[Forum Game] - World in Revolution: 1920 Mk. II

Chapter X: Russians in China

Russia is China’s largest neighbor and although the history of Sino-Russian relations is relatively short the Russian people have had an important impact on China. In the 1910s and 1920s the history of Russian people in China has to be set against the backdrop of the political upheaval in Russia. With this in mind, here is a summary of the key role Russians played in some of the events in China during the early republican period.

First Russian settlers in China are the Jirjak people who flee the reforms of Peter the Great and settle in Xinjiang. By mid-19th century Russian merchants are common in Xinjiang and cross-border trade is robust even if there is little cross-border migration. It is not until the October Revolution that large numbers of Russians move to Xinjiang, with many Cossacks and other White Russian soldiers finding refuge there. General Ivanov and his Cossack troops become an important part of the army of warlord Yang Zengxin who rules the province.

A much larger group of Russians lives in Manchuria. The first wave of migration are the workers who help build the Chinese Eastern Railway. The city of Harbin is built almost from nothing to accommodate the migrants and others working on the railroad. By 1913 only one out of ten of the residents of Harbin was born there, with the overwhelming majority being Russians and Chinese who move there for work. Most buildings in the city date to this period, and there are many Orthodox churches spread across it.

Because of its established Russian community Harbin is flooded with White emigres in the 1920s. To get a sense of the influx understand that in 1913 Harbin has a population of 60,000 people. Between 1917 and 1923 almost 200,000 Russians move to the city. Many are officers and soldiers involved in the White movement, but others are intelligentsia and ordinary people. Despite signing a treaty with the Soviet Union that has served as an implicit recognition of the new Russian regime, the Chinese government continues to allow the Harbin Russian community to operate the Chinese Eastern Railway jointly with China, as well as to operate the courts, post office, police, prison, schools, and some research facilities in Harbin.

Not all Russian emigres end up in Harbin. Another attractive destination is the Shanghai international settlement where the Russian Empire maintained a consulate. Until the October Revolution the Russian population in Shanghai numbers in the dozens, but in the 1920s this number soars. When the Provisional Transamur Government in Vladivostok falls to the Bolsheviks Admiral Oscar Stark’s squadron evacuates thousands of Russians to Shanghai. In the years that follow many Russians from Harbin move to Shanghai as well, attracted by the city’s booming economy. With Shanghai a free port that requires no passport or visa to enter it is one of the few cities in the World where White Russians can find refuge.

Unfortunately, free entry does not mean economic security. Many foreigners in the international settlement scoff at employing Russians. It is English and French, not Russian, that are the universally-spoken languages here. In what is a sad chapter in Russian and Chinese history, many young Russian girls and women find work as taxi dancers and prostitutes. Over time it becomes more common for the Russian women in Shanghai to find work as French or music teachers, dressmakers, shop assistants, and hairdressers. Men, for the most part, remain as either professional soldiers or bouncers for the Shanghai gangs. Despite the difficulties this community flourishes, with Little Russia in Shanghai becoming a relatively prosperous neighborhood, full of restaurants, schools, clubs, a Russian-language newspaper and a radio station as well as an Orthodox church.

Such a large influx of Russians of course plays a role in Chinese history and politics. Already mentioned is General Ivanov and his Cossack troops in Xinjiang. White Russian soldiers also play a role in the army of Fengtian warlord Zhang Zuolin. The famous Mukden Lancers are a White Russian unit in the Fengtian army and White Russian officers, such as General Nechaev and Brigadier General Chekhov command numerous Chinese units for Zhang.

The warlord who makes the most use of the White Russian soldiers is Zhang Zongchang. He recruits effective White Russian mercenaries and even incorporates Russian armored trains into his army. A cavalry regiment of 4,600 Russians in his army is the single largest Russian unit fighting in China’s warlord wars. Also found in his forces are Russian nurses, accountants, engineers, and other professionals, all put to work alongside Chinese troops.

Interestingly, the White Russian community in Harbin also plays a role in Chinese politics more directly. The faculty at the Harbin Normal University form the Russian Fascist Organization and this fascist group plays a role in organizing and influencing the Young China Party, also based in Manchuria. The Russian fascists in Harbin have contacts with Italian and other European groups, and this is an important connection for the nascent Chinese fascist movement.

In 1925 the Baoding Military Academy is moved to Beijing and renamed the Army Officer Academy under the direction of President Cao Kun. Many Chinese and foreign officers are recruited to teach at the Academy and its graduate will play a key role in China for years to come. And, of course, the White Russians are among those playing a key role there as well.

The British government echoes the concerns raised by the French and Italians in regards to the question about Austria. That the Austrian military is a subordinate to the command in Berlin makes it another branch of the German army and no longer the Austrian, as such we cannot stand idly by and allow the treaty to be broken simply by kind words of the German foreign diplomats. As such Berlin must leave the Austrian army to be for the Austrian people and not another branch of the German army which it has become under their current ways.

As France has already called out, the current state of article 88 states "The independence of Austria is inalienable otherwise than with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations. Consequently Austria undertakes in the absence of the consent of the said Council to abstain from any act which might directly or indirectly or by any means whatever compromise her independence, particularly, and until her admission to membership of the League of Nations, by participation in the affairs of another Power." And as stated above with the Austrian military being under German command, it is clear that the Austrian command is no longer independent.

Furthermore not only has the Austrian government agreed to a monetary union with the German Reich, but it has also signed many other agreements, agreeing that any law passed in Berlin and Germany will also be effective with the borders of Austria. The Austrian government has also entered into a German realm as well as the Austrian government and main party merging with their German counterpart. As such with the Austrian ruling party merging together with the German parties, The Austrian government parties is no longer an independent Austrian party but another German party and as such the Austrians are ruled by Germans and as such they are attempting to preserve a facade and nothing more.

When looking at all of these facts then it is clear that there has been a breach no matter how much the German and Austrian government denies it. It is clear that there is no difference between the state of Bavaria and the realm of Austria other than which is claimed by the two governments in an attempt to deceive the rest of the world and as such we demand that this illegal action end as at once.

-Sir Joseph Austen Chamberlain, Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom

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The United Kingdom has been hit hard by the economic crisis which we have faced these last few years, but it is nothing that we as a nation won’t overcome together. Trade ties are starting to be damaged across the Empire and to combat this the government will once again start working to gather closer ties with our colonies, we will also restore our economy to the previous state which it was before this sad crisis. However to do this we must first rebuilt the economy in the United Kingdom itself which will be our first and primary concern. As the British economy will recover, then our trade and economic ties to our colonies also recover.

To help the economy of our nation the government will give money to the banks, that money is to allow the banks to start funding new businesses once again and thus create more jobs as well as help stabilize the economy.

-Winston Churchill, Chancellor of the Exchequer

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Memorandum for Konstantin von Neurath

Freiherr,

The Reich is facing enemies an all sides and doesn't fully trust its Soviet allies. The nation needs to find if not allies at least amicable powers. The fascist government opposes the Versailles status quo and while their irascible leader appears angry at the reunification with Austria, we believe this obstacle can be overcome. The League can be disregarded, it didn't move for the Rhineland or Hungary, it is powerless. The diplomatic concessions mustn't be fully binding and should remain vague, but you have full powers regarding this matter.
Should the negotiations progress smoothly, the Chancellor will go to Rome to sign whatever pact you have forged. I would have come myself, but Herr Mussolini doesn't appreciate the company of socialists.

Dem Deutschen Volk

Adolf Köster

Willem Marx left Germany for a few days in the middle of the electoral campaign. It wasn't without afterthought as he wanted to show he was a non-partisan chancellor and that under his leadership - or that of another member of his party - Germany would thrive. Konstantin von Neurath, a baron close to the right-wing and a career diplomat, had been tasked with the preliminary discussions, mainly with Dino Grandi.

The preliminary discussions were an expected show of egos at first as none of the parties wanted to lose face. But soon, when it became clear that the Reich was willing to make concessions to the Fascist regime and once Grandi hinted that Italy was more angry at the fact that it hadn't been consulted than at the idea of a German reunification, things were set in motion.

The treaty would throw out of the window some of the elements Germany had used in its post-war diplomacy - self-determination, mainly, but also the supremacy of the League of Nations - but it would enable Germany to eliminate the large Italian threat. For Italy, it would bring needed money, and a diplomatic victory. Both powers were unsatisfied with the status quo in Europe, and would set aside their differences to work together.

When Marx and Mussolini met each other, they were both unhappy to see the treaty, as Mussolini had hoped for more concessions and Marx for less. On top of that, Mussolini had effectively eliminated Christian democrats in Italy and Marx saw the fascists as a real threat. Once more, pragmatism prevailed, the two leaders signed the treaty, took a pose for the official picture and laid the groundwork for German-Italian cooperation.

Treaty of Venice (1925)

I. The German Reich and the Italian Kingdom will recognize each other as equal partners. They recognize the needs of the other to grow and protect their respective peoples.
II. German Reich will pay the Austrian reparations that have been ignored until now, as long as it keeps paying reparations as outlined in London Schedule of Payments (1922). It will pay 100m Reichsmark a year to the Italian Kingdom.
III. The German Reich will pledge to do its utmost to keep the Reichswehr and the Austrian Bundeswehr separate.
IV. The German Reich will recognize the validity of the Italian claims presented in 1915 and regrets promises weren't held. it notably supports a revision of borders in Dalmatia and a protectorate over Albania.
V. The Italian Kingdom will give the German Reich its diplomatic support and will notably recognize as valid and legal the agreements made between Germany and Austria.
VI. Trade between the German Reich and the Kingdom of Italy will be promoted, so as to strengthen the bond between their respective peoples.

[X] Wilhelm Marx
[X] Benito Mussolini, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Italy ]

Click to expand...

http://usa.usembassy.de/etexts/friendtreaty0139.htm

(Posted on Shynk's orders)

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Chapter XI: New Army

The army plays such a central role in Chinese politics and society that it is important to understand the context that the army exists in. What is staggering is the relatively short timeframe in which the current military institutions of China are created. Almost every military officer or institution of importance dates to no earlier than 1895 when the New Army is created. Below is as summary of how this New Army comes to dominate Chinese politics.

Near the end of the Sino-Japanese war the Qing establish a new military formation known as the Pacification Army. It is organized by Hu Yufen with the help of German adviser Constantin von Hanneken. At the end of the war the formation is renamed the Newly Created Army, its size is expanded and command is given to Yuan Shikai. It becomes the powerbase for Yuan’s rise in China.

During the Boxer Rebellion the New Army is the largest of the three army groups near Beijing and the only one that proves effective against the Boxers. During the European intervention in China Yuan Shikai refuses to obey orders from Beijing to fight the European aggression and instead aids the Europeans in taking Beijing. In the aftermath of the Boxer Rebellion the New Army is the only military formation capable of any action. The rest of the Qing military is in such a terrible state that it largely disintegrates over the years. Yuan Shikai, as the commander of the New Army army, is increasingly more powerful, and his support for Empress Cixi is instrumental in ending the Hundred-Days Reform.

In 1902 the army is renamed the Beiyang Army after the region that Yuan Shikai is governor of. There is an effort between 1902 and 1911 to create a new Chinese Army on the basis of Yuan’s army by incorporating provincial units into the Beiyang Army. Though this serves to expand the size of the Beiyang Army in the run-up to the Revolution, it does little to create a fighting force outside of the Beiyang province. When the Xinhai Revolution begins the Beiyang Army is the only professional military formation in China and Yuan Shikai uses it to his advantage to maneuver himself into power in the post-Qing China.

Yuan Shikai’s tight grip on power is what makes the Beiyang Army so much more capable than other units. It is the first professional army in China and it is the conduit that introduces militarism into the country. Soldiers in other Qing armies are poor, illiterate peasants, while the Beiyang Army screens and trains its recruits. To train officers Yuan Shikai establishes in 1902 the Baoding Military Academy in the suburb of Beijing. Between 1902 and 1916 the Baoding Academy is the most important military institution in the country. The list of officers of the Beiyang Army and graduates of the academy reads as a who-is-who of Chinese leadership during the period. Yuan Shikai is of course President of China, as are Feng Guozhang and Cao Kun. Duan Qirui is Prime Minister, while Wu Peifu, Feng Yuxiang, and Sun Chuanfeng are key Zhili warlords. Even warlords who did not attend the Academy, such as Li Zongren, usually have as an ally someone who did, Bai Chongxi in the case of Li.

After the death of Yuan Shikai in 1916 the Academy loses much of its importance. With the Beiyang Army splintered into warlord groups each warlord prefers to pick and train his own officers. Zhang Zuolin, for example, turns to the Japanese and White Russian emigres in training his troops. By 1925 the Zhili clique, having gained control over most of China under Cao Kun, attempts to revive the Academy by moving it to Beijing. Many terrible things can be said about Cao Kun, but he does take a keen interest in China’s army. A product of Yuan’s school, he is aware of the importance of modern training and is keenly interested in creating a modern and powerful army for his country. The Academy is moved to Beijing and renamed the Army Officer Academy and key Chinese generals such as Chiang Kai-shek and Wu Peifu begin teaching there.

Cao Kun and his government also seek out foreign help for the academy. Chu Chia-hua, a German-educated diplomat, becomes a key contact with the Europeans. German and Italy are chosen for this assistance since they do not have imperialist interests in China. Japan also plays a role, partially due to its involvement with most warlord groups in China, and partially because many see it as a model for China to follow. This foreign involvement in China has both military as well as political consequences, both for China and abroad.

On the military side men such as Fedor von Bock and Pietro Badoglio bring with them modern military knowledge. The time they spend in Beijing is used to introduce Chinese officers to modern military strategy and tactics. On the more political side Max Bauer spends time around Beijing determining the potential for German investment in China and Eugene Ott and Achille Starace hold many discussions with their Chinese counterparts on both military and political issues. Although they do not lecture, Toshinari Maeda and Nobuyoshi Muto spend prolonged periods of time in Beijing at the Academy, discussing both politics and the military with officers from Germany, Italy, and China. Topics range from use of artillery to fundamentals of fascism, and are equally important for the future.

None of the men are diplomats, and so no official treaties are signed or agreements made during their stay in Beijing. On the other hand one may easily imagine that telegrams from Eugene Ott and Mario Roatta play a role in resolving the German-Italian crisis over Austria. And while most of these (though not all) are relatively young officers during their stay at the Academy, many go on to rise to the top of their respective countries’ military and political structures. In this way it is certain that the Army Officer Academy in Beijing helps shape the history of the World even far, far away from Beijing.

With the crisis in the British industry it has caused us all to suffer under great losses, not only in Britain itself but abroad as well in our colonies. But people of Britain you should not fear for we will recover, for long has the British industry been stagnating compared to our competitors, we have been too slow to begin the newer lines of production which our neighbors and competitors have been able to achieve. And as such it might even be possible for the crisis to be seen as a blessing in disguise as it allows us to build a new, with new factories and industries which is able to compete with our neighbors and as such the government is now proposing its plan which will be followed for the coming years.

As such the government will allocate funds to go to these new industries such as car manufactures, it is the aim of the government to increase and help this new industry in Britain, a new industry which can then grow and sell their products not only here in Britain but across the entire globe. As such bringing about the economy as well as creating jobs for the unemployed. There is an overproduction in the steel and iron industries which will allow us to make this change and benefit our industrial expansion. The funds will be allocated to the larger as well as smaller companies, in particular companies such as Morris, Austin and Swallow Sidecar Company who are known in Britain for their cars and motorcycles.

Larger interest and investments will also follow into the chemical industries, as such the Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI) will be merged together by some of the leading chemical producers in Britain itself such as Brunner Mond, Nobel Explosives, the United Alkali Company, and British Dyestuffs Corporation, with the head office at Millbank in London.


The aim of the corporation is the production of chemicals, explosives, fertilisers, insecticides, dyestuffs, non-ferrous metals, and paints.

The English population also has a vast amount of cotton spinners, it is a big industry here in the nation but it is also a dying industry. As such it is something which needs to be dealt with and something which has to be done with care. However it is an issue as it is clear that the British industry is falling behind and needs to be remodeled, as such in the coming year the government will give funds to help and allow the manufactories the change to rayon and give a higher output and better products not to mention better prices for the consumers than before.

The last few years have been good for our immigrants. The people who left the Old World lived in poverty, or in fear for extremists and warmongerers, when they arrived here, in Canada, they found jobs and freedom, their hopes and dreams were crushed in the Old World, but in Canada they could realise them. The Canadian Government will continue to promise freedom and jobs to the people of the Old World and the Canadian Government will continue to fulfill her promises.

The last few years have been good for our economy. The economy has been growing steadily and poverty is decreasing. The Canadian Government has provided a strong and stable enviroment for corporationns, big and small, to invest and expand, the Canadian Government will continue to provide a stable and strong enviroment for the corporations, but, of course, the Canadian Government will not intervene in the economy, for it would only hurt the economy on the long term.

The Canadian Government will, besides maintaining Canada's course and governmental policies, lower taxes, to accommodate for the recent immigration of the large amount of people as well as making the nation more prosperous and to increase the wealth. As such it is the goal that the people have more money to spend as well as corporations being able to expand and hire more people with the lowered taxes, the Canadian Government hopes that foreign interest and investment in our economy will grow with the policy of lowering taxes. The Canadian Government will also increase Welfare spending, hoping that it will make the country more prosperous and help the less prosperous families with creating and maintaining a respectable way of life. The Canadian Goverment will also increase Education spending, to make cheap and good education more available for the people of Canada, who cannot afford private schools or do not want to send their children to a private school.

The Canadian Government expresses her concern to Westminster about the affairs on the European Mainland, with the events unfolding in Eastren Europe with Hungary and the Little Entente and in Western Europe with Italy, France and Germany, the Canadian Government would like to ask His Majesty's Government and His Majesty's Opposition to do everything in their power to solve these problems and to keep the peace in Europe and thus the World, but of course we can trust our friends and brethren in Westminster to do the best for the British Empire and her Subjects.

With so many new nations seeking to join the League of Nation, it is truly a great moment in our time, for such peace to be desired by all nations instead of war warms our hearts. Not long ago we where fighting a brutal war against the Irish, and now the wish to join the League of Nations as well. We feel that we can only endorse such a motion as it will mean peace and an ending to any future possible conflict between our two nations.

Peace Treaty

[X] Imre Csaky

The defeat of the Greek Army in Asia Minor had been unexpected both at home and abroad. Yet the resounding mistakes of the Royalist Government would haunt the Greek State for most of it's existence from that point on. However, the Conservative forces managed to steer the blame to the previous Liberal administration, and as such, not only was a Conservative Majority achieved in the elections of 1923, but many of the Liberal military officials were being removed from power and replaced by those who would appeal to the conservative and reactionary elements of the Kingdom. However, things looked bleak for the Conservative Government once again, as the most of the Greek population ,that had arrived as a direct consequence of the Population exchange between Turkey and Greece, had still not lost their trust on the Venizelos Administration, and instead blamed King Constantine for their woes.

However, their complaints were not always justified. The Greek Army had a plan, and while it had been defeated completly on the South Front, they had managed to retreat together with the civilians and the Hellenic Navy managed to do its best in saving civilians and troops alike. But even with those civilians saved, there was a large number of Greeks that were under imprishonment from the Kemalist forces, and they were used efficiently as a bargaining chip to convice Greece to stop fighting. As a result, peace was signed between the two countries.

The population exchange that happened was a result of the peace between the two countries. After the entrance of the Turkish forces intoSmyrna, a formal peace agreement was signed with the Kingdom of Greece after months of negotiations in 1923. The Allied Powers decided to give Constantinople to the Turkish Forces, marking the final departure of Greek armies from Anatolia.

The Government, seeing as the State had been severely weakened, decided to settle those that came from Anatolia into the areas of Macedonia and Western Thrace. This was done mainly for two reasons: 1) In order to supress the heavy Bulgarian elements that still persisted in these areas and 2) In order to revitalise the economy, since many Muslim agricultural families lived in those areas.

Regardings politics, the arrival of the refugees broke the dominance of the monarchy and old politicians relative to the Republicans. While the extend of this would be seen in the national elections of 1926, increasing difficulties of the refugees caused many of them to shift their allegiance to the Communist Party and contributed to its increasing strength. As such, in order to appease to this new force in the Greek political landscape, the government recognised the USSR. On the other hand, these populations also brought with them the much needed and hoped revitalisation of the Greek economy, as they were skilled workers who engaged in transnational trade and business during their stay in the now - defunct Ottoman Empire.

Moreover, it was during the year of 1924 that King Constantine I left his final breath. A life and reign that had started under the brightest of hopes ended in absolute ruin and destruction for Greece. It was now up to his eldest son, George II of Greece to take the throne and lead Greece forward.

Annex VI: Beijing Academy

The previous chapter describes the importance of the New Army and the Baoding Academy in the history of China. If it is successful the reader should now understand just how important the Beijing Academy and the officers who teach and study there are to the history of both China and fascism. This annex provides a summary of the key officers who are, in some manner, connected to the Beijing Academy in the mid and late-1920s.

Chinese Officers

Wu Peifu: Wu joined the Baoding Academy and then the New Army of Yuan Shikai. He followed Yuan as a brigade commander until Yuan’s death. He rose quickly to the top of the Zhili clique opposed to Duan Qirui and in 1919 became the leader of the clique together with Cao Kun. Though he strongly opposed foreign influence in China he advocated a conciliatory approach to other warlords and lost power as a result. He was the nominal head of the Beijing Academy after its inauguration.

Chiang Kai-shek: Chiang attended the Baoding Academy briefly, but spent most of his youth in Japan where he joined the anti-Qing revolutionary groups. A founding member of the KMT he supported Sun Yat-sen until KMT’s flight from Henan. Disenchanted with the Soviet Union Chiang was persuaded by Huang Fu and other revolutionaries to return to China in 1924 and was active both in China’s military and in politics, serving as an instructor in the Beijing Academy at different points during the 1920s.

Hu Hanmin: Without a military background, Hu was an anti-Qing revolutionary who joined Sun Yat-sen’s government in Guangdong. Having fled Henan together with Chiang Kai-shek he returned in 1924 at the urging of Huang Fu and worked to re-establish the KMT as a legitimate political party in China. He served intermittently as an instructor in the political department of the Beijing Academy.

Bai Chongxi: A young officer, Bai attended the Baoding Academy after the Xinhai Revolution, having served as a volunteer during the anti-Qing uprisings. He serves as an officer in one of the Model Battalions and fought on the side of Li Zongren and Chen Jiongming against the Old Guangxi clique of Lu Rongting. He occupied numerous political positions representing Guangxi in Beijing and lectured at the Beijing Academy on topics related to personnel organization and the use of Muslim soldiers in the army.

German Officers

Max Bauer: Bauer was the senior German representative in Beijing, having served in the German General Staff between 1905 and 1918 as an artillery expert. Part of his goal was to establish political and economic contacts, but he advised senior Chinese officers as well. He envisioned a program for a small German-trained core of the Chinese army, and he invited numerous German experts of military intelligence and logistics to teach at Beijing.

Fedor von Bock: One of the officers invited by Bauer, von Bock was a lecturer at the German military academy before the Great War. By the mid-1920s von Bock had risen through the ranks and become a senior German officer, trusted both by the military and the government, though he remained somewhat aloof from national politics. He was the key point of contact for the German military in Beijing and directed the official military-to-military contacts between the Germans and Chinese.

Eugene Ott: An ambassador with a military background, Ott assumed the post of the German military attache in Beijing and participated in many of the events held at the Beijing Academy. He often hand-selected German officers to give lectures at the academy, and he developed many personal relations with the Chinese officers teaching there.

Italian Officers

Achille Starace: Commander of the Italian sharpshooters during the Great War, Starace quickly joined the nascent fascist movement in Italy. He became party secretary in Sicily and organized the fascist volunteer militia there. Although he lectured at the Beijing Academy his relationship with Hu Hanmin and other right-wing Chinese leaders proved to be more fruitful and important in the coming years.

Mario Roatta: A staff officer during the Great War, Roatta served as a military attache in numerous Italian embassies. He worked at the time for the Italian military intelligence and like many other officers in Beijing was there largely to develop political and military relationships, though he did lecture and trainings at the Beijing Academy.

Pietro Badoglio: The senior Italian officer in China Badoglio played a smaller political role than the other prominent Italian officers in Beijing. He opposed Benito Mussolini and as a result was sent to China to oversee the Italian mission, even if his rank would suggest a more important appointment.

Japanese Officers

Toshinari Maeda: A graduate from the Army War College in 1911, Maeda served as a military representative in Great Britain and Germany. Due to his European connections he was chosen to attend some of the meetings and events at the Beijing Academy in order to facilitate the Japanese-European military relations.

Nobuyoshi Muto: An officer during the Sino-Japanese war, Muto served afterwards as a military attache in the Russian Empire. He was a commander during the Russo-Japanese war and then became an officer in the military intelligence. He participated in the Siberian Intervention, where Japanese and Chinese troops worked together to secure parts of the Russian Far East. As a member of the Japanese General Staff he is one of the most senior officers who attended meetings in Beijing and he directed for a time the Japanese mission in Beijing until his return to Japan to take a seat on the Supreme War Council.