respective legislature (Example: Russia's Duma). In the UBP, the president is the one who is chosen by the people, and the chancellor is the one chosen by the Assembly.

The chancellor as mentioned before manages domestic policy. Anything relating to industry, trade, economics, etc, the chancellor is the one managing this. However, just because the chancellor may be for state-capitalism, does not mean the president exerts his own policies on the chancellor. The president being the elected executive can put a lot of pressure on the non-elected executive to follow certain policies. That is why under Urbonas and Gulbis, the conservative chancellors had to follow a liberal economic plan.

The chancellor though does have powers to counter the powers and influence of the president. He is the only one who can call no-confidence votes on a presidency to get the president removed from office. He can veto any treaty passed by the legislature and the president, but this can be overturned with a 2/3 majority vote. The chancellor can also override presidential decisions when it comes to foreign industry.

The Assembly passes bills and legislation. They make budgets, organize the army, build factories, approve most appointments by the chancellor and president, and declare war.

Executive Branch: The President of the UBP​

((In Vicky-2 terms, the party in power represents who is in charge of the presidency))

The Executive Branch is the President of the UBP. The president is elected by the people and serves a max of two four-year terms. While the chancellor handles domestic policy, the main concern of the president is foreign policy. This includes treaties, trade agreements, foreign investment treaties, alliances, military cooperation, etc. The president also is commander and chief of the armed forces. As mentioned above, due to his position given to him by the will of the people, he can exert greater influence on legislature and the chancellor himself.

The president does have powers that can relate to domestic policy. The president can veto bills passed by the legislature, but these vetoes can be overridden by a two-thirds majority vote. The president also can pass executive orders, bypassing the legislature and implementing policy. Urbonas did it twice under his presidency. Most of the time, executive orders only come during times of crisis or unrest. The president can also appoint members to the Baltic Supreme Court, but they have to be approved by the legislature.

Most people consider the presidency a much more prestigious and even powerful position compared to that of the chancellor. Yet, the chancellor is the one who does most of the domestic work when it comes to economics and policy. In the end, both executives are evenly powerful, but are constantly checked by the Assembly.
 
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Rybak (1868-1872)

Rybak would indeed live up the expectations of his campaign promises. Domestically and foreignly, the UBP would see itself changed. The new decade would seem full of promise for the UBP, and it would see a new increase of wealth and standard of living.

Chancellor Godmanis and President Rybak would both collaborate getting the conservative agenda going forward in the industrial sector. The industrial sector of the country was rocked during the Urbonas presidency, and it did not really recover during the Gulbis presidency. Chancellor Oja did help recover some of the lost industry via his act to promote small business. Now though, there was a rise in capitalist nature. Though not many capitalists were appearing across the country, a very small handful of individuals began to make their mark on society in the industrial sector when the government approached them to discuss industrial improvement. Artur Pocius was one of these individuals. He was a small business owner in the cement industry. His small shop allowed him to make cement, and make it in good quality. The Baltic government approached Pocius with an offer; to fund a cement factory and allow Pocius to manage it in return for some of the profits to go to the government. This was state capitalism at its finest. Other deals were made with men who worked in can goods in Latvia, and wool weavers in Baltic Pinsk. Soon, factories were once again popping up all across the country on a scale never before seen since the old days of industry, thirty years ago. The second industrial revolution had some to the Baltic.

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While events financially and economically were shaping up for the Baltic, Rybak would live up to his promise of securing more colonial territory. He looked back to the small African colony the Baltic had established decades ago. The other small African nations were ripe for the picking, but the biggest prize was the Muslim state of Sokoto. Sokoto was a Muslim caliphate. It ruled a large part of what was then northern Nigeria. The sultan of the state was Ahmad bin Atiku. The Baltic took key interest into the nation due to the level of coal and iron found in Sokoto. These resources would help fuel the industrialization of the Baltic, and thus the government started to crave these resources. At first, industrialists went into Sokoto to begin investing in the state by mines and transportation routes. Yet, Ahmad bin Atiku would not be around to help the state. In 1867, he would die, and would be succeeded by Aliu Karami. Aliu would expel the Baltic industrialists from the country. Since the industrialists were tied to the government, this made the government very angry with Sokoto. The Baltic government soon devised a plan to make Sokoto heel to Baltic agenda. They found the perfect man to lead their “puppet” government in Sokoto, the last son of the founder of the Sokoto state Usman dan Fodio, Ahmadu Rufai.


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(Ahmadu Rufai)​

Government agents approached Rufai. They wanted him to assume the throne of Sokoto, and they were willing to provide the resources for his campaign against Aliu Karami if he and his people sweared allegiance to the Baltic state and its president. Karami agreed to this, and preparations began for the invasion of Sokoto. After the plans were complete, the United Baltic Provinces declared war on Sokoto.

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This was the first time in Baltic history were colonial auxiliary corps would provide the bulk of the armed forces. The 1st Colonial Army would be made up of colonial infantry, mounted artillery, and hussars. The army split itself in two, one to engage the west, and one to engage the east. The army though had a run in with Sokoto soldiers. It was a clear victory before the day went out due to the advancements of the Baltic weapons, and the lack of technological innovations by the Sokoto people. The Battle of Jungle Heights would cause massive Sokoto casualties with few Baltic casualties. Soon, the armed forces of the Sokoto army were overran. Baltic soldiers would enter the capital, and Sultan Aliu Karami would flee the country. Ahmandu Rufai would be declared sultan, and with the rest of the country under occupation, Sokoto would submit to the UBP. Sokoto had now become a puppet to the UBP.


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(Occupation of Sokoto, 1871)

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During this time of war, factory workers would rise in major cities such as Riga and Vilnius. The state capitalism employed by the government would see many benefits given to the workers, but it was not enough. Conditions were bad, pay was low, work days were long, the health care was crap, and only the elite got education. Pensions and unemployment benefits were non-existent. The average craftsmen would work up to 14 hours a day, six days a week, for as little as $1.00 an hour, with large risks for being killed on the job. This would make many craftsmen unhappy, but they did not know where to turn. As one craftsmen stated “It is either brutal conditions under the conservatives, or no work under the liberals”. That all changed in the dawning days of the 1870s. In Brussels, Netherlands, a convention would be held. Politicians, workers, and laborers from all across Europe and the Americas would come to Brussels to hear one man whose beliefs they found very interesting. This man published a very controversial book in 1848 called the Communist Manifesto. That man, was Karl Marx. Marx would state his ideas at this convention, and all members would take this with them home where they would spread the new socialist agenda across Europe. Two men would bring socialism to the Baltic, Georg Oja, and polish man August Jagoda. Oja, the former chancellor who was deposed by his own party for not strictly following conservative policy, had returned to the Baltic armed with an idea that he very much agreed with. Together with Jagoda, he formed the Baltic Socialist Party.

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(Jagoda, the "Father of Baltic Socialism")

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The socialist agenda began to spread. Workers across the country began to migrate towards the idea of socialism. No where was this more prevalent then Riga, the industrial capital of the Baltic. Latvia slowly began to see an influx of socialist into its borders. The conservatives and even some liberals began to do everything in their power to stop these socialists. They began to target labor unions, whom many believe spread the socialist agenda more than anything else. Labor leaders were arrested, and entire unions were hunted down and disbanded. The government had no remorse for the socialists. They used the idea that the Baltic constitution had made labor unions illegal, and used it to target the socialists. Georg Oja himself would be arrested under charges of sedition, but he would be soon released due to court biased leading to an appeal of his case where a higher court overturned the decision. Socialist newspapers began to be printed describing the conditions of the land and the factory. The red tide had made its way to the Baltic, and it would seem that it was here to stay.

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In foreign affairs, not much happened. The only significant news was from Japan. The Mori Daimyo had overthrown the Tokugawa Shogunate in the name of Emperor Meiji. The “Meiji Restoration” as it soon became called, would help Japan westernize and become a titan in Asian affairs. This new world power could possible help the UBP expand into Asia, but for now, the young western nation has only observers.

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This was the atmosphere when the elections of 1872 rolled around. Everything was new. New factories, new ideologies, new puppets, new colonies, new nations, it was all new. The decade seemed full of questions though, like what are the socialists planning, and will we ever expand outside of Africa? These questions would have to be answered by the government of the next president, and with a third party running, three candidates would run this time around.
 
Having a puppet to give you coal and iron should be handy for industrialization. I suspect the socialists will start causing problems soon.
 
((Now that I can FINALLY post in this thread, lets get the ball rolling again shall we?))

Election of 1872

Three candidates began their drive for the executive office this year during election season. The conservatives and liberals now had to face a growing socialist movement that has gripped the nation and its workforce.


Alexei Rybak would run for his second term. The conservatives felt confident that they would have a good shot at the presidency, due to the popularity earned by Rybak in his first turn. Rybak said that "The means of production are here, now we just need to utilize it for greater prosperity." Industrial improvement was the primary goal of the conservatives. They would promise an increase of industrial production with state induced benefits.



The liberals would run a man whose father was a key figure in the creation of the Baltic state during the time of the revolution. They chose Roberts Bierdris II, the eldest son of Baltic nationalist Roberts Bierdris I, father of the Baltic state. Biedris II's main focus was on diplomatic relations with Baltic neighbors. Germany had begun to form into a single state, and Russian influence over the Baltic had been increasing slowly over the past few decades. "In order to preserve our own national identity, we must increase our relations with those who wish to exploit us."


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(Biedris II)

The socialists were the newcomers in the election. This would be their first election, and it would show the liberals and conservatives that a third party would be here to stay. The socialist candidate would be Georg Oja. Oja wanted reforms for the workers. The socialists promoted the ideas of higher wages, shorter work days, better safety conditions, and the destruction of child labor. "The worker must constantly advocate reform for their economic right to become prosperous in this society. We must act to help achieve this goal". In many areas, socialists were barred from running for local office, and for those who did, some were not even put on the ballot. Conservative and liberal party bosses made sure that no one would vote socialists at their poll booths. Industrialists threatened to fire those who sided with the socialists. Both parties utilized religion to denounce the socialists. Pope's throughout this time constantly denounced socialism as a force against the will of God, due to the secularized and sometimes atheistic nature of the socialist movement. Many clergymen urged voters to not stray away from God and vote for those whom "Do the devil's work".

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(Oja)

Other then that the election ran smoothly. Debates were held between liberal and conservative candidates. The focus between these two was "What to do with the socialist problem?" The conservative advocated banning the socialist party for radical beliefs. The liberals thought that the socialists should not be bother since at the moment they posed no real threat to society. The socialists denounced both of these arguments claiming that both will not stop the socialist agenda.

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In the end, the people cast their votes, and the election results came in. Rybak won 67% of the vote. Biedris II won 27% of the vote. Oja won 6% of the vote. Rybak would be declared a winner, and the conservatives would get their man in the office for another term. Socialists feared that they would be rounded up and arrested for radicalism. Some even planned on leaving the country. All would be decided in the next four years.

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Hopefully now we get to see if making Sokoto into a puppet for resources will pay off as the conservatives continue with industrialization.
 
Rybak (1872-1876)

The second term of President Rybak will see people come together, and groups pulled apart. Dangerous ideologies will form out of this term, and ideas that could prove beneficial to the masses will see their start this term.

To start off, one must first learn about the man of the term. It is not President Rybak, but a Lithuanian priest by the name of Tėvas ((Father)) Daumantas. A catholic priest in the outskirts of Vilnius, Father Daumantas was one of the first advocates against "one of the greatest evils to ever grace God's land and his people". Of course, he was referring to the evil that is alcohol. Father Daumantas was the founder of the BTL (Baltic Temperance League), a movement dedicated to the prohibition of alcohol throughout the state. The BTL soon saw an influx in membership over the next couple of years. Most of the members of the BTL were moralistic christians, many of whom believed that alcohol was a serious problem infecting the spirituality and moral decision making of many individuals. BTL members soon managed to gain many government officials to their cause. By 1876, the BTL had ten supporters in the Baltic Assembly. It became obvious that the BTL was becoming a force of change in Baltic society. The biggest opposition to the BTL came from mostly the Jewish community. Jews used wine for many religious ceremonies. Baltic-Germans also raised a voice of opposition to the BTL, due to beer being part of German culture. Russians also opposed this due to vodka being part of Russian culture. In short, minority groups living in the Baltic opposed the BTL, and wished to see alcohol continue to be served. The long battle between those who wished to see the UBP sober, and those who wished to keep things the same, would rage on for decades.


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(Father Daumantas)

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Another important event related to the second term of President Rybak was the growth of a new powerful company. In 1870, the Baltic Asian Company was formed. Much like the East India Company in Britain many years ago, the BAC was a trading company that traded with the ports of Asia. Steamers with the BAC logo soon began showing up in Asian ports all across the continent, from China, to Indonesia. The BAC became wealthy pretty fast trading in tea and spices and silk. Much like their British counterparts, the BAC soon began to exert influence politically on the Baltic government. One such case was the desire by the BAC to acquire personal trading ports in Asia. The BAC wanted ports to expand their trading influence with more of Asia. One such area that became popular with the BAC was the small Malaysian country of Johore. Johore was a small country located south of Siam, near the strait of Malacca. Johore not only was a grand place for a port, but it had a large supply of precious metals. Johore was known for gold, gems, and other jewels, making it a pretty rich country trading the metals with neighboring European countries like Britain and the Netherlands. The BAC lobbied a bill that would give them the rights to invade Johore to establish a naval base for the region in the name of wealth. The government passed the bill, and a few days later, plans were being made to invade Johore.

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Some members of the BAC refused to wait for claims to appear. The following year, a group of seven BAC soldiers landed in Johore to cause an incident to give the BAC a claim to invasion. They were caught by tribal militia, and they were sent to Johore prison. This embearessed the BAC, and soon, it embarrased the UBP as well. The Johore sultan used this as justification for denouncing the UBP as colonialist invaders, wishing to destroy the independence of all nations in the east. Of course, many European nations did not care. Thus, the claims were forged, and the UBP now had a reason to go to war in Asia.

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Politically, things were beginning to shape up in the UBP. The socialist party was still considered the "under dogs" of the UBP political system. No one really thought they could do much. However, all that was about to change. In 1873, in Norway, a meeting was held between radical socialists. These men wished to see the worker earn power not by economic reform, but by revolutionary zeal and revolutionary action. These men advocated a military takeover of the government to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat. They advocated full power to the worker. They were the communists. Communism soon became a new doctrine throughout all of Europe and America. The man who brought communism to the UBP was a Russian man by the name of Nicholas Yuri. Yuri was considered a radical socialist. He was thrown out of the socialist party for being too radical for his belief in atheism, and wanting to make religion illegal. He would soon return from Norway armed with a very dangerous ideal. That year, the Bolsheviks would be founded in the UBP. These Bolsheviks are not to be confused with Russian Bolsheviks. Almost immediately after the party was founded, government officials began arresting communist supporters all across the country. Yuri himself will be sentenced for ten years in federal prison for conspiracy. The communists soon went underground, only to emerge to support candidates they want to support. Communism had come, and the government tried everything in its power to destroy it.

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(Yuri)

Foreign events were beginning to shape up in nearby Germany. Prussia for a long time had held dominance over North Germany. In a step hailed as one step closer to German unification, the Prussians called for German unification in the north. Soon, the North German Federation was formed, with the King of Prussia, Wilhelm I, acting as its president. Now, Germany was one step closer to being fully united. The UBP looked upon these events with concern. A stronger Germany neighbor could pose a threat to UBP security. For now though, the NGF was focused on uniting the German people, and not its other neighbors. In celebration of this new unity, the NGF proposed a new canal to be built in the province of Kiel. The Kiel Canal would shorten the time needed for ships to pass from the Baltic sea to the Atlantic. This greatly interested Baltic merchants, who could use the canal to speed up deliver of goods.

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This was the world in 1876, when elections rolled around. A new party questioned party legality, a new nation questioned UBP security, and a new movement questioned whether alcohol was a luxury, or an evil. Rybak would not be allowed to run again, his political career at an end. From chancellor to president, Rybak is considered one of the greatest politicians of 19th century politics. He would retire from political life after he leaves the presidency, and will pass away from a stroke in 1880. His legacy will be hailed as one of prosperity for the UBP.


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Well I do hear that Southeast Asia is lovely this time of year. ;)

German unification can not bode well for the UBP. Always got to keep an eye on those big scary neighbours.
 
Election of 1876

The election of 1876 was an election of control in a sense. Communism and Socialism were basically underground forces. Some protested the fact that this could be unconstitutional, that all parties regardless of affiliation should be able to have a voice in the Baltic Assembly. The one state that did allow for these kinds of parties to technically "exist publicly" is Latvia. Latvian state legislation made these parties legal, allowing them to operate publicly in state and local elections. This however, was not strictly allowed by the Baltic federal government. While Latvian state police and state officials cannot detain one for supporting socialism or communism, federal agents can. A conflict between the states and the federal government would have to go to the Supreme Court at one point.

Other then the fact that this situation could lead to a major court case, the election of 1876 was orderly, with little violence happening outside of Latvia. Lithuania and Estonia both enforced anti-socialism and anti-communism laws in their borders, eliminating the socialist and communist candidate for president from the ballot entirely.

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The socialist candidate however was not one to step down in face of the law. The socialist party had to choose someone who would earn a lot of votes, someone who could persuade the people that socialism could indeed operate as a party, and that it was not dangerous. They decided to run an old-timer, a man who has unprecedented political skill in his field, and a man who was a descendant of a well-known man in Baltic history. That man was Nathaniel Sarfas. Nathaniel Sarfas, a 70 year old who is the descendant of Latvian hero Bendiks Sarfas, considered the "Father of Latvia". Like Georg Rosen as the father of the UBP, the Latvians hail Bendiks as the father of Latvia. Bendiks was the leader of the Latvian delegation to the Baltic Confederacy. Nathaniel was his son. Nathaniel has served in government positions since he was 30, and had joined the socialist party when it first formed. Nathaniel promised to take the socialist case to the supreme court and to make socialism and communism legal. Communists immediately flocked behind Bendiks.


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(Sarfas)

The liberal candidate was a man by the name of Roberts Norkus. Norkus was a young man, only 30 years old. The man served as Minister of Commerce under President Rybak, and has major popularity in Lithuania. Norkus was a man who knew how the economy worked, and promised that a liberal economic agenda would lead to prosperity. He advocated encouraging foreign investment, and internal industrial capitalistic expansion.

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(Norkus)
The conservatives wanted a man with imperialistic nature. Someone who could expand the territorial control of the UBP into further lands. The man they selected however would bring up massive amounts of controversy. The man was Peetar Part. Part was not only a politician, he was also the CEO of the Baltic Asia Company, the company that wants to expand into Malaysia. A politician who was also a businessman had numerous outcries throughout the nation. Many argued that companies have no place in politics.

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(Part)

It is obvious who received the most funding for his campaign. The BAC happily supplied the needed cash to help the conservative campaign. The reason for this was because the BAC knew that if they could get their CEO into office, it would guarantee Asian expansion, and wars with Asian nations. If it was not for BAC funding, the conservatives probably would not have won. Part was not popular in the country, but many voted for him just because he was a conservative.

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Another interesting string of events however would come from Germany. In Lubek, a city-state in Germany that refused to join the North German Federation, a new breed of liberals and socialists joined together. This "Social Liberalism" was a combination of social reform desire and liberal political awareness. Some say that social liberalism combined the best of both the socialists and liberals. However, social liberals who spread the idea in the UBP did not organize into a political party. Members of the liberal and socialist just labeled themselves social liberals while maintaining association with their respective party. They were an odd couple, not totally socialist, but not totally liberal. No one really knew how to deal with them. Soon, they developed a healthy following, and became a very prominent part of Baltic society.

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When election day came, the polls were as followed: Norkus received 27% of the vote, Sarfas would obtain 17% of the vote, and Part would obtain 56% of the vote. Part was declared the winner, but much to the dismay of a lot of people. Part's term would be marked as "The capitalist era" due to Part's pro capitalist policy. The next four years will be all about mone
y.

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How can anyone not vote for Peetar Part with that awesome top hat and monocle? He'd get my vote. :p

It seems that all the leftist parties are splitting votes and effectively keeping each other out of power.
 
Part (1877-1881)

Corporations were on the rise in the UBP following the election of businessman turned politician Peeter Part. With backing from the government, the Baltic Asian Company would begin to militarily expand into Asia. Yet at the same time, some began to argue that perhaps business intermixing with politics would be a bad thing from the policies enacted by President Part. While his wealth may have gotten him elected, critics claim that he could not get by just on popularity. By the end of his first term, Part would become the most unpopular president the UBP ever had.

The closing years of the 1870s would be called "The Baltic Glory Years" due to an increase of cultural pride among many Baltic people. Many believed that the Baltic cultures were destined to be the most prestigious cultures in eastern Europe. This was probably due to the perseverance of many generations of Baltic civilians. With second-generation Baltic civilians starting to be born, many felt that the UBP would never fall. This nationalist pride would add to the prestige of the nation and would lead to many books, paintings, and plays related to Baltic history. This also helped the economy a bit. With more pride in their nation, many Baltic citizens began to work harder in industry and in the economy.

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However, the intentions of the BAC in expanding into Asia have not changed since the last few years. They still wanted to expand into Johore, and with a claim (although fabricated), it seems that the UBP would be going to war once again. The only thing that was preventing those in the government from voting for a war was due to the British presence in that area of the world. Singapore was a notable British trade port, and if another European nation established its own trade port, the British would feel threatened. Some claimed that the British would probably help Johore if their interests in Malaysia were threatened. As such, war was not declared immediately. Then, an event occurred that changed everything. A British envoy arrived in Vilnius to discuss the possibility of an alliance between Britain and the UBP. President Part welcomed these diplomats with opened arms. Soon, a treaty was struck between the British and the UBP

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This spelled doom for Johore. With the threat of a British intervention off their backs, the UBP government swiftly authorized the BAC to use military force to secure Johore for the good of the Baltic people. Two brigades of infantry, a brigade of horses, and an artillery unit, as well as five transport ships were loaned to the BAC for this operation. Soon, the BAC military corp set sailed from Baltic Nigeria directly to Asia.

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The target for the operations by the BAC was simple. Johore had two states. The first state was Northern Malaysia, the other was Southern Malaysia. Norther Malaysia was the target of the BAC due to the high presence of gold in that part of the country. The plan was to occupy Northern Malaysia and then move swiftly south to take out the Johore army and capture the capital. This would hopefully end the war in a fast and timely manner.

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The plan went very well. BAC troops started landing in Northern Malaysia, and made their way down south occupying the country. The Johore army was drawn out, and they were swiftly defeated in one engagement. Soon BAC forces marched on the capital of Johore Bahru, and occupied it. With his country under occupation, the Sultan of Johore capitulated, and a treaty was signed handing over all lands of Northern Malaysia to BAC control.

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The BAC though was not satisfied with just Johore though. They yearned for another area of land. They saw an opportunity for this farther east, where events had recently taken place in the Philippines. For the past three-hundred years, Spain had ruled the Philippines. It was one of the last colonies of the Spanish Empire, yet even then they would not hold it forever. Filipinos in the southern part of the islands rebelled against Spanish rule. Soon, without Spain being able to reach the colony in time, The Philippine Republic was born. The leaders of the revolt established a republic in the southern islands, with the aim of uniting all Filipinos under the banner of a Philippine nation. However, Baltic eyes caught the Philippines in their struggle for democracy. At first, government officials liked the Philippines. Many Baltic citizens saw the Philippines as an offshoot of the UBP, and many compared the Filipino struggle with their struggle in the 1830s against the Russians. President Part however, saw the new country as an easy target for BAC expansion.

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Originally the BAC was to keep quiet about this. An attack on a civilized democracy could result in the public becoming very dissatisfied with the UBP targeting a republic. However, not all things keep quiet for long. Word eventually broke out that the President was funding another BAC expedition to the Philippines. One man to speak out against this was Chancellor Godmanis. Godmanis objected the funding as a "war in which the only benefactors are profit and business". It soon leaked to the public that President Part was helping to fund another BAC expedition to attack the Philippines, a democracy that many Baltic people felt share similar ties. The protest was massive. Thousands of people protested this move by the president. Soon, President Part's popularity dropped to about 25% approval, the lowest of any president to date. Part's decision to fund the BAC in their quest for resources would threaten his campaign for a second term. In responce to Godmanis's objections, President Part and the BAC pressured the conservative assemblymen to remove Chancellor Godmanis from his office. Who they put in his place would spark even more controversy. They selected conservative Anton Peebo, an old landowner from Estonia. He is descendant of an Estonian baron when Estonia was under Russian rule. Peebo was an old guard aristocrat, but his selection would spark controversy because he was a big stock holder in the BAC. Newspapers claimed that the BAC was "buying the assembly, the presidency, and soon the country". Many argued that the BAC had grown too powerful, and that its increasing participation in politics made many worry that they would go as far as to make "stockholders assemblymen and CEOs presidents".


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(Peebo)

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Domestically things started taking a rocky turn. The "Baltic Glory Years" crashed and burned in 1879. Two mass diseases crippled agricultural production. Another potato blight decimated crops in Latvia, but another disease would have dire consequences as well. Bovine fever swept through livestock across the country. Cattle was dying en mass, and since cattle was a large export of the UBP, the economy faltered a bit. The people soon starved, with thousands dying and hundreds fleeing the country. The government tried its hardest to make sure the people were supported in an attempt to feed them, but the damage was massive to the agricultural sector.

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Yet, in all this despair, a glimmer of hope shined for the underground socialists and communist parties. Since last term, Latvia had been the only state to allow socialists and communists to campaign politically, even though both parties were illegal in the UBP. This debate between the UBP and Latvia would soon make its way to the supreme court in Sarfas vs United Baltic Provinces.

The judiciary branch of government is the least talked about in this story, so briefly I will explain what it does. The supreme court is the highest court in land, it oversees federal and district courts across the country, it has the power of judiciary review, and its the highest appeal court.

This court case focused on the legality of the socialist and communist cause. Socialists and communists watched anxiously for the decision. In the end, the court ruled in favor of the socialists, stating that the UBP as a multi-party democracy can no longer enforce laws that prohibit certain parties from campaigning. This was a massive victory for the socialists and communists. Now they can legally campaign for public office in all the states of the UBP. Conservatives were appalled by this decision. Socialism could truly rise.

Yet, the conservatives were not beaten. They planted labor spies in labor unions across the country, whom the conservatives viewed as the bastion of socialism. These spies would try and break up strikes before they even happened, and stopped unions before they even formed. This move was highly illegal at the time, but the government funded spies in unions across the country.

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Foreign events would also make the UBP take heed of other nations. In the United Kingdom, a conference was called to discuss colonialism in Africa. The conference would regulate colonialism and trade in Africa. This conference also gave the green light to invade any African nation still left in Africa without fear of repercussions. The scramble for Africa had begun in London.

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This was the mood when the election of 1881 rolled around. The Baltic people were stuck with a president of both their country and a business, whom they very much wanted to get rid of. Company influence was growing very strong, and it became apparent that they were getting too much control of the country. Agricultural disaster, and the legitimacy of socialism and communism would add to the events of the term. The UBP entered the 1880s with a grim setting, but the Baltic people held their heads high. After all, Part would be removed, and there would be no way on earth he could win the next election.



Legally that is....................


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